The Reichstag Peace Resolution passed by the Reichstag of the German Empire on 19 July 1917 was an attempt to seek a negotiated peace treaty to end World War I. The resolution called for no annexations, no indemnities, freedom of the seas, and international arbitration. Although it was rejected by the conservative parties, the German High Command, and the Allied powers [1] and thus had no effect on the progress of the war, it brought the moderate parties that supported the resolution into a group that would shape much of the Weimar Republic's politics.
When Germany resumed unrestricted submarine warfare on 1 February 1917, the military predicted that Britain would be forced to make peace within six months, [2] but by the summer it was clear that the goal would not be achieved. Unrestricted submarine warfare was also one of the principal reasons for the United States entry into World War I on the side of the Allies in April, further complicating the German war effort. [3] On 6 July 1917, in the main committee of the Reichstag, Centre Party deputy Matthias Erzberger recommended that Germany continue the war but end unrestricted submarine warfare and seek a negotiated peace (Verständigungsfrieden). [4] It was a position that was in stark contrast to the far-reaching annexation plans of the Pan-German League and most of the deputies in the Reichstag's conservative parties. [5] The Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the Progressive People's Party (FVP), on the other hand, had already advocated for a peace initiative. By proposing the peace resolution, Erzberger hoped to secure the Social Democrats' approval for the continuation of war credits. [6]
Erzberger's efforts led to the Reichstag Peace Resolution drafted by the newly formed Inter-Party Committee (Interfraktionellen Ausschuss) that included representatives of the SPD, FVP, Centre and, initially, National Liberal parties. It was the first time that the Reichstag had attempted to actively intervene in the political events of the war. The resolution was intended to announce the Reich's readiness for peace to the world, in particular its ally Austria-Hungary, which under the dual monarchy's new emperor, Charles I, was pressing for peace. [7]
The text of the document: [8]
As it did on August 4, 1914, the word uttered from the throne still holds true for the German people at the threshold of the war’s fourth year: “We seek no conquest.” Germany resorted to arms in order to protect its freedom and independence, to defend its territorial integrity.
The Reichstag strives for a peace of understanding, [a] for durable reconciliation among the peoples of the world. Territorial acquisitions achieved by force and violations of political, economic, or financial integrity are incompatible with such a peace.
The Reichstag furthermore rejects all plans that envisage economic exclusion or continuing enmity among nations after the war. The freedom of the seas must be guaranteed. Only economic peace will lay the groundwork for amicable coexistence among the peoples of the world.
The Reichstag will actively promote the creation of international legal organisations. As long, however, as enemy governments do not agree to such a peace, as long as they threaten Germany and its allies with territorial conquests and violations, the German people will stand together as one man, persevere unshakably, and fight on until its right and the right of its allies to life and free development is guaranteed.
United, the German people is unconquerable. In its determination, the Reichstag stands united with the men who are protecting the Fatherland in heroic combat. They can be certain of the never-ending gratitude of the entire nation.
The resolution, introduced by Erzberger, Eduard David, Friedrich Ebert, and Philipp Scheidemann – the latter three from the SPD – was adopted by a vote of 216 to 126. In favour were the SPD, Centre, and Progressive People's Party; against were the National Liberals, Conservatives, and Independent Social Democrats (USPD) [9] – a more leftist and antiwar party that had broken away from the SPD in April 1917 and that opposed the resolution because they saw it as ambiguous and the product of foreign and domestic policy tactics. The resolution's supporters were the parties that had held the majority in the Reichstag since 1912 and would later form the Weimar Coalition, the group that was most supportive of the republic during the Weimar era.
The Reichstag Peace Resolution was passed five days after Georg Michaelis was appointed Reich chancellor to replace Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg who had lost the support of the majority in the Reichstag and was strongly opposed by Germany's military leaders. [10] Michaelis was inwardly an opponent of the peace resolution: "I was clear about the fact that I could not accept the resolution in such a form." [11] An overt conflict, however, did not occur since Michaelis said that he accepted the resolution, presenting it in his inaugural address as a workable framework but speaking of the "resolution as I conceive it." [12] The policy of the peace resolution was therefore stillborn under Michaelis. [13]
The peace resolution did not mean a renunciation of Germany's war aims. Even Erzberger, who was later ostracised by the political right for signing the Armistice of 11 November 1918 and for his insistence on approving the Treaty of Versailles, and who was assassinated in 1921 by members of the right-wing terrorist group Organisation Consul, thought that German interests in Belgium and the east were not affected by the resolution.[ citation needed ] The practical significance and implementation of the peace resolution was called into question from the outset by Michaelis' Reichstag speech demanding that Germany's borders be secured for all time, within the peace resolution "as I conceive it." [14]
The "best chance during the war to reach an amicable peace" [15] passed by unused when in August and September 1917 no negotiations were started on the basis of the peace resolution under the mediation offered by Pope Benedict XV.
