Sex-selective abortion is the act of aborting a child due to its predicted sex. This practice gained popularity in the mid-1980s to early 1990s in South Korea, where selective female abortions were commonplace as male children were preferred. As a result, South Koreans aborted a much higher number of female fetuses than male ones in the 1980s and early 1990s. [1] Historically, much of Korea's values and traditions were based on Confucianism, which dictates a patriarchal system, [2] thus motivating the preference for sons over daughters. Additionally, even though the abortion ban existed, the combination of son preference and availability of sex-selective technology led to an increasing number of sex-selective abortions and boys born. [2] As a result, South Korea experienced drastically high sex ratios around mid-1980s to early 1990s. [2] However, in recent years, with the changes in family policies and modernization, attitudes towards son preference have changed, normalizing the sex ratio and lowering the number of sex-selective abortions. [2] Additionally, during the entire 20th century South Korean women benefitted greatly from gender inequality declining at one of the fastest rates worldwide. [1] However, there has been no explicit data collected on the number of induced sex selective abortions performed due to the abortion ban and controversy surrounding the topic. Therefore, scholars have been continuously analyzing and generating connections among sex-selection, abortion policies, gender discrimination, and other cultural factors.
During mid-Yi dynasty, Confucianism greatly influenced traditions and values in South Korea. Confucianism emphasizes respecting elders and upholds the traditional idea of the father to be the head of the household and bear the responsibilities of taking care of the family. Thus, this began the tradition of a patriarchal family lineage. In Korea, there is a popular saying, samjongjido, which translate to the idea that women follow three people in their lives: her father, her husband, and her son. As a result, women were often pressured by their family members and in-laws to give birth to sons that will take care of the family in the future and continue the family bloodline as daughters typically end up marrying into different families, with less of an opportunity to take care of her own parents. This corresponds to another famous saying, cheolgawein meaning when a girl marries, she becomes an outsider to her biological family. Additionally, she remains an outsider to her husband's family as well until she bears a son. Historically, when an emperor's wife did not bear the royal family a son, the emperor took on more concubines to increase the chances of producing a son. Thus, this marginalization of women into these subordinate roles with increased pressure to reproduce and give birth to sons perpetuated gender discrimination and son preference, ultimately leading to an increase in female selective abortions in South Korea during the mid-1980s. [2]
These cultural preferences continue to affect South Korean families years after the influence of Confucianism. In 1999, surveys have shown that 78% of Korean men and 70% of Korean women felt that having a son is necessary and desirable. While the rate of sex-selective abortions have slowed down after mid-1990s, gender discrimination and desire for sons prevailed. With that being said, with modernization, a series of law changes, and influence of western values in the early 2000s, attitudes towards traditional beliefs loosened. Younger generations were displaying more interest and preference for daughters for greater emotional connections, resulting in less prevalent sex-selective abortions and normalizing sex ratios. [2]
In 1948, abortion was prohibited by law and critically observed. Later in 1961, South Korea implemented a population control policy, in hopes of curtailing the growing population and decreasing unwanted pregnancies. The government campaigned this through slogans promoting small families and decrease in poverty rates. However, with the criminalization of abortion, many women turned to induced abortions. Despite the legalities, clinics that performed abortions were prevalent throughout the country. [3] Thus, the availability of abortions, with the combination of motivation from the government to have fewer children and traditional patriarchal lineage preferences, many families opted to have sons rather than daughters.
