The neighborhood effect is an economic and social science concept that posits that neighbourhoods have either a direct or an indirect effect on individual behaviors. Although the effect of the neighbourhood was already known and studied at the beginning of the 20th century [1] and as early as the mid-19th century, [2] it has become a popular approach after the publication of the book The Truly Disadvantaged by William Julius Wilson in 1987. Wilson's theory suggests that living in a neighbourhood seriously affected by poverty affects a wide range of individual outcomes, such as economic self-sufficiency, violence, drug use, low birthweight, and cognitive ability. Many scholars and activists consider Wilson's book The Truly Disadvantaged the "bible" of scholarship on the neighborhood effect. The Truly Disadvantaged has been a stepping stone for a great deal of research on the neighbourhood effect, particularly on education, exploring the impacts of neighborhoods on an individual's outcome and performance in life. [3] Since Wilson there has been a substantial literature written on neighborhood effects, [4] and many challenges remain. [5]
In more recent years, neighborhood effects have been also studied in labour market studies, political science, epidemiology, gerontology, psychology, public health, and urban design. For example, Murray and colleagues have shown that older workers living in areas with higher unemployment are less likely to be in work ten years later [6] and retire at earlier ages. [7] A small number of studies using data from across the life course have found that neighbourhood effects on economic outcomes, such as earning, tend to accumulate over time. [8] Similar evidence has been identified for health and well-being outcomes. [9] However, it is currently unknown whether this is due to an accumulation of exposure over the life course or due to unequal selection of individuals into advantaged and disadvantaged neighborhoods over time. [10]
Some research has shown that the living conditions of the neighbourhood interact with an individual's negative life events. The same event is more likely to trigger depression in disadvantaged neighbourhoods than in neighbourhoods with a good quality of life. [11] This hypothesis is supported by Catherine Ross [12] who shows that socially disordered neighborhoods are associated with depressive symptoms. Gonzalez and colleagues [13] argue that restricted social environments, such as family, interact with a wider definition of the environment, namely the neighbourhood and the community, fostering the perception about future living conditions. Gan [14] developed a transdisciplinary neighborhood health framework based on an integrative review of articles about neighborhood effects on health of older adults.
As an example of the influence of such scholarship, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 included money to assist poor inner cities with schools, police, and homelessness. [15]
In political science the neighbourhood effect defines the tendency of a person to vote in a certain direction based upon the relational effects of the people living in the neighbourhood. The voting preference of a neighbourhood tends to be formed by consensus, where people tend to vote with the general trend of the neighbourhood. This consensus is formed by the personal connections a person forms in a community. A study done by Daniel J. Hopkins and Thad Williamson found that neighborhoods with dense populations were more likely to be politically involved than scattered communities because of the higher chance of unscripted interpersonal interaction. Increased interaction provides greater opportunity for political recruitment. [16] There also seems to be some socio-economic correlation to voting patterns, and this has also been used to predict voting behavior.
While not the first use of the term in economic writing, Milton Friedman used the concept in 1955, in his essay The Role of Government in Education, in which he suggested that: [17]
the existence of substantial "neighborhood effects" [were action where] one individual imposes significant costs on other individuals for which it is not feasible to make [the first individual] compensate them or yields significant gains to them for which it is not feasible to make them compensate [the first individual] [, and that such circumstances might] make voluntary exchange impossible
Kevin Cox used the term in 1969 in 'The Voting Decision in a Spatial Context' [18] and it was later further popularized by Ron J. Johnston in 'Political Geography' (1979) and Peter J. Taylor and G. Gudgin in 'Geography of Elections' (1979) [19] [20] It seems, at the time at least, that they were attempting to justify the use of mathematical modeling in the study of voting patterns and the correlations between spatial data. Both seem to have made a case that studying this is only possible with good quantitative data and an understanding of how people in these small spatial areas live, work, and think.[ citation needed ]
W.L. Miller, however, began work on quantifying the neighbourhood effect in 1977. In his work 'Electoral Dynamics' (1977) he formed the hypothesis that "people who talk together vote together" and began trying to quantify this controversial idea. [21] He found that majority positions are more dominant than the socio-economic statistics of individuals in the area would suggest. He suggested four models by which voting patterns may be explained:
1) The "no environmental effect" model, which postulates no differences in voting behaviour by neighbourhood type – contacts with neighbours have no influence on how people vote.
