| |||
---|---|---|---|
Pre-war population 22 ±.5; Internally displaced 6 ±.5, Refugees 5.5 ±.5, Fatalities 0.5 ±.1 (millions)[ citation needed ] | |||
Syrian refugees | |||
By country | Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey | ||
Settlements | Camps: Jordan | ||
Internally displaced Syrians | |||
Casualties of the war | |||
Crimes | Human rights violations, massacres, rape | ||
Return of refugees, Refugees as weapons, Prosecution of war criminals | |||
Since the onset of the Syrian Civil War in March 2011, over 1.5 million Syrian refugees have fled to Lebanon, and constitute nearly one-fourth of the Lebanese population today. Lebanon currently holds the largest refugee population per capita in the world. [1]
UNHCR statistics indicate a massive influx of Syrian refugees into Lebanon between 2012 and 2014, which overwhelmed Lebanon's already crumbling infrastructure and public institutions. Between August and December 2012, the number of Syrian refugees increased from 36,000 to approximately 150,000; by May 2013, the number had increased to 463,000, and by October 2014, 1,151,057. These numbers only serve as estimates, however, given other refugees’ fear of registering with what they believed to be a pro-Assad Lebanese government. [2] The majority of Syrian refugees reside in Northern Lebanon (Akkar District) or the Beqaa Valley, Lebanon's two poorest regions. [3] Despite cooperation between NGOs and Government Institutions to provide necessary aid to Syrian refugee populations, refugees struggle to access the aid due to legal status, resource scarcity, poverty and lack of information distribution on these resources.
As of 31 January 2020 [update] , the official distribution of registered Syrian refugees in Lebanon is as follows: [4]
Location | Population | % of the total Population |
---|---|---|
Bekaa | 344,013 | 37.8% |
North Lebanon | 241,102 | 26.5% |
Beirut | 222,944 | 24.5% |
South Lebanon | 102,197 | 11.2% |
Total | 910,256 | 100% |
Of registered Syrian refugees in Lebanon, 55.3% are between the ages of 0 and 17. [4]
Along with Syrians, the influx of refugees due to the Syrian civil war included 35,000 Lebanese returnees and 31,502 Palestinian refugees from Syria. [5]
As of 2023, most Lebanese sources estimate that the Syrian population in Lebanon has reached between 1.5-2 million refugees. This is mainly due the extremely high birthrates and the number of those that are unregistered in UNHCR. [6]
The Lebanese government sought to protect its domestic workers from the sudden influx of competing workers by denying Syrian refugees the possibility of legal employment. A 2013 World Bank report found that the influx of Syrian refugees doubled Lebanon's unemployment rate, particularly impacting unskilled youth. To maintain their livelihoods, many refugees resorted to child labor and prostitution, increasing the pressure on them to return to Syria or leave Lebanon for other destinations. [7]
Between 2011 and 2013, the International Rescue Committee estimated that wages in the service and agricultural sectors dropped as much as 50%. As a result, Syrian refugees, with significant competition from local Lebanese workers, opened informal businesses selling products below market prices. These businesses are not sufficient to impact the impoverished situation of most refugees. [8]
In 2014, the International Labour Organization estimated that 50% of young Syrians did not have activities to generate income, and this figure was raised to 66% among young women. [9] The majority of Syrians find work as low- to semi-skilled laborers, with an estimated 92% working without set contracts. As such, this temporary work is heavily underpaid, intermittent, and outside of Lebanese labor protections, and fails to offer financial or job security. [9] One in ten displaced Syrian children in Lebanon is forced to complement family income through work, and is subjected to child marriage, drug and alcohol abuse, violent groups, and begging. [9]
The Lebanese government refused to set up official refugee camps to avoid the permanent settlement of Syrian refugees in Lebanon. Instead, Syrian refugees were initially sheltered in accommodation centers and any available housing as long as there was room. The majority of Syrian refugees (some 1.1 million) had to build their makeshift shelters (“informal tented settlements”) of poor quality on land rented from private landowners. [7] Refugees also sought shelter in rented rooms, apartments, and garages. [10] A 2014 assessment indicated that 30% of Syrian households lacked sufficient water, 15% lacked hygiene items, and 40% lacked proper access to latrines. [9] The 2013-2014 Lebanon Millennium Development Goals report indicated that many displaced Syrian families subsisted off of one cooked meal per day. Just 6% of displaced Syrian children aged 6–23 months eat the minimum sufficient diet according to UNICEF/WHO standards. [9]