Family registries in South Korea adopted the Hojuje (male headship system) until 2005. Any son or daughter that is born to a family, was listed under the father in the family registry. As a result, children born to single, unmarried mothers were often pressured to be listed under a male relative in order to have a place in the official family registry or risk being unlisted. For that reason, many families would rather have a son to indefinitely continue the family line than a daughter who might not hold that power. This changed in 2005 when the mandatory patrilineal lineage system was abolished, loosening the need for a son in the family. The sex of the child did not make such a pertinent impact on the succession of the family now and this contributed to the normalizing sex ratio and decrease in pressure for women to bear sons. [2]
The increase in sex-selective abortions led to a distorted human sex ratio, that shot up to 108.6 in 1985 and 112.5 in 1990. [4] These distortions had significant social and cultural effects on the demographics of South Korea. It is important to note that infant and child mortality may have had an effect on the high sex ration but the data is not significant enough to label it as a reliable reason for the high sex ratio as there were very few (9.9 in 1000 births in 1985) reported. [3]
Although, these distortions varied across different cities and provinces. High sex ratio was more common in the south-eastern part of the Korean peninsula. Youngnam, while less so in the south-western part of the peninsula, Honam. Reasons for this may be that Youngnam has fewer Protestant and Catholic churches, which are generally opposed to abortion rights, and has a long history of conservative cultural traditions. On the other hand, Honam is poor in terms of economic prosperity and political power compared to Youngnam, thus more likely to accept western values and new ideology. The author emphasizes that the religion of a given region is a factor in sex-selective abortions in South Korea. Buddhism is more similar to Confucianism and study showed that Buddhism is positively associated with the sex ratio at birth. However, later data depicts weaker effects of religion on sex ratio after 2000, with an overall decrease in sex ratio as well. [5]
Additionally, around 1985, sex ratios at birth rose sharply, particularly in Taegu and Pusan cities. The rural areas around them also exhibited a high sex ratio but at a slower pace. Taegu is fairly conservative with a history boasting three generals. Therefore, son preference is particularly strong there. Sex-selective abortion procedures also require fetal sex screening that is very expensive in South Korea and requires extensive medical equipment. As a result, a possible explanation for the lag in rising in rural areas may be due to lack of medical facilities in rural areas to determine the sex of fetus. [4]
With greater male births to female births, there is a fear of a shortage of brides in South Korea. Young rural men are having more difficulty finding wives due to majority of young women going to urban areas for better employment and quality of life. However, further studies have found that this phenomenon may be more likely due to the overall declining fertility levels in South Korea in the recent years, rather than sex-selective abortions. [4]
Another negative social implication may be the increased use of pornography due to rarity of women and greater sex related crimes of violence targeting women. With a greater scarcity of women, men may be more inclined and desperate to seek out female partners. [4]
Data has shown that small families usually consisted of more sons while larger families have more daughters. The continuation of this trend may widen the social gap between males and females in which sons in small families will have more resources and more advantageous opportunities than daughters in larger families where there are less resources. However, this may also not be as prevalent in South Korea where kinship and sibling support is strongly encouraged. [4]
On the other hand, there may be some positive implications as well. With sex-selective abortion, there is a reduction in number of unwanted children, preventing post neonatal infant mortality and abuse of girls. [4]
In 1987, fetal screening was only legal for detection for genetic problems and monitoring fetal growth but banned for the sole purpose of prenatal sex screenings. [3] Techniques included chronic villus sampling, amniocentesis, and ultrasounds. [4] However, since there were no substantive penalties for prenatal sex screenings besides a fine, many families were still finding ways to screen for their baby's sex. Additionally, fetal screening for medical purposes often inevitably show the sex of the baby as a byproduct. Scholars have made a connection between the emergence of ultrasound and sex screening technologies in the mid-1980s to the large increase in male births between 1985 and 1995. [3] In response to the high sex ratios, the government sharpened the penalties and in 1990, they arrested and suspended the medical licenses of physicians that performed these sex determination tests on fetuses. [4] Each selective abortion required at least two tests of sex determination and these tests were often very expensive. [4] Thus, not every women had equal opportunities to health care and abortion options. In combination with the high price of fetal screening and heightened penalties, the sex ratios began to lower and normalize after 1995, [4] suggesting lower rates of sex-selective abortions during that time.
