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The 2018 Chilean feminist protests and strikes is mass protests and unrest, rallies, demonstrations and marches against the government and violence against women in Chile. The protests took place in 2018. [1]
The 2018 feminist demonstrations in Chile, also nicknamed the Chilean feminist wave or the Chilean feminist revolution, correspond to a series of demonstrations and mobilizations in Chile in 2018. These demonstrations demanded a process of social change to eradicate— from the feminist point of view— the prevailing machismo and the patriarchal system that has been structural in that country, with a view to guiding the Chilean State towards the pillars of feminism. These premises are based on denouncing the situation of inequality in which women find themselves, criticizing the widespread education and making gender issues visible, including repeated harassment and abuse throughout the country's history. [2]
The 2018 feminist student mobilization in Chile, also known as the feminist tomas de 2018 or the New Chilean feminist wave, corresponds to a series of demonstrations carried out by university and high school students from Chile that began in April 2018. The movement's demands include taking measures against academics accused of abuse, eliminating abuse from education, making changes to the curriculum, and training on gender equality among other issues. [3]
Between 2012 and 2017, there was an average of 19 feminist protest events per year. In 2018, there were 151 feminist protests throughout the country, with the majority occurring in the capital, Santiago. [4] The majority of protests occurred between May and June 2018. According to a Cadem survey taken in July 2018, 55% of Chileans approved of the marches while only 37% approved of the student protests. [4]
According to scholar Sergio Martinez, the feminist agenda in Chile has focused on the unstable employment situation for women. This includes the pay gap for women, along with the expectation that women provide domestic and care work without pay. [4] Lawsuits were filed against the government to provide young people with an education that is not sexist. Another demand was for work and study places to be safe and free from gender-based harassment.
The mobilization had been developing at first due to the international context. The "Ni Una Menos" and Me Too movements arrived in Chile and, based on the case of Nabila Rifo, generated marches in Santiago in November 2016 and March and October 2017 demanding an end to violence against women. The matter was exacerbated when in April 2018 there were massive complaints of harassment and abuse against teachers and students in different universities in the country, which in the face of deficient processes and lacking response, motivated takeovers and stoppages that by June 2018 already added to 32 universities, producing a massive feminist student mobilization throughout the country. [5]
Along with these events, various television and theater actresses began in April 2018 to report cases of harassment and abuse by the renowned television director Herval Abreu, which generated in Chile a phenomenon similar to the Weinstein Effect in the United States, where various public figures came out with the banner of feminism to denounce these situations. Other actresses, for their part, decided to make public the large wage gap between men and women that has not changed to date. According to renowned historians and sociologists, such as María José Cumplido, María Emilia Tijoux and Teresa Valdés, it would be the largest feminist rebellion in the history of the country, as well as the consecration of the third feminist wave in Chile. The Plaza Pública de Cadem showed that there was a majority supporting the mobilizations: 68% of those surveyed were in favor of feminist mobilizations and 69% in favor of women's marches on public roads. [6]
One cause for the protests was the case against law professor Carlos Carmona, who taught at the University of Chile. In August 2017, a student who worked as an assistant to Carmona accused him of assault. [7] The University of Chile made the student's statements public and suspended Professor Carmona for three days. Other professors advocated for a union between students and teachers to resolve this issue. Carmona resigned from his position as a tenured professor in 2018. [7] The mobilisation had been developing at first due to the international context. The Ni una menos and Me Too movements arrived in Chile and, based on the case of Nabila Riffo, generated marches in Santiago in November 2016 and March and October 2017 demanding an end to violence against women. The matter was exacerbated when in April 2018 there were massive complaints of harassment and abuse against teachers and students in different universities in the country, which in the face of deficient processes and lacking response, motivated takeovers and stoppages that by June 2018 already added to 32 universities, producing a massive feminist student mobilisation throughout the country. [5]
A study measuring sexual violence victimization at Pontifica Universidad Catolica de Chile (PUC) was conducted in April 2018. They found that women were likely to be victimized more than men, with 22% of women and 10% of men. Most cases had men as perpetrators (89%) and were known to the victim (72%) either as a partner or friend. [8] They concluded from this study that those with a sexual interest in men were at higher risk than those with no interest. This study found that most victims confided in friends or family, with only 3% of victims reporting to the university. Also, two-thirds of students who reported their experience to the university were unsatisfied with the support they received. [8]
Slogans used by the protestors included “Cuidado! El Machismo Mata!” translated to “Careful! Machismo Kills!” Recently they have used “Ni Una Menos” to protest violence against women, including femicide and slow judicial responses. [9]
Women used posters, canvases, costumes, songs, and stagings in major plazas and roadways. [4] Researcher Sergio Martinez used fieldwork from the protests in Santiago to describe the nature of the protests. Most of the signs listed demands and focused on sexual violence and freedom of expression. Some said “I want to walk home without fear”, “This body is mine”, “We don’t want power over men, but power over ourselves”. Many posters also demand recognition for domestic and reproductive work. Other posters mentioned the sexist education and cases of abuse that take place in the schooling system. [4]
The mood set by the protestors serves different purposes. The joyful dancing and games is a way for women to claim joy in the face of fear and violence. The songs they sing express their frustration with the judicial system, claiming “They kill us and assault us and no one does anything” from one protest song heard. [4] Another form of protest is to honor the victims of femicide by recreating wakes and telling the stories of victims. One demonstration used burned pieces of cloth to represent victims, and installed them on a large canvas. In an effort to reclaim control over their bodies, one protest of women marched with their faces covered and their torsos uncovered. [4]
The protests at the University of Chile led the institution to review its protocols for sexual harassment and violence. The Ministry of Education has established a working group to discuss these issues. [9]
In early May, student protests ceased because feminist student organizations were negotiating with their universities. In 2018, twelve women and five men won presidential elections to university boards. This includes the election of the first transgender woman to the Student Federation of the University of Chile. [4]
In January 2018, the Juliet Kirkwood Feminist Bank was founded to promote bills on gender equality. This group responded to the student protests by advocating for a permanent commission for Women and Gender Equity. [4]
President Piñera signed a constitutional reform on May 28, 2018, which confirmed equal rights between men and women. Critics of this reform claim that the definitions of “violence, abuse, and harassment” are too ambiguous. He also introduced a Gender Equality Agenda in May 2018 which focused on gender violence and women in the workforce. [4]
Transphobia consists of negative attitudes, feelings, or actions towards transgender people or transness in general. Transphobia can include fear, aversion, hatred, violence or anger towards people who do not conform to social gender expectations. It is often expressed alongside homophobic views and hence is often considered an aspect of homophobia. Transphobia is a type of prejudice and discrimination, similar to racism and sexism, and transgender people of color are often subjected to all three forms of discrimination at once.