Minimal collaboration between the public, private, NGO, and iNGO sectors in Lebanon has resulted in the fragmented provision of quality education to Syrian refugee children. The overwhelmed public sector remains incapable of providing education during emergencies due to inflexible curriculums, limited capacity, and heavily regulated teaching. As a result, most Syrian students are absorbed into the private sector for primary education, and the informal sector for supplemental education. [11] The percentage of Syrian students enrolled in public schools continues to drop due to the perception of poorer quality of education offered. [11] The 2011–2012 schoolyear posed a significant dropout rate of 70% for Syrian refugee students given a lack of supplemental resources. The failure rate among Syrian children is twice the national average of that of Lebanese children. [11]
Syrian refugee children face many difficulties in Lebanese public schools, such as physical and verbal abuse from teaching staff and fellow peers. Although frequent abuse has been reported, much more abuse remains unreported for fear of loss of place at schools. Lack of remedial and language support also constitutes a great challenge for Syrian students. After seventh grade, Lebanese public schools teach science and math in English or French, creating a major barrier to the integration and retention of Arabic-speaking Syrian students in the Lebanese education system. [11]
Currently in the Lebanese public school system, the number of Syrian school-aged children is greater than the number of Lebanese children. [8] During the 2013–2014 schoolyear, there were approximately 58,000 Syrian children in Lebanese classrooms, and 30,000 Syrian children in Syrian-only second shifts in the afternoon. [12] As of mid-2015, more than half of the students registered in Lebanese schools were Syrian. [7]
A 2014 International Labor Organization report indicated that the gross enrollment rate of Syrian refugees was around 55% for primary education (6–10 years), but as low as 13% for secondary education (11–15 years). During secondary education, boys are more likely than girls to drop out of school and start working. [8]
There are several advantages and risks posed by separate education systems for Syrian refugee children. Such a system facilitates Syrian children's adaptation to a new curriculum, as well as preserves their Syrian identity. Further, Arabic language proficiency in schools facilitate students' abilities to learn new material, and serves them in their eventual return to Syria. However, separated school systems can exacerbate tensions between Syrians and Lebanese nationals by creating a perception of lower-quality education for Syrian children, as well as strengthening religious, ethnic, and national divisions. [12]
Syrian refugees largely depend on international agencies and their nongovernmental partners for healthcare, in the absence and inability of the Lebanese health system to provide adequate healthcare. [7] Health services in Lebanon have become increasingly inaccessible to refugee populations because of the high costs incurred for treatment in a largely privatized healthcare system. [13] Furthermore, Syrian doctors in Lebanon are not allowed to treat refugee populations because of outstanding laws that protect the livelihood of local health professionals. [13]
In addition to treating Syrian refugees, the Lebanese healthcare system is also responsible for covering vulnerable Lebanese groups (living on less than US$2.4/day), Lebanese returnees from Syria, Palestinian refugees from Syria, and Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. Each social group of the population has access to different services contingent upon its level of social protection. As a result, the Lebanese healthcare system is overburdened, fractured, and inefficient. [10]
The UNHCR's public health approach in Lebanon prioritizes affordable and accessible primary health and emergency care with the aim of ensuring coverage for the greatest number of refugees in Lebanon. Syrian refugees registered with the UNHCR in Lebanon between the ages of five and sixty can access healthcare in centers managed by UNHCR's NGO partners for a fee of LP 3,000 to LP 5,000 per consultation (approx. US$2–$3). [10]
The United Nations covers 75% of the cost of emergency care for registered refugees, but the remaining 25% must be covered by refugees themselves, [13] unless they meet UNHCR's vulnerability criteria or are victims of torture, sexual violence, or gender-based violence. In these cases, 100% of costs are covered by UNHCR. [10] UNHCR expenditure reports estimate that the average out-of-cost per Syrian patient is around $1000. [14] In order to enforce payment of the remaining 25% of care from refugees, Lebanese hospitals have resorted to aggressive methods such as withholding corpses and newborns or confiscating personal IDs. [1]
A 2014 UNHCR survey report found that 24% of Syrian refugees registered with UNHCR in Lebanon had returned to Syria, and 11% had returned to obtain medical care despite risks of ongoing violent conflict. [10]
