Reichstag Peace Resolution

Last updated

The Reichstag Peace Resolution passed by the Reichstag of the German Empire on 19 July 1917 was an attempt to seek a negotiated peace treaty to end World War I. The resolution called for no annexations, no indemnities, freedom of the seas, and international arbitration. Although it was rejected by the conservative parties, the German High Command, and the Allied powers [1] and thus had no effect on the progress of the war, it brought the moderate parties that supported the resolution into a group that would shape much of the Weimar Republic's politics.

Contents

Background

Matthias Erzberger Bundesarchiv Bild 146-1989-072-16, Matthias Erzberger.jpg
Matthias Erzberger

When Germany resumed unrestricted submarine warfare on 1 February 1917, the military predicted that Britain would be forced to make peace within six months, [2] but by the summer it was clear that the goal would not be achieved. Unrestricted submarine warfare was also one of the principal reasons for the United States entry into World War I on the side of the Allies in April, further complicating the German war effort. [3] On 6 July 1917, in the main committee of the Reichstag, Centre Party deputy Matthias Erzberger recommended that Germany continue the war but end unrestricted submarine warfare and seek a negotiated peace (Verständigungsfrieden). [4] It was a position that was in stark contrast to the far-reaching annexation plans of the Pan-German League and most of the deputies in the Reichstag's conservative parties. [5] The Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the Progressive People's Party (FVP), on the other hand, had already advocated for a peace initiative. [6] By proposing the peace resolution, Erzberger hoped to secure the Social Democrats' approval for the continuation of war credits.

Erzberger's efforts led to the Reichstag Peace Resolution drafted by the newly formed Inter-Party Committee (Interfraktionellen Ausschuss) that included representatives of the SPD, FVP, Centre and, initially, National Liberal parties. It was the first time that the Reichstag had attempted to actively intervene in the political events of the war. The resolution was intended to announce the Reich's readiness for peace to the world, in particular its ally Austria-Hungary, which under the dual monarchy's new emperor, Charles I, was pressing for peace. [7]

Content

The text of the document: [8]

As it did on August 4, 1914, the word uttered from the throne still holds true for the German people at the threshold of the war’s fourth year: “We seek no conquest.” Germany resorted to arms in order to protect its freedom and independence, to defend its territorial integrity.

The Reichstag strives for a peace of understanding, [lower-alpha 1] for durable reconciliation among the peoples of the world. Territorial acquisitions achieved by force and violations of political, economic, or financial integrity are incompatible with such a peace.

The Reichstag furthermore rejects all plans that envisage economic exclusion or continuing enmity among nations after the war. The freedom of the seas must be guaranteed. Only economic peace will lay the groundwork for amicable coexistence among the peoples of the world.

The Reichstag will actively promote the creation of international legal organisations. As long, however, as enemy governments do not agree to such a peace, as long as they threaten Germany and its allies with territorial conquests and violations, the German people will stand together as one man, persevere unshakably, and fight on until its right and the right of its allies to life and free development is guaranteed.

United, the German people is unconquerable. In its determination, the Reichstag stands united with the men who are protecting the Fatherland in heroic combat. They can be certain of the never-ending gratitude of the entire nation.

  1. Verständigungsfrieden – more commonly translated as 'negotiated peace'

The resolution, introduced by Erzberger, Eduard David, Friedrich Ebert, and Philipp Scheidemann – the latter three from the SPD – was adopted by a vote of 216 to 126. In favour were the SPD, Centre, and Progressive People's Party; against were the National Liberals, Conservatives, and Independent Social Democrats (USPD) [9] – a more leftist and antiwar party that had broken away from the SPD in April 1917 and that opposed the resolution because they saw it as ambiguous and the product of foreign and domestic policy tactics. The resolution's supporters were the parties that had held the majority in the Reichstag since 1912 and would later form the Weimar Coalition, the group that was most supportive of the republic during the Weimar era.

