Vicarious mediation and vicarious functioning

Last updated

Vicarious mediation is the potential level of substitutability in the task itself, the different potential ways (or mediational pathways) that exist for achieving an outcome or performing a task successfully. For example, what is the substitutability of potential cues for accurate judgments about the size of objects in a visual field, particularly when all the cues are not available or are not perfect predictors of size? Similarly, what is the substitutability of potential behaviors (or means) to accomplish one’s goals (or ends) when all actions may not be available or equally effective? The focus is on the task, the various potentially substitutable pathways mediating success in the task itself.

Contents

Background

Expert judgment as well as everyday judgments require people to use known information to make a judgment about some unknown quantity or event. In judgment and decision research, the known information makes up the cues and the unknown quantity or event is called the criterion. In natural situations, the cues are generally related to each other and are only probabilistically related to the criterion.  As a result of interrelations among the cues, there is some degree of intersubstitutability among them, that is, one cue or set of cues can often be used in place of another. This property of intersubstitutability can be helpful in making judgments when, as is often the case, not all the cues that the person would want are actually available.

Anderson et. al. [1] note that “The mutual substitutability of cues is what system theorists (e.g., Karl Ludwig von Bertalanffy [2] ) have called equipotentiality. … The mutual substitutability of responses … have been called equifinality.” (p. 248)

Anderson et al. [1] also point out that vicarious mediation is related to redundancy [engineering]. For example, in human factors engineering (e.g., Lee et al. [3] ), redundancy gain is defined as presenting the same information through multiple channels to avoid confusion and ensure the information gets through, such as traffic lights using both color and position to convey, go, caution, and stop.

Vicarious functioning

In contrast, vicarious functioning refers to substitutability regarding what people do, that is, the way they actually function. For example, vicarious functioning refers to which potentially substitutable cues are actually used, and how are they used, when people make judgments, particularly when all the cues are not available and are not perfect predictors of the criterion. What actions do people actually take to accomplish their goals, particularly when all actions are not available or equally effective? The focus is on the person, the various substitutable pathways they actually follow in an effort to function effectively.

Egon Brunswik [4] noted that Hunter [5] [6] first introduced the term vicarious functioning; that vicarious functioning played a major role in the definition of purposeful behavior by William McDougall [7] and Edward C. Tolman; [8] that Clark L. Hull [9] incorporated the concept into his theory of habit-family-hierarchy; and that psychoanalytic mechanisms were an expression of vicarious functioning (e.g., see Else Frenkel-Brunswik [10] ).

Importance of vicarious mediation and vicarious functioning in understanding achievement

Both concepts, vicarious mediation (substitutability in the task) and vicarious functioning (substitutability by the person), are critical to Brunswik’s theory of probabilistic functionalism regarding how people can and, in fact, do function effectively (or not) in an uncertain or probabilistic world. Gigerenzer and Kurz [11] note, “Vicarious functioning describes adaptive cognitive processes that can handle two constraints: the presence of uncertainty and the need for substitution. A cue (e.g., the retinal image of an object) is only an uncertain indicator of a distal stimulus (e.g., the distance to the object), and a cue may not always be present; thus, an adaptive system has to rely on multiple cues that can be substituted for each other.” (pp. 342-343). To quote Kenneth. R. Hammond, [12] “the organism meets the vicarious mediation of the environment with vicarious functioning on its own part.” (p. 41). Both concepts, vicarious mediation in the task and vicarious functioning by the person, are essential to understanding achievement.

The concept of Ecological Rationality developed by Gerd Gigerenzer and his colleagues [13] [14] also extends Brunswik’s theory of probabilistic functionalism (and the concepts of vicarious mediation and functioning). Its focus has been on understanding the simple judgment heuristics people use to combine cue information in different types of task environments.

When vicarious mediation is high, there are many potential substitutable pathways to success. The task itself provides different ways (or means) for people to succeed. Consequently, people can take different approaches to performing the task and still be successful. To take an extreme case, if two cues are perfectly correlated, then they will have equal ecological validity and, therefore, be fully redundant in predicting the outcome or distal variable (criterion) of interest. Assuming the cues have high ecological (or predictive) validities, a person need only use one of these two perfectly substitutable cues to predict successfully, and different people will be equally successful using different cues.  