According to the Amel Association’s 2013 assessment of 90,000 displaced Syrian patients, 47% suffered from skin diseases, 27% from digestive system diseases, 19% from respiratory diseases, 7% from malnutrition, and 2% from infectious diseases. 13% of these patients were diagnosed with mental illness. [15] Campaigns spearheaded by Lebanon's Ministry of Public Health, UNICEF, and the WHO organized routine immunizations and vaccinations of Syrian refugees across the country, especially for salient diseases such as polio, measles, and cholera. [16]
Syrian refugee women's sexual and reproductive health has also been significantly affected by the lack of equitable, affordable health coverage in Lebanon. Such problems include a lack of access to emergency obstetric care, limited access to contraception, and forced cesarean sections. An increase in gender-based violence, especially intimate partner violence, early marriage, and sexual assault, has also significantly impacted Syrian refugee women's health and has resulted in fewer antenatal care visits, delayed family planning, and poorer reproductive health. [1]
Syrian refugee women and girls, in desperation to earn money or goods to afford cost of living in Lebanon, may also engage in a form of prostitution termed 'survival sex'. Others may be forced into the sex industry as a means to pay back smugglers. The exploitation of refugee women and girls in the sex industry holds serious short- and long-term physical and mental health consequences, including increased risk of experiencing gender-based violence. [17]
Efforts to meet Syrian refugees' psychological needs in Lebanon has come under particular scrutiny. The Mental Health and Psychosocial Support (MHPSS) task force was established after UNHCR's December 2013 report addressing Syrian refugees' psychosocial needs in Lebanon. The task force, which aimed to coordinate services provided by different agencies and organizations, has been considered ineffective given the significantly high demand for psychosocial support among Syrian refugee populations. [18]
Many factors like legal status, a lack of resources and poverty hinder Syrian refugees in Lebanon from accessing necessary aid to meet their basic needs. According to a 2019 Human Rights Watch World Report, 74% of the 1.5 million Syrian refugees residing in Lebanon do not have legal status. [19] To avoid detainment, arrest, or deportation, illegal Syrian refugees limit their movements as much as possible. Out of fear of prosecution for their legal status, refugees' access to vital aid and services becomes more limited. [20]
A study assessing the impacts of the Syrian refugee crisis on Lebanon found that the large influx of Syrian refugees into the country strained infrastructure including electricity, water, sanitation, municipal services, transportation and schools. [21] A Lebanon Humanitarian Fund report determined that the strain on infrastructure increases poverty and tensions between communities and heightens socioeconomic inequalities. [22] Due to the resource strain, the Lebanese Ministry of Education is unable to meet the needs of the 488,000-school aged Syrian refugee children in Lebanon, [23] causing half of them to remain out of school. [22] Food assistance provision was also determined to be insufficient, with 91% of Syrian refugees experiencing some degree of food insecurity in 2017. Inadequate access to healthcare services is also predicted to cause higher mortality rates within the Syrian refugee population. [22]
Nine out of ten Syrian refugee families currently live under the poverty line, making it difficult to access necessary services. [24] A Human Rights Watch report determined that severe economic strain makes school enrollment difficult for Syrian refugee families because of the necessary enrollment fees, transportation costs and school supply costs. [25] According to the International Labour Organization for Arab States, poverty leads Syrian refugee children to work dangerous jobs to support their families instead of attending school, subjecting them to labor exploitation. [26]
A 2016 RAND Corporation research report on the Syrian refugee crisis in Lebanon found that aside from illegal status, poverty and resource scarcity, the lack of information on aid resources is what prevents refugees from accessing necessary resources. The lack of access to aid resources is attributed to an information gap in understanding what resources are available and under what conditions one can or cannot be eligible for aid. Additionally, Syrian refugees in Lebanon reportedly perceived aid provision as "random, unfair, corrupt, unequal, insufficient, or unresponsive". [27]