Due to the criminalization of abortion in South Korea, many women had to find ways around the law to receive an abortion. However, this wasn't as difficult as it may have seemed. Numerous clinics across Korea secretly performed abortions. [6] Despite possible health complications that could arise from receiving fast and cheap abortion procedures, women still sought out these clinics. Oftentimes, women would have an induced abortion early in pregnancy under the name of "menstrual extraction" in which a vacuum is used to suck the fetus out of the womb during the first trimester, resulting in heavy bleeding. [2] This procedure is controversial because it is performed without full certainty that the woman is actually pregnant since it is done so early in the term. Due to this, this process escapes the legalities behind abortion and is accepted in South Korea as part of "family planning" and "public health" services. [6] Scholars have noted that this accessibility of abortions perpetuated the continued performance of sex-selective abortions during the mid-1980s to 1990s. [2]
Sex-selective abortion is the practice of terminating a pregnancy based upon the predicted sex of the infant. The selective abortion of female fetuses is most common where male children are valued over female children, especially in parts of East Asia and South Asia, as well as in the Caucasus, Western Balkans, and to a lesser extent North America. Based on the third National Family and Health Survey, results showed that if both partners, mother and father, or just the father, preferred male children, sex-selective abortion was more common. In cases where only the mother prefers sons, this is likely to result in sex-selective neglect in which the child is not likely to survive past infancy.
Amniocentesis is a medical procedure used primarily in the prenatal diagnosis of genetic conditions. It has other uses such as in the assessment of infection and fetal lung maturity. Prenatal diagnostic testing, which includes amniocentesis, is necessary to conclusively diagnose the majority of genetic disorders, with amniocentesis being the gold-standard procedure after 15 weeks' gestation.
Sex selection is the attempt to control the sex of the offspring to achieve a desired sex. It can be accomplished in several ways, both pre- and post-implantation of an embryo, as well as at childbirth. It has been marketed under the title family balancing.
Fetal rights are the moral rights or legal rights of the human fetus under natural and civil law. The term fetal rights came into wide usage after Roe v. Wade, the 1973 landmark case that legalized abortion in the United States and was essentially overturned in 2022. The concept of fetal rights has evolved to include the issues of maternal substance use disorders, including alcohol use disorder and opioid use disorder. Most international human rights charters "clearly reject claims that human rights should attach from conception or any time before birth." While most international human rights instruments lack a universal inclusion of the fetus as a person for the purposes of human rights, the fetus is granted various rights in the constitutions and civil codes of some countries.
The human sex ratio is the ratio of males to females in a population in the context of anthropology and demography. In humans, the natural sex ratio at birth is slightly biased towards the male sex. It is estimated to be about 1.05 or 1.06 or within a narrow range from 1.03 to 1.06 males per female. The sex ratio for the entire world population is approximately 101 males to 100 females.
The child sex ratio in India is defined as the number of females per thousand males in the age group 0–6 years in a human population. Thus it is equal to 1000 x the reciprocal of the sex ratio in the same age group, i.e. under age seven. An imbalance in this age group will extend to older age groups in future years. Currently, the ratio of males to females is generally significantly greater than 1, i.e. there are more boys than girls.
The term "missing women" indicates a shortfall in the number of women relative to the expected number of women in a region or country. It is most often measured through male-to-female sex ratios, and is theorized to be caused by sex-selective abortions, female infanticide, and inadequate healthcare and nutrition for female children. It is argued that technologies that enable prenatal sex selection, which have been commercially available since the 1970s, are a large impetus for missing female children.
Abortion in China is legal at all stages of pregnancy and generally accessible nationwide. Abortions are available to most women through China's family planning program, public hospitals, private hospitals, and clinics nationwide. China was one of the first developing countries to permit abortion when the pregnant woman's health was at risk and make it easily accessible under these circumstances in the 1950s. Following the Chinese Communist Revolution and the proclamation of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the country has periodically switched between more restrictive abortion policies to more liberal abortion policies and reversals. Abortion regulations may vary depending on the rules of the province. In an effort to curb sex-selective abortion, Jiangxi and Guizhou restrict non-medically necessary abortions after 14 weeks of pregnancy, while throughout most of China elective abortions are legal after 14 weeks. Although sex-selective abortions are illegal nationwide, they were previously commonplace, leading to a sex-ratio imbalance in China which still exists.
Prenatal sex discernment is the prenatal testing for discerning the sex of a fetus before birth.