2) The "environmental effect model", which suggests that 'people may be irritated, alarmed and antagonized by contact with those unlike themselves' and become even stronger supporters of their 'class party' than might otherwise be the case – middle-class people are more pro-Conservative in working-class than middle-class areas, for example, and working-class people are less pro-Conservative in strongly middle-class areas.
3) The "consensual environmental effect" model, which argues that 'people will be influenced towards agreement with their contacts', so that, for example, 'both middle- and working-class individuals are more Conservative in middle-class areas because both sets of individuals have fewer working-class contacts and more middle-class contacts than if they lived elsewhere' – which is what most writers associate with the neighbourhood effect. [22]
4) The "Przeworski environmental effect" model, which suggests that the two classes operate in different ways – the middle class operate according to the reactive model in working-class areas, whereas the working class operate according to the consensual model in middle-class areas. [23]
Johnston makes easier to understand social parallels that can be better understood by the layman. He explains these models as (1) I talk with them and vote as they do; (2) I want to be like them so I live with them; (3) I live among them and want to be like them; (4) what I observe around me makes me vote with them; and (5) they want me to vote for them here. [24]
Cox, in a similar attempt to understand the neighbourhood effect, attempted to define how people interact. [25] He found that there was an inverse relationship between the distance and the formation of a relationship. This seems pretty straightforward and is easily applied to one's life. He also found that the relationships that people form typically have some sort of politically partisan undertones that people take in. He also found that these relationships have more of an effect on a person's political leanings than the person's prior predispositions. This is counter-intuitive because many have argued that a person will inherit their political leanings from their family. [26]
Curtice argued against the social interaction model in 'Is Talking over the Garden Fence of Political Import?' [27] Curtice argued, from his data set, that the influence on voting patterns by social interactions is of such small consequence as to be nearly negligible in explaining the neighbourhood effect.
The first group that attempted to find an empirical link between social interaction and voting patterns was R. Huckfeldt and J. Sprague. [28] They did a survey of people in Indianapolis and St. Louis to find who people are and whom they talk to about politics. The group also interviewed the people that the respondents identified as those they would be most likely to talk to about politics. They definitively found that people do vote in similar ways to those that they interacted with. This data finally gave some backing to Miller's idea that "people who talk together vote together." All of these experiments seem to lend some credence to the models that Cox theorized and Miller formed.
The neighborhood effect has broadened the study of the voter from the individual level of analysis to account for the effect of where one lives on their voting decisions. This contribution to contextual analysis has broadened the study of voter behavior.
The neighborhood effect on education refers to how neighborhoods receive different educational resources due to the neighborhood's wealth which impacts students' academic achievements such as test scores, grade point averages, and professional connections. [29] The neighborhood effect on education can impact the quality of teachers, school programs, clubs, and campus environment students might experience. Multiple studies confirm that a "neighborhood's poverty, a poor educational climate, the proportion of ethnic/migrant groups, and social disorganization" [30] together all contribute to the lack of academic success among students in that area. [31]
Human geography or anthropogeography is the branch of geography which studies spatial relationships between human communities, cultures, economies, and their interactions with the environment, examples of which include urban sprawl and urban redevelopment. It analyzes spatial interdependencies between social interactions and the environment through qualitative and quantitative methods. This multidisciplinary approach draws from sociology, anthropology, economics, and environmental science, contributing to a comprehensive understanding of the intricate connections that shape lived spaces.
Gentrification is the process of change in the character of a neighborhood through the influx of more affluent residents and investment. There is no agreed-upon definition of gentrification. In public discourse, it has been used to describe a wide array of phenomena, sometimes in a pejorative connotation.