The Lebanese government's response to the Syrian refugee crisis has been largely shaped by the long-term presence of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. Following the aftermath of the Palestine War in 1948, Lebanon welcomed Palestinian refugees in the expectation that their presence would be temporary. In response to the continual settlement of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon nearly seven decades later, Lebanon decided not to grant citizenship to Syrian refugees in order to protect its own fragile sectarian balance. [7] The influx of Syrian refugees, mostly Sunni Muslims, has increased the demographic weight of Sunnis in Lebanon. Currently, Sunnis are the third largest confessional group in Lebanon; as political power in Lebanon is distributed on a confessional basis, the demographic shift holds significant implications for Lebanese politics. [28]
The governmental deadlock created by the failure to elect a new president, as well as tension between Sunni and Shia Lebanese communities with regards to the fragile sectarian violence, resulted in the Lebanese government's “semi-laissez faire” policy towards Syrian refugees as they entered the country unabated. [7] Despite praise from human rights organizations and the UNHCR for its open border policy, the Lebanese government officially decided to remain neutral with regards to the Syrian conflict due to pro- and anti-Assad members in its government. Consequently, international organizations such as the UNHCR took primary responsibility for dealing with Syrian refugees. [29]
The Lebanese government attempted to control the influx of Syrian refugees into the country after the number of refugees reached 1,000,000 in 2014. In October 2014, refugees' access to territory in Lebanon was diminished and their return to Syria was officially encouraged by policies introduced by the Council of Ministers. [29] The government also imposed a visa requirement for Syrian refugees arriving to Lebanon, as well as new procedures for renewing residency permits. [7] Shortly thereafter, the government declared it would take the lead role in dealing with the Syrian refugee crisis amidst claims that the UNHCR infringed upon its sovereignty. By March 2015, the number of registered refugees in the country had reached 1,200,000; on May 6, 2015, the government suspended official registration mechanisms to reduce the official number of refugees in the country. [29]
The Lebanese government issued the Lebanon Crisis Response Plan (LCRP) in 2015 (which was modified and reissued in 2017) in coordination with the UNHCR. The LCRP formed part of the Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan (3RP) that detailed response to the refugee crisis in the Levant, Turkey, Iraq, and Egypt. Notably, the LCRP reaffirmed that because Lebanon had not ratified the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol, it could not officially be considered a country of asylum. [29]
Resentment among the general Lebanese public toward Syrian refugees is exacerbated by rising prices and unemployment, as Lebanese families are paying directly for the Syrian crisis. This holds particularly salient in communities in the Beqaa Valley and the north of the country, which historically were economically marginalized and underdeveloped with respect to social services and infrastructure. [8] A 2013 poll in Lebanon found that 52% of respondents believed that Syrian refugees threatened national security and stability, and 90% of respondents believed that the Syrian conflict hindered the Lebanese government's ability to protect its citizens. [7]
Militants are often mixed in with refugee flows into Lebanon near the Lebanon-Syria border. As such, there have been reports of militant groups recruiting fighters from Lebanon's refugee populations. [28]
Some Syrian refugee camps in Lebanon have served as bases for jihadist groups fighting in Syria. Between 2014 and 2015, Sunni jihadists affiliated with Jabhat al-Nusra (now Hayat Tahrir al-Sham) reportedly attacked Shi'a Lebanese groups on several occasions. [30] Further, ISIS was believed to be recruiting Syrian youth in Lebanon, taking advantage of their anger and disillusionment. [18]
On September 19 and 25, 2014, the Lebanese army raided several refugee camps and arrested refugees for alleged acts of terrorism. [3]
This is a demography of the population of Lebanon including population density, education level, health of the populace, economic status, religious affiliations and other aspects of the population.
A refugee, conventionally speaking, is a person who has lost the protection of their country of origin and who cannot or is unwilling to return there due to well-founded fear of persecution. Such a person may be called an asylum seeker until granted refugee status by the contracting state or the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) if they formally make a claim for asylum.
Palestinian refugees are citizens of Mandatory Palestine, and their descendants, who fled or were expelled from their country over the course of the 1947–1949 Palestine war and the Six-Day War. Most Palestinian refugees live in or near 68 Palestinian refugee camps across Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. In 2019 more than 5.6 million Palestinian refugees were registered with the United Nations.