However, when vicarious mediation is low, there are few (if any) substitutable pathways to success. Consequently, people must select as many valid pathways as they can to function effectively. To quote Brunswik, [4] “Proper cognitive adjustment demands (a) that vicarious utilization of many cues be present when validities are imperfect, and (b) that hierarchy of utilization (relative strength in rivalry) follow the hierarchy of validity.” (p. 308). Failure to select the multiple cues with the highest ecological validities will lead to lower achievement because the task itself has less flexibility and robustness when vicarious mediation is low.

There are many examples of vicarious mediation and vicarious functioning. As one example, Brunswik [15] showed that size constancy--the stable and successful prediction of object size (vicarious functioning)--was possible because of the substitutability of redundant perceptual cues in the task (vicarious mediation). In another example, Hammond [16] noted that, “When pigeons are unable to locate the sun because of cloud cover, magnetic lines of force function vicariously for the sun [to permit successful navigation].” (p. 115). Gigerenzer and Kurtz [11] showed that a simple judgment heuristic called Take the Best (using only the single best predicting cue) could be substituted for far more complex strategies and still maintain or even improve achievement under certain task conditions. And Adelman et. al. [17] showed that, under high vicarious mediation, teams can interact differently (vicarious functioning) under increasing time pressure and still maintain comparable achievement.

In putting forward the concepts of vicarious mediation and vicarious functioning, Brunswik highlighted the importance, from both a theoretical and methodological perspective, of studying the task as well as the person to understand achievement. Regarding the former, Brunswik developed the lens model to represent his theory of probabilistic functionalism pictorially. The left side of the lens model represented vicarious mediation, the pathways in the task. The right side represented vicarious functioning, what the person does to perform the task. Achievement was represented by an over-arching arrow linking the two sides, task and person. (Hursch, et al. [18] and Tucker [19] subsequently developed the lens model equation to represent Brunswik’s lens model mathematically.) The message was clear, one could not fully understand the effectiveness of individuals’ functional processes without understanding task characteristics.

From a methodological perspective, Brunswik advocated naturalistic research and the representative design of experiments to study achievement. To quote Brunswik [15] “… the study of functional person-environment relationships would seem to require that not only mediation but also focal events and other situational circumstances should be made to represent … the general or specific conditions under which the organism studied has to function.”(pp. 29-30) And to quote Hammond, [12] “… if we are to understand fully how organisms capable of vicarious functioning behave, we shall have to place them in situations that permit vicarious functioning to occur.” (p. 50). Both theory and method are critical to understanding the role of vicarious mediation and vicarious functioning in achievement.

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cognitive bias</span> Systematic pattern of deviation from norm or rationality in judgment

A cognitive bias is a systematic pattern of deviation from norm or rationality in judgment. Individuals create their own "subjective reality" from their perception of the input. An individual's construction of reality, not the objective input, may dictate their behavior in the world. Thus, cognitive biases may sometimes lead to perceptual distortion, inaccurate judgment, illogical interpretation, and irrationality.

A heuristic (; from Ancient Greek εὑρίσκω 'method of discovery', or heuristic technique is any approach to problem solving that employs a pragmatic method that is not fully optimized, perfected, or rationalized, but is nevertheless "good enough" as an approximation or attribute substitution. Where finding an optimal solution is impossible or impractical, heuristic methods can be used to speed up the process of finding a satisfactory solution. Heuristics can be mental shortcuts that ease the cognitive load of making a decision.

Heuristic reasoning is often based on induction, or on analogy[.] [...] Induction is the process of discovering general laws [...] Induction tries to find regularity and coherence [...] Its most conspicuous instruments are generalization, specialization, analogy. [...] Heuristic discusses human behavior in the face of problems [...that have been] preserved in the wisdom of proverbs.

Bounded rationality is the idea that rationality is limited when individuals make decisions, and under these limitations, rational individuals will select a decision that is satisfactory rather than optimal.

Construct validity concerns how well a set of indicators represent or reflect a concept that is not directly measurable. Construct validation is the accumulation of evidence to support the interpretation of what a measure reflects. Modern validity theory defines construct validity as the overarching concern of validity research, subsuming all other types of validity evidence such as content validity and criterion validity.