General Erich Ludendorff attributed the majority parties' change in attitude towards war aims to a "relapse of sentiment" and a "prevalence of international, pacifist, defeatist thinking". [16] As a direct counter-reaction to the peace resolution, the annexationist, ethno-nationalist German Fatherland Party [17] was founded with Ludendorff's participation. Along with the German Conservative Party, it was the most significant predecessor of the national-conservative German National People's Party that was founded in late November 1918 and became an important force during the Weimar Republic.
In spite of the adoption of the peace resolution, the Reichstag majority and the Supreme Army Command (OHL) did not subsequently stand as two opposing political camps. The newly formed "war-goal majority" in the Reichstag, in cooperation with the OHL and the Reich government, succeeded in repressing the peace resolution's offers in the period that followed. Heightened by annexation fanaticism and the Fatherland Party on the one hand and by war weariness, hunger, and the Independent Social Democrats on the other, the social and political divide became increasingly irreconcilable as the last year of the war began. The class antagonisms of German society visibly intensified. [18] After the war, the peace resolution was seen by the radical right as part of the "stab in the back" against the German Army. [19]
The Allies condemned the resolution as unacceptable. In line with Erzberger's own views, they believed that under the resolution Germany would keep the territory in France that it had occupied, along with both Belgium and Luxemburg, because the German people would not accept arbitration over what they had suffered so long to gain. [20] The peace resolution was, however, a first step towards inter-party cooperation and full parliamentarisation of the Reichstag. The combination of political Catholicism, the workers' movement, and liberalism became a driving force behind the moderate outcome of the Revolution of 1918–1919 and in the political development of the Weimar Republic. [6]
The stab-in-the-back myth was an antisemitic and anti-communist conspiracy theory that was widely believed and promulgated in Germany after 1918. It maintained that the Imperial German Army did not lose World War I on the battlefield, but was instead betrayed by certain citizens on the home front – especially Jews, revolutionary socialists who fomented strikes and labour unrest, and republican politicians who had overthrown the House of Hohenzollern in the German Revolution of 1918–1919. Advocates of the myth denounced the German government leaders who had signed the Armistice of 11 November 1918 as the "November criminals".
The Weimar Republic, officially known as the German Reich, was a historical period of Germany from 9 November 1918 to 23 March 1933, during which it was a constitutional republic for the first time in history; hence it is also referred to, and unofficially proclaimed itself, as the German Republic. The period's informal name is derived from the city of Weimar, which hosted the constituent assembly that established its government. In English, the republic was usually simply called "Germany", with "Weimar Republic" not commonly used until the 1930s. The Weimar Republic had a semi-presidential system.
Maximilian, Margrave of Baden, also known as Max von Baden, was a German prince, general, and politician. He was heir presumptive to the throne of the Grand Duchy of Baden, and in October and November 1918 briefly served as the last chancellor of the German Empire and minister-president of Prussia. He sued for peace on Germany's behalf at the end of World War I based on U.S. President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and took steps towards transforming the government into a parliamentary system. As the German Revolution of 1918–1919 spread, he handed over the office of chancellor to SPD Chairman Friedrich Ebert and unilaterally proclaimed the abdication of Emperor Wilhelm II. Both events took place on 9 November 1918, marking the beginning of the Weimar Republic.
Theobald Theodor Friedrich Alfred von Bethmann Hollweg was a German politician who was chancellor of the German Empire from 1909 to 1917. He oversaw the German entry into World War I and played a key role during its first three years. He was replaced as chancellor in July 1917 due in large part to opposition to his policies by leaders in the military.
The German People's Party was a conservative-liberal political party during the Weimar Republic that was the successor to the National Liberal Party of the German Empire. Along with the left-liberal German Democratic Party (DDP), it represented political liberalism in Germany between 1918 and 1933.
The German Democratic Party was a liberal political party in the Weimar Republic, considered centrist or centre-left. Along with the right-liberal German People's Party, it represented political liberalism in Germany between 1918 and 1933. It was formed in 1918 from the Progressive People's Party and the liberal wing of the National Liberal Party, both of which had been active in the German Empire.
Georg Michaelis was the chancellor of the German Empire for a few months in 1917. He was the first commoner to hold the post. With an economic background in business, Michaelis' main achievement was to encourage the ruling classes to open peace talks with Russia. Contemplating that the end of the war was near, he encouraged infrastructure development to facilitate recovery at war's end through the media of Mitteleuropa. A somewhat humourless character, known for process engineering, Michaelis was faced with insurmountable problems of logistics and supply in his brief period as chancellor.