A refugee camp is a temporary settlement built to receive refugees and people in refugee-like situations. Refugee camps usually accommodate displaced people who have fled their home country, but camps are also made for internally displaced people. Usually, refugees seek asylum after they have escaped war in their home countries, but some camps also house environmental and economic migrants. Camps with over a hundred thousand people are common, but as of 2012, the average-sized camp housed around 11,400. They are usually built and run by a government, the United Nations, international organizations, or non-governmental organization. Unofficial refugee camps, such as Idomeni in Greece or the Calais jungle in France, are where refugees are largely left without the support of governments or international organizations.
Human rights in Lebanon refers to the state of human rights in Lebanon, which were considered to be on par with global standards in 2004. Some believed to be criminals and terrorists are said to be detained without charge for both short and long periods of time. Freedom of speech and of the press are ensured to the citizens by the Lebanese laws which protect the freedom of each citizen. Palestinians living in Lebanon are heavily deprived of basic civil rights. They cannot own homes or land, and are barred from becoming lawyers, engineers and doctors. However, the Lebanese government has reduced the number of restricted jobs and created a national dialogue committee for the issue. During the Arab Spring, Lebanon experienced major protests and sectarian violence, but avoided the large-scale political upheaval seen in many parts of the Arab world.
Refugees of Iraq are Iraqi nationals who have fled Iraq due to war or persecution. Throughout 1980 until 2017, there were a large number of refugees fleeing Iraq and settling throughout the world, peaking with the Iraq War and continued until the end of the most recent War in Iraq (2013–2017). Precipitated by a series of conflicts including the Kurdish rebellions during the Iran–Iraq War, Iraq's Invasion of Kuwait (1990) and the Gulf War (1991), the subsequent sanctions against Iraq (1991–2003), culminating in the Iraq War and the subsequent War in Iraq (2013–2017), millions were forced by insecurity to flee their homes in Iraq. Like the majority of refugees worldwide, Iraqi refugees established themselves in urban areas in other countries rather than in refugee camps. In April 2007, there was an estimate of over four million Iraqi refugees around the world, including 1.9 million in Iraq, 2 million in neighboring Middle East countries, and around 200,000 in countries outside the Middle East. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has led the humanitarian efforts for Iraqi refugees. The Iraqi displacement of several million was the largest in the Middle East at the time, and was even larger than the number of Palestinians who were displaced in 1948 during the creation of the state of Israel.
Iraqis in Lebanon are people of Iraqi origin residing in Lebanon and Lebanese citizens of Iraqi ancestry. Statistics for Iraqi refugees in Lebanon vary, but typically put the number at around 50,000.
Palestinians in Iraq are people of Palestinians, most of whom have been residing in Iraq after they were displaced in 1948. Before 2003, there were approximately 34,000 Palestinians thought to be living in Iraq, mainly concentrated in Baghdad. However, since the 2003 Iraq War, the figure lies between 10,000–13,000, although a precise figure has been hard to determine. The situation of Palestinians in Iraq deteriorated after the fall of Saddam Hussein and particularly following the bombing of the Al-Askari Mosque in 2006. Since then, with the rise in insecurity throughout Iraq, they have been the target of expulsion, persecution and violence by Shia militants, and the new Iraqi Government with militant groups targeting them for preferential treatment they received under the Ba'ath Party rule. Currently, several hundred Palestinians from Iraq are living in border camps, after being refused entry to neighbouring Jordan and Syria. Others have been resettled to third countries.
Iraqis in Syria are Syrian citizens of Iraqi origin and Iraqi residents in Syria.
Palestinians in Lebanon include the Palestinian refugees who fled to Lebanon during the 1948 Palestine War, their descendants, the Palestinian militias which resided in Lebanon in the 1970s and 1980s, and Palestinian nationals who moved to Lebanon from countries experiencing conflict, such as Syria. There are roughly 3,000 registered Palestinians and their descendants who hold no identification cards, including refugees of the 1967 Naksa. Many Palestinians in Lebanon are refugees and their descendants, who have been barred from naturalisation, retaining stateless refugee status. However, some Palestinians, mostly Christian women, have received Lebanese citizenship, in some cases through marriage with Lebanese nationals.