Urbanization is the population shift from rural to urban areas, the corresponding decrease in the proportion of people living in rural areas, and the ways in which societies adapt to this change. It can also mean population growth in urban areas instead of rural ones. It is predominantly the process by which towns and cities are formed and become larger as more people begin living and working in central areas.
Peer pressure is a direct or indirect influence on peers, i.e., members of social groups with similar interests, experiences, or social statuses. Members of a peer group are more likely to influence a person's beliefs, values, religion and behavior. A group or individual may be encouraged and want to follow their peers by changing their attitudes, values or behaviors to conform to those of the influencing group or individual. For the individual affected by peer pressure, this can have both a positive or negative effect on them.
A neighbourhood or neighborhood is a geographically localized community within a larger city, town, suburb or rural area, sometimes consisting of a single street and the buildings lining it. Neighbourhoods are often social communities with considerable face-to-face interaction among members. Researchers have not agreed on an exact definition, but the following may serve as a starting point: "Neighbourhood is generally defined spatially as a specific geographic area and functionally as a set of social networks. Neighbourhoods, then, are the spatial units in which face-to-face social interactions occur—the personal settings and situations where residents seek to realise common values, socialise youth, and maintain effective social control."
The term built environment refers to human-made conditions and is often used in architecture, landscape architecture, urban planning, public health, sociology, and anthropology, among others. These curated spaces provide the setting for human activity and were created to fulfill human desires and needs. The term can refer to a plethora of components including the traditionally associated buildings, cities, public infrastructure, transportation, open space, as well as more conceptual components like farmlands, dammed rivers, wildlife management, and even domesticated animals.
Health geography is the application of geographical information, perspectives, and methods to the study of health, disease, and health care. Medical geography, a sub-discipline of, or sister field of health geography, focuses on understanding spatial patterns of health and disease in relation to the natural and social environment. Conventionally, there are two primary areas of research within medical geography: the first deals with the spatial distribution and determinants of morbidity and mortality, while the second deals with health planning, help-seeking behavior, and the provision of health services.
A food desert is an area that has limited access to food that is plentiful, affordable, or nutritious. In contrast, an area with greater access to supermarkets and vegetable shops with fresh foods may be called a food oasis. The designation considers the type and the quality of food available to the population, in addition to the accessibility of the food through the size and the proximity of the food stores.
Socioeconomic status (SES) is an economic and sociological combined total measure of a person's work experience and of an individual's or family's access to economic resources and social position in relation to others. When analyzing a family's SES, the household income and the education and occupations of its members are examined, whereas for an individual's SES only their own attributes are assessed. Recently, research has revealed a lesser-recognized attribute of SES as perceived financial stress, as it defines the "balance between income and necessary expenses". Perceived financial stress can be tested by deciphering whether a person at the end of each month has more than enough, just enough, or not enough money or resources. However, SES is more commonly used to depict an economic difference in society as a whole.
Indices of multiple deprivation (IMD) are datasets used within the UK to classify the relative deprivation of small areas. Multiple components of deprivation are weighted with different strengths and compiled into a single score of deprivation.
In the United States, housing segregation is the practice of denying African Americans and other minority groups equal access to housing through the process of misinformation, denial of realty and financing services, and racial steering. Housing policy in the United States has influenced housing segregation trends throughout history. Key legislation include the National Housing Act of 1934, the G.I. Bill, and the Fair Housing Act. Factors such as socioeconomic status, spatial assimilation, and immigration contribute to perpetuating housing segregation. The effects of housing segregation include relocation, unequal living standards, and poverty. However, there have been initiatives to combat housing segregation, such as the Section 8 housing program.
Robert J. Sampson is the Woodford L. and Ann A. Flowers University Professor at Harvard University and Director of the Social Sciences Program at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study. From 2005 through 2010, Sampson served as the Chair of the Department of Sociology at Harvard. In 2011–2012, he was elected as the President of the American Society of Criminology.