Consequences

Michaelis' opposition

German chancellor Georg Michaelis Georg Michaelis (cropped).jpg
German chancellor Georg Michaelis

The Reichstag Peace Resolution was passed five days after Georg Michaelis was appointed Reich chancellor to replace Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg who had lost the support of the majority in the Reichstag and was strongly opposed by Germany's military leaders. [10] Michaelis was inwardly an opponent of the peace resolution: "I was clear about the fact that I could not accept the resolution in such a form." [11] An overt conflict, however, did not occur since Michaelis said that he accepted the resolution, presenting it in his inaugural address as a workable framework but speaking of the "resolution as I conceive it." [12] The policy of the peace resolution was therefore stillborn under Michaelis. [13]

Significance for German war aims

The peace resolution did not mean a renunciation of Germany's war aims. Even Erzberger, who was later ostracised by the political right for signing the Armistice of 11 November 1918 and for his insistence on approving the Treaty of Versailles, and who was assassinated in 1921 by members of the right-wing terrorist group Organisation Consul, thought that German interests in Belgium and the east were not affected by the resolution.[ citation needed ] The practical significance and implementation of the peace resolution was called into question from the outset by Michaelis' Reichstag speech demanding that Germany's borders be secured for all time, within the peace resolution "as I conceive it." [14]

The "best chance during the war to reach an amicable peace" [15] passed by unused when in August and September 1917 no negotiations were started on the basis of the peace resolution under the mediation offered by Pope Benedict XV.

Effects

Erich Ludendorff in 1915 Bundesarchiv Bild 183-2005-0828-525 Erich Ludendorff (cropped)(b).jpg
Erich Ludendorff in 1915

General Erich Ludendorff attributed the majority parties' change in attitude towards war aims to a "relapse of sentiment" and a "prevalence of international, pacifist, defeatist thinking". [16] As a direct counter-reaction to the peace resolution, the annexationist, ethno-nationalist German Fatherland Party [17] was founded with Ludendorff's participation. Along with the German Conservative Party, it was the most significant predecessor of the national-conservative German National People's Party that was founded in late November 1918 and became an important force during the Weimar Republic.

In spite of the adoption of the peace resolution, the Reichstag majority and the Supreme Army Command (OHL) did not subsequently stand as two opposing political camps. The newly formed "war-goal majority" in the Reichstag, in cooperation with the OHL and the Reich government, succeeded in repressing the peace resolution's offers in the period that followed. Heightened by annexation fanaticism and the Fatherland Party on the one hand and by war weariness, hunger, and the Independent Social Democrats on the other, the social and political divide became increasingly irreconcilable as the last year of the war began. The class antagonisms of German society visibly intensified. [18] After the war, the peace resolution was seen by the radical right as part of the "stab in the back" against the German Army. [19]

The Allies condemned the resolution as unacceptable. In line with Erzberger's own views, they believed that under the resolution Germany would keep the territory in France that it had occupied, along with both Belgium and Luxemburg, because the German people would not accept arbitration over what they had suffered so long to gain. [20] The peace resolution was, however, a first step towards inter-party cooperation and full parliamentarisation of the Reichstag. The combination of political Catholicism, the workers' movement, and liberalism became a driving force behind the moderate outcome of the Revolution of 1918–1919 and in the political development of the Weimar Republic. [6]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Stab-in-the-back myth</span> Antisemitic and anticommunist conspiracy theory promulgated in Germany after World War I

The stab-in-the-back myth was an antisemitic and anticommunist conspiracy theory that was widely believed and promulgated in Germany after 1918. It maintained that the Imperial German Army did not lose World War I on the battlefield, but was instead betrayed by certain citizens on the home front – especially Jews, revolutionary socialists who fomented strikes and labour unrest, and republican politicians who had overthrown the House of Hohenzollern in the German Revolution of 1918–1919. Advocates of the myth denounced the German government leaders who had signed the Armistice of 11 November 1918 as the "November criminals".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Prince Maximilian of Baden</span> Chancellor of Germany, 1918