Refugees of the Syrian civil war are citizens and permanent residents of Syria who have fled the country throughout the Syrian civil war. The pre-war population of the Syrian Arab Republic was estimated at 22 million (2017), including permanent residents. Of that number, the United Nations (UN) identified 13.5 million (2016) as displaced persons, requiring humanitarian assistance. Of these, since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011 more than six million (2016) were internally displaced, and around five million (2016) had crossed into other countries, seeking asylum or placed in Syrian refugee camps worldwide. It is often described as one of the largest refugee crises in history.
Nearly half of all refugees are children, and almost one in three children living outside their country of birth is a refugee. These numbers encompass children whose refugee status has been formally confirmed, as well as children in refugee-like situations.
Syrian refugee camp and shelters are temporary settlements built to receive internally displaced people and refugees of the Syrian Civil War. Of the estimated 7 million persons displaced within Syria, only a small minority live in camps or collective shelters. Similarly, of the 8 million refugees, only about 10 percent live in refugee camps, with the vast majority living in both urban and rural areas of neighboring countries. Beside Syrians, they include Iraqis, Palestinians, Kurds, Yazidis, individuals from Somalia, and a minority of those who fled the Yemeni and Sudanese civil wars.
Refugees in Jordan rose with the uprising against the Syrian government and its President Bashar al-Assad. Close to 13,000 Syrians per day began pouring into Jordan to reside in its refugee camps.
Palestinians in Syria are people of Palestinian origin, most of whom have been residing in Syria after they were displaced from their homeland during the 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight. Palestinians hold most of the same rights as the Syrian population, but cannot become Syrian nationals except in rare cases. In 2011, there were 526,744 registered Palestinian refugees in Syria. Due to the Syrian Civil War, the number of registered refugees has since dropped to about 450,000 due to many Palestinians fleeing to Lebanon, Jordan or elsewhere in the region to escaping to Europe as refugees, especially to Germany and Sweden.
Syrians in Lebanon refers to the Syrian migrant workers and, more recently, to the Syrian refugees who fled to Lebanon during the Syrian Civil War. The relationship between Lebanon and Syria includes Maronite-requested aid during Lebanon's Civil War which led to a 29-year occupation of Lebanon by Syria ending in 2005. Following the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War, refugees began entering Lebanon in 2011. Lebanon's response towards the influx of refugees has been criticized as negative, with the Lebanese government leaving them undocumented and limited and attacks on Syrian refugees by Lebanese citizens which go unaddressed by authorities. Despite the strained relationship between the Syrians and Lebanese, taking into consideration only Syrian refugees, Lebanon has the highest number of refugees per capita in the world, with one refugee per four nationals. The power dynamic and position of Syria and Lebanon changed drastically in such a short amount of time, it is inevitable that sentiments and prejudices prevailed despite progressions and changes in circumstance.
A refugee crisis can refer to difficulties and dangerous situations in the reception of large groups of forcibly displaced persons. These could be either internally displaced, refugees, asylum seekers or any other huge groups of migrants.
Egypt, which does not border Syria, became a major destination for Syrian refugees since 2012 following the election of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi, who was a critic of Bashar al-Assad in the Syrian Civil War. As of 2016, there are 114,911 registered Syrian refugees living in Egypt.
The Malaysian Social Research Institute (MSRI) is a Kuala Lumpur-based non-governmental organization that serves refugees and asylum seekers from countries other than Myanmar. Originally established in 1959 as a research institute, hence its name, the MSRI transitioned to aid programmes during the Lebanese Civil War, though it still produces academic findings. There are over 150,000 refugees and asylum seekers registered with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Malaysia. With the majority of refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia coming from Myanmar, MSRI targets minority groups composed of refugees and asylum seekers hailing from East Africa, the Middle East, and Central Asia. Some of the many minority refugee and asylum seeker groups Malaysian Social Research Institute works with are Afghans, Somalis, and Syrians. Refugees have few rights in Malaysia as Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, making MSRI's work especially difficult.
Refugees of the Syrian Civil War in Turkey are the Syrian refugees fleeing the Syrian Civil War. The Republic of Turkey hosts over 3.7 million registered refugees.
{{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires |journal=
(help){{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires |journal=
(help)