Concentrated poverty concerns the spatial distribution of socio-economic deprivation, specifically focusing on the density of poor populations. Within the United States, common usage of the term concentrated poverty is observed in the fields of policy and scholarship referencing areas of "extreme" or "high-poverty." These are defined by the US census as areas where "40 percent of the tract population [lives] below the federal poverty threshold." A large body of literature argues that areas of concentrated poverty place additional burdens on poor families residing within them, burdens beyond what these families' individual circumstances would dictate. Research also indicates that areas of concentrated poverty can have effects beyond the neighborhood in question, affecting surrounding neighborhoods not classified as "high-poverty" and subsequently limiting their overall economic potential and social cohesion. Concentrated poverty is a global phenomenon, with prominent examples world-wide. Despite differing definitions, contributing factors, and overall effects, global concentrated poverty retains its central theme of spatial density. Multiple programs have attempted to ameliorate concentrated poverty and its effects within the United States, with varying degrees of progress and to sometimes detrimental effect.
Vulnerability refers to "the quality or state of being exposed to the possibility of being attacked or harmed, either physically or emotionally." The understanding of social and environmental vulnerability, as a methodological approach, involves the analysis of the risks and assets of disadvantaged groups, such as the elderly. The approach of vulnerability in itself brings great expectations of social policy and gerontological planning. Types of vulnerability include social, cognitive, environmental, emotional or military.
Kelvyn Jones, is a British professor (Emeritus) of human quantitative geography at the University of Bristol. He focuses on the quantitative modelling of social science data with complex structure through the application of multilevel models; especially in relation to change and health outcomes. Uniquely he is an elected Fellow of the British Academy, the Academy of the Social Sciences and the Learned Society of Wales.
Environmental, ecological or green gentrification is a process in which cleaning up pollution or providing green amenities increases local property values and attracts wealthier residents to a previously polluted or disenfranchised neighbourhood. Green amenities include green spaces, parks, green roofs, gardens and green and energy efficient building materials. These initiatives can heal many environmental ills from industrialization and beautify urban landscapes. Additionally, greening is imperative for reaching a sustainable future. However, if accompanied by gentrification, these initiatives can have an ambiguous social impact. For example, if the low income households are displaced or forced to pay higher housing costs. First coined by Sieg et al. (2004), environmental gentrification is a relatively new concept, although it can be considered as a new hybrid of the older and wider topics of gentrification and environmental justice. Social implications of greening projects specifically with regards to housing affordability and displacement of vulnerable citizens. Greening in cities can be both healthy and just.
Geography of disability is a multi-disciplinary branch of human geography which studies the experiences of people with disabilities and the extent to which disability in a population can be influenced by its geographical location. Potential components of studies in a geographical analysis include the environment, politics, incidental and additional supports, and the socio-economic landscape of the region being examined. This field has become increasingly important as policymakers have become aware of the need to ensure equal access to community resources for all individuals, regardless of mobility challenges.
Transport divide refers to unequal access to transportation. It can result in the social exclusion of disadvantaged groups.
The uncertain geographic context problem or UGCoP is a source of statistical bias that can significantly impact the results of spatial analysis when dealing with aggregate data. The UGCoP is very closely related to the Modifiable areal unit problem (MAUP), and like the MAUP, arises from how we divide the land into areal units. It is caused by the difficulty, or impossibility, of understanding how phenomena under investigation in different enumeration units interact between enumeration units, and outside of a study area over time. It is particularly important to consider the UGCoP within the discipline of time geography, where phenomena under investigation can move between spatial enumeration units during the study period. Examples of research that needs to consider the UGCoP include food access and human mobility.
The neighborhood effect averaging problem or NEAP delves into the challenges associated with understanding the influence of aggregating neighborhood-level phenomena on individuals when mobility-dependent exposures influence the phenomena. The problem confounds the neighbourhood effect, which suggests that a person's neighborhood impacts their individual characteristics, such as health. It relates to the boundary problem, in that delineated neighborhoods used for analysis may not fully account for an individual's activity space if the borders are permeable, and individual mobility crosses the boundaries. The term was first coined by Mei-Po Kwan in the peer-reviewed journal "International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health" in 2018.