Totalitarian democracy

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Totalitarian democracy is a term popularized by Israeli historian Jacob Leib Talmon to refer to a dictatorship based on the mass enthusiasm generated by a perfectionist ideology. [1]

Contents

This idea that there is one true way for a society to be organized and a government should get there at all costs stands in contrast to liberal democracy which trusts the process of democracy to, through trial and error, help a society improve without there being only one correct way to self-govern. [2]

The phrase had previously been used by Bertrand de Jouvenel [3] and E. H. Carr, [4] and subsequently by F. William Engdahl [5] and Sheldon S. Wolin. [6]

J. L. Talmon

In his 1952 book The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy Talmon argued that the totalitarian and liberal types of democracy emerged from the same premises during the eighteenth century. He regarded the conflict between these two types of democracy as of world-historical importance:

Indeed, from the vantage point of the mid-twentieth century the history of the last hundred and fifty years looks like a systematic preparation for the headlong collision between empirical and liberal democracy on the one hand, and totalitarian Messianic democracy on the other, in which the world crisis of to-day consists.

The political neologism messianic democracy (also political Messianism) [7] also derives from Talmon's introduction to this work.

Differences between totalitarian democracy and liberal democracy

Talmon identified the following differences between totalitarian and liberal democracy: [2]

Historical development

Talmon argued that totalitarian democracy arose in three stages: [2]

  1. The eighteenth century postulate: the intellectual developments in eighteenth century France spurred by the collapse of feudal and ecclesiastical authority in the early modern era.
  2. The Jacobin improvisation: the development during the Reign of Terror of single-party dictatorship and the use of terror as a political instrument, based on a doctrine of total popular sovereignty.
  3. The Babouvist crystalisation: the extension of totalitarian logic to property, leading to Communism.

Engdahl, Wolin and Žižek

Engdahl and Wolin add some new dimensions to the analysis of totalitarianism.

In his 2009 book Full Spectrum Dominance: Totalitarian Democracy and the New World Order, Engdahl portrays America as driving to achieve global hegemony through military and economic means. According to him, U.S. state objectives have led to internal conditions that resemble totalitarianism: "[it is] a power establishment that over the course of the Cold War has spun out of control and now threatens not only the fundamental institutions of democracy, but even of life on the planet through the growing risk of nuclear war by miscalculation" [8]

Wolin, too, analyzes the symbiosis of business and public interests that emerged in the Cold War to form the tendency of what he calls "inverted totalitarianism":

While exploiting the authority and resources of the state, [inverted totalitarianism] gains its dynamic by combining with other forms of power, such as evangelical religions, and most notably by encouraging a symbiotic relationship between traditional government and the system of "private" governance represented by the modern business corporation. The result is not a system of codetermination by equal partners who retain their respective identities but rather a system that represents the political coming-of-age of corporate power. [9]

Elsewhere, in a 2003 article entitled "Inverted Totalitarianism" [10] Wolin cites phenomena such as the lack of involvement of citizens in a narrow political framework (due to the influence of money), the privatization of social security, and massive increases in military spending and spending on surveillance as examples of the push away from public and towards private-controlled government. Corporate influence, he argues, is explicit through the media, and implicit through the privatization of the university. Furthermore, he contends that many political think-tanks have abetted this process by spreading conservative ideology. Wolin states: "[With] the elements all in place...what is at stake, then, is nothing less than the attempted transformation of a tolerably free society into a variant of the extreme regimes of the past century." [10]

Slavoj Žižek, in his 2002 book of essays Welcome to the Desert of the Real , comes to similar conclusions. Here he argues that the war on terror served as a justification for the suspension of civil liberties in the US, while the promise of democracy and freedom was spread abroad as the justification for invading Iraq and Afghanistan. Since Western democracies are always justifying states of exception, he argues, they are failing as sites of political agency. [11]

See also

Notes

  1. Macpherson, C. B. (1952). [Review of The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy, by J. L. Talmon]. Past & Present, 2, 55–57. http://www.jstor.org/stable/650125
  2. 1 2 3 Talmon, J. L. The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy. Britain: Secker & Warburg, 1968.
  3. de Juvenel, Bertrand. On Power: Its Nature and the History of its Growth, Salt Lake City: Hutchinson, 1948.
  4. Carr, Edward Hallett. The Soviet Impact on the Western World. New York: MacMillan Company, 1947.
  5. Engdahl, F. William. Full Spectrum Dominance: Totalitarian Democracy in the New World Order. Boxboro, MA: Third Millennium Press, 2009, ISBN   978-0-9795608-6-6.
  6. Wolin, Sheldon S. Democracy Incorporated: Managed Democracy and the Specter of Inverted Totalitarianism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010.
  7. J. L. Talmon, Political Messianism – The Romantic Phase , 1960.
  8. Engdahl, Full Spectrum Dominance, 2009, pg. viii.
  9. Wolin, Democracy Incorporated, pg. xxi.
  10. 1 2 Wolin, Sheldon S. "Inverted Totalitarianism". The Nation magazine, May 19th, 2003.
  11. Žižek, Slavoj. Welcome to the Desert of the Real, London and New York: Verso, 2002

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