Abortion in Armenia is legal on request up to 12 weeks of pregnancy, and in special circumstances between 12 weeks and 22 weeks. Abortion has been legal since 23 November 1955, when Armenia was a republic of the Soviet Union. Pregnancies may be ended on request by the pregnant woman until the twelfth week and for medical and social reasons until the twenty-second week with a doctor's approval. Since 2016, when a law banning sex-selective abortion was passed, mandatory counseling is required before abortion along with a three-day waiting period. The law has been criticized as using sex-selective abortion as a pretext to restrict access to abortion, although the government denied this, and claimed that it did not intend to question women's right to access safe abortion.
Female foeticide in India is the abortion of a female foetus outside of legal methods. A research by Pew Research Center based on Union government data indicates foeticide of at least 9 million females in the years 2000–2019. The research found that 86.7% of these foeticides were by Hindus, followed by Sikhs with 4.9%, and Muslims with 6.6%. The research also indicated an overall decline in preference for sons in the time period.
China has a history of female infanticide which spans 2,000 years. When Christian missionaries arrived in China in the late sixteenth century, they witnessed newborns being thrown into rivers or onto rubbish piles. In the seventeenth century Matteo Ricci documented that the practice occurred in several of China's provinces and said that the primary reason for the practice was poverty. The practice continued into the 19th century and declined precipitously during the Communist era, but has reemerged as an issue since the introduction of the one-child policy in the early 1980s. The 2020 census showed a male-to-female ratio of 105.07 to 100 for mainland China, a record low since the People's Republic of China began conducting censuses. Every year in China and India alone, there are close to two million instances of some form of female infanticide.
Female infanticide in India has a history spanning centuries. Poverty, the dowry system, births to unmarried women, deformed infants, famine, lack of support services, and maternal illnesses such as postpartum depression are among the causes that have been proposed to explain the phenomenon of female infanticide in India.
For years, the census data in China has recorded a significant imbalance in the sex ratio toward the male population, meaning there are fewer women than men. This phenomenon is sometimes referred to as the missing women or missing girls of China. China's official census report from 2000 shows that there were 117 boys for every 100 girls. The sex imbalance in some rural areas is even higher, at 130 boys to 100 girls, compared to a global average of 105 or 106 boys to 100 girls.
Female infanticide in Pakistan had been a common practice. But it is no longer a common practice due to steps taken by local polices and Governments and Ordinances.
Abortion in Montenegro is legal on request during the first ten weeks of pregnancy. Between 10 and 20 weeks, abortions must be approved a committee, and may only be performed for medical reasons, if the child is expected to be born with serious disabilities, if the pregnancy is the result of a crime, or if the woman could face serious family circumstances during pregnancy or after birth. Between 20 and 32 weeks, abortions must be approved by an ethics committee, and are only granted for medical reasons or in the case of serious fetal defects; after 32 weeks, abortions can only be permitted to save the pregnant woman's life. The current abortion law, which dates from 2009, repealed the previous 1977 law enacted by Yugoslavia.
Abortion in South Korea was decriminalized, effective 1 January 2021, by a 2019 order of the Constitutional Court of Korea. It is currently legal throughout pregnancy, as no new law has been enacted. Thus there are no gestational limits or other restrictions.
Son preference in China is a gender preference issue underpinned by the belief that boys have more value than girls. In China, the bias towards male over female offspring is demonstrated by the sex ratio at birth (SRB).
In South Korea, aging refers to an increase in the proportion of senior citizens to the total population. The term "senior citizens" include those aged 65 or older. According to Article 3 no.1 of the Framework Act on Low Birthrate of an Aging Society, the term "aging population" refers to the increasing proportion of elderly people in the entire population.
Guang Gun is a popular term used to describe single individuals in Chinese culture. It is also translated less literally as "leftover men". During the Ming dynasty, the term "bare sticks" was used to describe male individuals who participated in illegal activities ranging from robberies to prostitution. The Ming Code, one of the most important codes written in Chinese history in order to regulate society, "specifically labeled bare sticks: demobilized soldiers, the homeless, and other marginalized people 'not engaged in honest work'". The Chinese media has constructed the myth of protest masculinity that single unmarried men might threaten social harmony due to their inability to get married and further the family lineage.