The recognition heuristic, originally termed the recognition principle, has been used as a model in the psychology of judgment and decision making and as a heuristic in artificial intelligence. The goal is to make inferences about a criterion that is not directly accessible to the decision maker, based on recognition retrieved from memory. This is possible if recognition of alternatives has relevance to the criterion. For two alternatives, the heuristic is defined as:

If one of two objects is recognized and the other is not, then infer that the recognized object has the higher value with respect to the criterion.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gerd Gigerenzer</span> German cognitive psychologist

Gerd Gigerenzer is a German psychologist who has studied the use of bounded rationality and heuristics in decision making. Gigerenzer is director emeritus of the Center for Adaptive Behavior and Cognition (ABC) at the Max Planck Institute for Human Development and director of the Harding Center for Risk Literacy, both in Berlin.

In the behavioral sciences, ecological validity is often used to refer to the judgment of whether a given study's variables and conclusions are sufficiently relevant to its population. Psychological studies are usually conducted in laboratories though the goal of these studies is to understand human behavior in the real-world. Ideally, an experiment would have generalizable results that predict behavior outside of the lab, thus having more ecological validity. Ecological validity can be considered a commentary on the relative strength of a study's implication(s) for policy, society, culture, etc.

In psychology, the take-the-best heuristic is a heuristic which decides between two alternatives by choosing based on the first cue that discriminates them, where cues are ordered by cue validity. In the original formulation, the cues were assumed to have binary values or have an unknown value. The logic of the heuristic is that it bases its choice on the best cue (reason) only and ignores the rest.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Egon Brunswik</span> Psychologist

Egon Brunswik Edler von Korompa was a psychologist who is known for his theory of probabilisitic functionalism and his proposition that representative design is essential in psychological research.

This entry will describe the proper narrow and technical meaning of "ecological validity" as proposed by Egon Brunswik as part of the Brunswik Lens Model, the relation of "ecological validity" in "representative design" of research, and will outline the common misuses of the "ecological validity." For a more detailed explanation, see Hammond (1998).

In perceptual psychology, a sensory cue is a statistic or signal that can be extracted from the sensory input by a perceiver, that indicates the state of some property of the world that the perceiver is interested in perceiving.

The psychology of reasoning is the study of how people reason, often broadly defined as the process of drawing conclusions to inform how people solve problems and make decisions. It overlaps with psychology, philosophy, linguistics, cognitive science, artificial intelligence, logic, and probability theory.

Bayesian approaches to brain function investigate the capacity of the nervous system to operate in situations of uncertainty in a fashion that is close to the optimal prescribed by Bayesian statistics. This term is used in behavioural sciences and neuroscience and studies associated with this term often strive to explain the brain's cognitive abilities based on statistical principles. It is frequently assumed that the nervous system maintains internal probabilistic models that are updated by neural processing of sensory information using methods approximating those of Bayesian probability.

Heuristics is the process by which humans use mental shortcuts to arrive at decisions. Heuristics are simple strategies that humans, animals, organizations, and even machines use to quickly form judgments, make decisions, and find solutions to complex problems. Often this involves focusing on the most relevant aspects of a problem or situation to formulate a solution. While heuristic processes are used to find the answers and solutions that are most likely to work or be correct, they are not always right or the most accurate. Judgments and decisions based on heuristics are simply good enough to satisfy a pressing need in situations of uncertainty, where information is incomplete. In that sense they can differ from answers given by logic and probability.

The heuristic-systematic model of information processing (HSM) is a widely recognized model by Shelly Chaiken that attempts to explain how people receive and process persuasive messages.

Ecological rationality is a particular account of practical rationality, which in turn specifies the norms of rational action – what one ought to do in order to act rationally. The presently dominant account of practical rationality in the social and behavioral sciences such as economics and psychology, rational choice theory, maintains that practical rationality consists in making decisions in accordance with some fixed rules, irrespective of context. Ecological rationality, in contrast, claims that the rationality of a decision depends on the circumstances in which it takes place, so as to achieve one's goals in this particular context. What is considered rational under the rational choice account thus might not always be considered rational under the ecological rationality account. Overall, rational choice theory puts a premium on internal logical consistency whereas ecological rationality targets external performance in the world. The term ecologically rational is only etymologically similar to the biological science of ecology.

Fast-and-frugal treeormatching heuristic(in the study of decision-making) is a simple graphical structure that categorizes objects by asking one question at a time. These decision trees are used in a range of fields: psychology, artificial intelligence, and management science. Unlike other decision or classification trees, such as Leo Breiman's CART, fast-and-frugal trees are intentionally simple, both in their construction as well as their execution, and operate speedily with little information. For this reason, fast-and-frugal-trees are potentially attractive when designing resource-constrained tasks.