Maximilian, Margrave of Baden, also known as Max von Baden, was a German prince, general, and politician. He was heir presumptive to the throne of the Grand Duchy of Baden, and in October and November 1918 briefly served as the last chancellor of the German Empire and minister-president of Prussia. He sued for peace on Germany's behalf at the end of World War I based on U.S. President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and took steps towards transforming the government into a parliamentary system. As the German Revolution of 1918–1919 spread, he handed over the office of chancellor to SPD Chairman Friedrich Ebert and unilaterally proclaimed the abdication of Emperor Wilhelm II. Both events took place on 9 November 1918, marking the beginning of the Weimar Republic.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg</span> German politician (1856–1921)

Theobald Theodor Friedrich Alfred von Bethmann Hollweg was a German politician who was Chancellor of the German Empire from 1909 to 1917. He oversaw the German entry into World War I and played a key role during its first three years. He was replaced as chancellor in July 1917 due in large part to opposition to his moderate policies by leaders in the military.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">German People's Party</span> Political party in Germany

The German People's Party was a conservative-liberal political party during the Weimar Republic that was the successor to the National Liberal Party of the German Empire. Along with the left-liberal German Democratic Party (DDP), it represented political liberalism in Germany between 1918 and 1933.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Friedrich Ebert</span> President of Germany from 1919 to 1925

Friedrich Ebert was a German politician of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the first president of Germany from 1919 until his death in office in 1925.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Georg Michaelis</span> Former Chancellor of the German Empire and Minister President of Prussia

Georg Michaelis was the chancellor of the German Empire for a few months in 1917. He was the first chancellor not of noble birth to hold the office. With an economic background in business, Michaelis' main achievement was to encourage the ruling classes to open peace talks with Russia. Contemplating that the end of the war was near, he encouraged infrastructure development to facilitate recovery at war's end through the media of Mitteleuropa. A somewhat humourless character, known for process engineering, Michaelis was faced with insurmountable problems of logistics and supply in his brief period as chancellor.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Philipp Scheidemann</span> German politician (1865–1939)

Philipp Heinrich Scheidemann was a German politician of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). In the first quarter of the 20th century he played a leading role in both his party and in the young Weimar Republic. During the German Revolution of 1918–1919 that broke out after Germany's defeat in World War I, Scheidemann proclaimed a German Republic from a balcony of the Reichstag building. In 1919 he was elected Reich Minister President by the National Assembly meeting in Weimar to write a constitution for the republic. He resigned the office the same year due to a lack of unanimity in the cabinet on whether or not to accept the terms of the Treaty of Versailles.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Georg von Hertling</span> German chancellor (1843–1919)

Georg Friedrich Karl Freiherr von Hertling, from 1914 Count von Hertling, was a German politician of the Catholic Centre Party. He was foreign minister and minister president of Bavaria, then chancellor of the German Reich and minister president of Prussia from 1 November 1917 to 30 September 1918. He was the first party politician to hold the two offices; all the others were non-partisan.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">German Revolution of 1918–1919</span> 1918–19 overthrow of the German Empire by rebel forces

The German Revolution of 1918–1919 or November Revolution took place in Germany at the end of World War I. It began with the downfall of the German Empire and eventually resulted in the establishment of the Weimar Republic. The revolutionary period lasted from November 1918 until the adoption of the Weimar Constitution in August 1919. Among the factors leading to the revolution were the extreme burdens suffered by the German population during the four years of war, the economic and psychological impacts of the German Empire's defeat by the Allies, and growing social tensions between the general population and the aristocratic and bourgeois elite.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Weimar Coalition</span>

The Weimar Coalition is the name given to the coalition government formed by the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), the German Democratic Party (DDP) and the German Centre Party (DZP), who together had a large majority of the delegates to the Constituent Assembly that met at Weimar in 1919, and were the principal groups that designed the constitution of the Weimar Republic. These three parties were seen as the most committed to Germany's new democratic system, and together governed Germany until the elections of 1920, when the first elections under the new constitution were held, and both the SPD and especially the DDP lost a considerable share of their votes. Although the Coalition was revived in the ministry of Joseph Wirth from 1921 to 1922, the pro-democratic elements never truly had a majority in the Reichstag from this point on, and the situation gradually grew worse for them with the continued weakening of the DDP. This meant that any pro-republican group that hoped to attain a majority would need to form a "Grand Coalition" with the conservative-liberal German People's Party (DVP), which only gradually moved from monarchism to republicanism over the course of the Weimar Republic and was virtually wiped out politically after the death of their most prominent figure, Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann in 1929.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Matthias Erzberger</span> German politician (1875–1921)

Matthias Erzberger was a politician of the Catholic Centre Party, member of the Reichstag and minister of finance of Germany from 1919 to 1920.