Philipp Heinrich Scheidemann was a German politician of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). In the first quarter of the 20th century he played a leading role in both his party and in the young Weimar Republic. During the German Revolution of 1918–1919 that broke out after Germany's defeat in World War I, Scheidemann proclaimed a German Republic from a balcony of the Reichstag building. In 1919 he was elected Reich Minister President by the National Assembly meeting in Weimar to write a constitution for the republic. He resigned the office the same year due to a lack of unanimity in the cabinet on whether or not to accept the terms of the Treaty of Versailles.
Georg Friedrich Karl Freiherr von Hertling, from 1914 Count von Hertling, was a German politician of the Catholic Centre Party. He was foreign minister and minister president of Bavaria, then chancellor of the German Reich and minister president of Prussia from 1 November 1917 to 30 September 1918. He was the first party politician to hold the two offices; all the others were career civil servants or military men.
Karl Joseph Wirth was a German politician of the Catholic Centre Party who was chancellor of Germany from May 1921 to November 1922, during the early years of the Weimar Republic. He was also minister of four government departments between 1920 and 1931. Wirth was strongly influenced by Christian social teaching throughout his political career.
Wilhelm Marx was a German judge, politician and member of the Catholic Centre Party. During the Weimar Republic he was the chancellor of Germany twice, from 1923 to 1925 and from 1926 to 1928, and served briefly as the minister president of Prussia in 1925. With a total of 3 years and 73 days, he was the longest-serving chancellor during the Weimar Republic.
The German revolution of 1918–1919, also known as the November Revolution, was an uprising started by workers and soldiers in the final days of World War I. It quickly and almost bloodlessly brought down the German Empire, then, in its more violent second stage, the supporters of a parliamentary republic were victorious over those who wanted a Soviet-style council republic. The defeat of the forces of the far left cleared the way for the establishment of the Weimar Republic. The key factors leading to the revolution were the extreme burdens suffered by the German people during the war, the economic and psychological impacts of the Empire's defeat, and the social tensions between the general populace and the aristocratic and bourgeois elite.
The Weimar Coalition is the name given to the coalition government formed by the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), the German Democratic Party (DDP) and the Catholic Centre Party (Z), who together had a large majority of the delegates to the Constituent Assembly that met at Weimar in 1919, and were the principal groups that designed the constitution of the Weimar Republic. These three parties were seen as the most committed to Germany's new democratic system, and together governed Germany until the elections of 1920, when the first elections under the new constitution were held, and both the SPD and especially the DDP lost a considerable share of their votes. Although the Coalition was revived in the ministry of Joseph Wirth from 1921 to 1922, the pro-democratic elements never truly had a majority in the Reichstag from this point on, and the situation gradually grew worse for them with the continued weakening of the DDP. This meant that any pro-republican group that hoped to attain a majority would need to form a "Grand Coalition" with the conservative-liberal German People's Party (DVP), which only gradually moved from monarchism to republicanism over the course of the Weimar Republic and was virtually wiped out politically after the death of their most prominent figure, Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann in 1929.
Matthias Erzberger was a politician of the Catholic Centre Party, member of the Reichstag and minister of finance of Germany from 1919 to 1920.
The Weimar National Assembly, officially the German National Constitutional Assembly, was the popularly elected constitutional convention and de facto parliament of Germany from 6 February 1919 to 21 May 1920. As part of its duties as the interim government, it debated and reluctantly approved the Treaty of Versailles that codified the peace terms between Germany and the victorious Allies of World War I. The Assembly drew up and approved the Weimar Constitution that was in force from 1919 to 1933. With its work completed, the National Assembly was dissolved on 21 May 1920. Following the election of 6 June 1920, the new Reichstag met for the first time on 24 June 1920, taking the place of the Assembly.
The Hertling cabinet, headed by Georg von Hertling of the Centre Party, was the seventh government of the German Empire and the first that had come about after consulting with the majority parties in the Reichstag. The cabinet took office on 1 November 1917 when it replaced the Michaelis cabinet, which had been dismissed after losing the support of Emperor Wilhelm II and most parties in the Reichstag.
The Majority Social Democratic Party of Germany was the name officially used by the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) between April 1917 and September 1922. The name differentiated it from the Independent Social Democratic Party, which split from the SPD as a result of the party majority's support of the government during the First World War.
The German constitutional reforms of October 1918 consisted of several constitutional and legislative changes that transformed the German Empire into a parliamentary monarchy for a brief period at the end of the First World War. The reforms, which took effect on 28 October 1918, made the office of chancellor dependent on the confidence of the Reichstag rather than that of the German emperor and required the consent of both the Reichstag and the Bundesrat for declarations of war and for peace agreements.
The Reichstag inquiry into guilt for World War I was a parliamentary committee in Weimar Germany that was tasked with investigating the events that had led to the "outbreak, prolongation and loss of the First World War". It was established by the Reichstag on 21 August 1919, after Article 231 of the Treaty of Versailles had imposed sole responsibility for the war on Germany and her allies.
The crisis of July 1917 was a political crisis experienced by the German Reich between July 7 and 13, 1917.
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