Intuitive statistics, or folk statistics, is the cognitive phenomenon where organisms use data to make generalizations and predictions about the world. This can be a small amount of sample data or training instances, which in turn contribute to inductive inferences about either population-level properties, future data, or both. Inferences can involve revising hypotheses, or beliefs, in light of probabilistic data that inform and motivate future predictions. The informal tendency for cognitive animals to intuitively generate statistical inferences, when formalized with certain axioms of probability theory, constitutes statistics as an academic discipline.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Werner W. Wittmann</span> German psychologist (born 1944)

Werner W. Wittmann is a German psychologist, evaluation researcher and research methodologist.

Brunswik's lens model is a conceptual framework for describing and studying how people make judgments. For example, a person judging the size of a distant object, physicians assessing the severity of disease, investors judging the quality of stocks, weather forecasters predicting tomorrow's weather and personnel officers rating job candidates all face similar tasks. In each case, they must use whatever information is at hand ("cues") to make an inference about some unknown quantity. The cues for judgment are analogous to a lens through which the person views an unknown object. 

References

  1. 1 2 Anderson, B. F., Deane, D. H., Hammond, K. R., McClelland, G. H., & Shanteau, J. C. (1981). Concepts in judgment and decision research: Definitions, sources, interrelation, comments. New York: Praeger.
  2. von Bertalanffy, K. L. (1956). General systems theory. In General Systems, Yearbook of the Society for the Advancement of General Systems Theory (Vol. 1).
  3. Lee, J. D., Wickens, C. D., Liu, Y., & Boyle, L. N. (2017). Designing for people: An introduction to human factors engineering. Charleston, S. C.: CreateSpace.
  4. 1 2 Brunswik, E. (1957). Scope and aspect of the cognitive problem. In K. R. Hammond & T. R. Stewart (Eds.), The essential Brunswik: Beginnings, explications, applications (pp. 300–312). New York: Oxford University Press.
  5. Hunter, W. S. (1928). Human behavior. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
  6. Hunter, W. (1932). The psychological study of behavior. The Psychological Review, 39(1), 1-24.
  7. McDougall, W. (1908). Introduction to social psychology. London: Methuen.
  8. Tolman, E. C. (1932). Purposive behavior in animals. New York: Century.
  9. Hull, C. L. (1934). The concept of the habit-family-hierarchy and maze learning. Psychological Review, 41, 33–54
  10. Frenkel-Brunswik, E. (1949). Intolerance of ambiguity as an emotional and perceptional personality variable. Journal of Personality, 18, 108–143.
  11. 1 2 Gigerenzer, G. & Kurz, E. M. (2001). Vicarious functioning reconsidered: A fast and frugal lens model. In K. R. Hammond & T. R. Stewart (Eds.), The essential Brunswik: Beginnings, explications, applications (pp. 342–347). New York: Oxford University Press.
  12. 1 2 Hammond, K. R. (1966). Probabilistic functionalism: Egon Brunswik’s integration of the history, theory, and method of psychology. In K. R. Hammond (Ed.), The Psychology of Egon Brunswik (pp. 15–80). New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.
  13. Gigerenzer, G., Todd, P. M., & The ABC Research Group (1999). Simple heuristics that make us smart. New York: Oxford University Press.
  14. Todd, P. M., Gigerenzer, G., & The ABC Research Group (2012). Ecological rationality: Intelligence in the world. New York: Oxford University Press.
  15. 1 2 Brunswik, E. (1952). The conceptual framework of psychology (International Encyclopedia of Unified Science, Vol. 1, No. 10). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
  16. Hammond, K. R. (1996). Human judgment and social policy: Irreducible uncertainty, inevitable error, unavoidable injustice. NY: Oxford University Press.
  17. Adelman, L., Miller, S., Henderson, D., & Schoelles, M. (2003). Using Brunswikian theory and a longitudinal design to study how hierarchical teams adapt to increasing levels of time pressure. Acta Psychologica, 112, 181–206.
  18. Hursch, C. J., Hammond, K. R., & Hursch, J. L. (1964). Some methodological considerations in multiple-cue probability learning studies. Psychological Review, 71, 42–60.
  19. Tucker, L. R. (1964). A suggested alternative formulation in the developments by Hursch, Hammond, & Hursch and by Hammond, Hursch, & Todd. Psychological Review, 71, 528–530.