In the fourteen years the Weimar Republic was in existence, some forty parties were represented in the Reichstag. This fragmentation of political power was in part due to the use of a peculiar proportional representation electoral system that encouraged regional or small special interest parties and in part due to the many challenges facing the nascent German democracy in this period.

The Ebert–Groener pact, sometimes called the Ebert-Groener deal, was an agreement between the Social Democrat Friedrich Ebert, at the time the Chancellor of Germany, and Wilhelm Groener, Quartermaster General of the German Army, on November 10, 1918. This occurred on the day after the German Revolution had brought Ebert to power.

The German Fatherland Party was a short-lived far-right political party active in the German Empire during the last phase of World War I. It rejected the Reichstag Peace Resolution of July 1917, which called for a negotiated peace without annexations. The Fatherland Party is considered the first attempt at reconciliation and cooperation between the traditional right, characteristic of the Wilhelmine Period, and militant nationalists of the extreme right who would become popular during the interwar period.

<i>Burgfriedenspolitik</i> Political truce in WWI Germany

Burgfriedenspolitik was a political truce between the German Empire's parliamentary parties during World War I. They agreed not to criticise the government's handling of the war, to keep their disagreements out of public view and to postpone elections until after the end of the war. In addition, three major associations of trade unions promised not to strike. The informal agreement was seen as proof of Germany's national unity in waging what was presented by the imperial leadership as a defensive war.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Weimar National Assembly</span> 1919–20 German constitutional convention and parliament

The Weimar National Assembly, officially the German National Constitutional Assembly, was the popularly elected constitutional convention and de facto parliament of Germany from 6 February 1919 to 21 May 1920. As part of its duties as the interim government, it debated and reluctantly approved the Treaty of Versailles that codified the peace terms between Germany and the victorious Allies of World War I. The Assembly drew up and approved the Weimar Constitution that was in force from 1919 to 1933. With its work completed, the National Assembly was dissolved on 21 May 1920. Following the election of 6 June 1920, the new Reichstag met for the first time on 24 June 1920, taking the place of the Assembly.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Scheidemann cabinet</span> First government under the Weimar Republic

The Scheidemann cabinet, headed by Minister President Philipp Scheidemann of the Social Democratic Party (SPD), was Germany's first democratically elected national government. It took office on 13 February 1919, three months after the collapse of the German Empire following Germany's defeat in World War I. Although the Weimar Constitution was not in force yet, it is generally counted as the first government of the Weimar Republic.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hertling cabinet</span> 1917–18 cabinet of the German Empire

The Hertling cabinet, headed by Georg von Hertling of the Centre Party, was the seventh government of the German Empire and the first that had come about after consulting with the majority parties in the Reichstag. The cabinet took office on 1 November 1917 when it replaced the Michaelis cabinet, which had been dismissed after losing the support of Emperor Wilhelm II and most parties in the Reichstag.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">German constitutional reforms of October 1918</span>

The German constitutional reforms of October 1918 consisted of several constitutional and legislative changes that transformed the German Empire into a parliamentary monarchy for a brief period at the end of the First World War. The reforms, which took effect on 28 October 1918, made the office of Reich chancellor dependent on the confidence of the Reichstag rather than that of the German emperor and required the consent of both the Reichstag and the Bundesrat for declarations of war and for peace agreements.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Reichstag inquiry into guilt for World War I</span> 1919–1932 investigation in Germany

The Reichstag inquiry into guilt for World War I was a parliamentary committee in Weimar Germany that was tasked with investigating the events that had led to the "outbreak, prolongation and loss of the First World War". It was established by the Reichstag on 21 August 1919, after Article 231 of the Treaty of Versailles had imposed sole responsibility for the war on Germany and her allies.

References

  1. Ryder, A. J. (1967). The German Revolution of 1918: A Study of Socialism in War and Revolt. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 87–93.
  2. Steffen, Dirk (22 December 1916). "von Holtzendorff's Memo". The World War I Document Archive. Archived from the original on 18 October 2018.
  3. Doenecke, Justus D. (2011). Nothing Less Than War: A New History of America's Entry Into World War I. Studies in Conflict, Diplomacy and Peace Series. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. p. 286. ISBN   978-0-8131-3002-6.
  4. Christopher, Beckmann (19 September 1875). "Matthias Erzberger". Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (in German). Retrieved 31 January 2023.
  5. Hofmeister, Björn (26 October 2016). "Pan-German League". 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War. Retrieved 31 January 2023.
  6. 1 2 Rimmele, Eva. "Friedensresolution des Deutschen Reichstags, 19. Juli 1917" [Peace Resolution of the German Reichstag 19 July 1917]. 100(0) Schlüsseldokumente (in German). Retrieved 31 January 2023.
  7. Rill, Robert (19 August 2015). "Charles I, Emperor of Austria". 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War. Retrieved 31 January 2023.
  8. Verhey, Jeffrey; Chickering, Roger (trans.). "The Reichstag's Peace Resolution (July 19, 1917)". GHDI - German History in Documents and Images. Retrieved 31 January 2023.
  9. Ribhegge, Wilhelm (1988). Frieden für Europa. Die Politik der deutschen Reichstagsmehrheit 1917/18[Peace for Europe. The Policy of the German Reichstag Majority 1917/18] (in German). Berlin: Reimar Hobbing. pp. 183–185. ISBN   978-3920460444.
  10. Lerman, Katharine Anne (28 September 2016). "Bethmann Hollweg, Theobald von". 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War. Retrieved 1 February 2023.
  11. Michaelis, Georg (1922). Für Staat und Volk. Eine Lebensgeschichte [For State and People. A Life Story] (in German). Berlin. p. 326.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  12. ""Ein neues Deutschland" - Antrittsrede des Reichskanzlers" ["A New Germany" - Inaugural Speech of the Reich Chancellor]. Frankfurter Zeitung (in German). 20 July 1917. Retrieved 13 October 2018.
  13. Epstein, Klaus (1960). "Der Interfraktionelle Ausschuss und das Problem der Parlamentarisierung 1917–1918" [The Inter-Party Committee and the Problem of Parliamentarization 1917–1918]. Historische Zeitschrift (in German). 562 (191): 576. doi:10.1524/hzhz.1960.191.jg.562. S2CID   164593458.
  14. Michaelis, Georg (1922). Für Staat und Volk. Eine Lebensgeschichte [For State and People. A Life Story] (in German). Berlin. pp. 328 f.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  15. Epstein, Klaus (1960). "Der Interfraktionelle Ausschuss und das Problem der Parlamentarisierung" [The Inter-Party Committee and the Problem of Parliamentarization]. Historische Zeitschrift (in German). 562 (191): 581. doi:10.1524/hzhz.1960.191.jg.562. S2CID   164593458.
  16. Ludendorff, Erich (1922). Kriegführung und Politik [Warfare and Politics] (in German). Berlin: E. S. Mittler & Sohn. p. 243.
  17. Deutschlands Schicksal an Erzbergers Spinnrocken[Germany's Fate on Erzberger's Spindle] (in German). Dresden: Landesverein der deutschen Vaterlandspartei im Kgr. Sachsen. 1917.
  18. Wehler, Hans-Ulrich (1977). Das Deutsche Kaiserreich 1871–1918[The German Empire 1871–1918] (in German). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. p. 207.
  19. "Die Deutsche Zentrumspartei (Zentrum)" [The German Centre Party (Zentrum)]. Deutsches Historisches Museum (in German).
  20. "Die Feldherren wollen siegen, der Kanzler lehnt die Resolution ab" [The commanders want to win, the chancellor rejects the resolution]. Süddeutsche Zeitung (in German). 19 July 2017.