Sexual harassment is a type of harassment involving the use of explicit or implicit sexual overtones, including the unwelcome and inappropriate promises of rewards in exchange for sexual favors. Sexual harassment can either be physical or verbal, maybe even both. Sexual harassment includes a range of actions from verbal transgressions to sexual abuse or assault. Harassment can occur in many different social settings such as the workplace, the home, school, or religious institutions. Harassers or victims may be of any sex or gender.
Some victims of rape or other sexual violence incidents are male. It is estimated that approximately one in six men experienced sexual abuse during childhood. Historically, rape was thought to be, and defined as, a crime committed solely against females. This belief is still held in some parts of the world, but rape of males is now commonly criminalized and has been subject to more discussion than in the past.
Sexual violence is any sexual act or attempt to obtain a sexual act by violence or coercion, act to traffic a person, regardless of the relationship to the victim. It occurs in times of peace and armed conflict situations, is widespread, and is considered to be one of the most traumatic, pervasive, and most common human rights violations.
Diana E. H. Russell was a feminist writer and activist. Born and raised in Cape Town, South Africa, she moved to England in 1957, and then to the United States in 1961. For the past 45 years she was engaged in research on sexual violence against women and girls. She wrote numerous books and articles on rape, including marital rape, femicide, incest, misogynist murders of women, and pornography. For The Secret Trauma, she was co-recipient of the 1986 C. Wright Mills Award. She was also the recipient of the 2001 Humanist Heroine Award from the American Humanist Association. She was also an organizer of the First International Tribunal on Crimes against Women, in Brussels in March 1976.
Rape culture is a setting, studied by several sociological theories, in which rape is pervasive and normalized due to societal attitudes about gender and sexuality. Behaviors commonly associated with rape culture include victim blaming, slut-shaming, sexual objectification, trivializing rape, denial of widespread rape, refusing to acknowledge the harm caused by sexual violence, or some combination of these. It has been used to describe and explain behavior within social groups, including prison rape and in conflict areas where war rape is used as psychological warfare. Entire societies have been alleged to be rape cultures. It is associated with rape fantasy and rape pornography.
Violence against women (VAW), also known as gender-based violence and sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), are violent acts primarily or exclusively committed by men or boys against women or girls. Such violence is often considered a form of hate crime, committed against women or girls specifically because they are female, and can take many forms.
Domestic violence in Chile is a prevalent problem as of 2004. Domestic violence describes violence by an intimate partner or other family members, regardless of the place the violence occurs.
The lives, roles, and rights of women in Chile have gone through many changes over time. Chilean women's societal roles have historically been impacted by traditional gender roles and a patriarchal culture, but throughout the twentieth century, women increasingly involved themselves in politics and protest, resulting in provisions to the constitution to uphold equality between men and women and prohibit sex discrimination.
Violence against women in Peru is defined as harassment or violence propagated against those who are born women. Intimate partner violence (IPV) is the most common form of gender-based violence that occurs though it can occur concurrently with sexual and emotional violence.
This is a list of topics related to the issue of masculism, men's liberation, the men's movement, and men's rights:
Campus sexual assault is the sexual assault, including rape, of a student while attending an institution of higher learning, such as a college or university. The victims of such assaults are more likely to be female, but any gender can be victimized. Estimates of sexual assault, which vary based on definitions and methodology, generally find that somewhere between 19 and 27% of college women and 6–8% of college men are sexually assaulted during their time in college.
SlutWalks in Latin America were renamed "Marcha das Vadias" in Brazil and "La Marcha de las Putas" in most Spanish-speaking countries, sometimes using PUTAS as an acronym for "Por una transformación Auténtica y Social " Some countries like Argentina, Brazil, and Colombia were known to host simultaneous Slutwalks in different cities. In almost all countries, Slutwalks are repeated annually, although not always in the same cities. Some protests select their dates to match significant events such as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women and the World Youth Day.
Feminism in Chile has its own liberation language and activist strategies for rights that is shaped by the political, economic, and social system of Chile. Beginning in the 19th century, Chilean women have been organizing with aspirations of asserting their political rights. These aspirations have had to work against the reality that Chile is one of the most socially conservative countries in Latin America. The Círculo de Estudios de la Mujer is one example of a pioneering women's organization during the Pinochet dictatorship (1973–1989) which redefined women's responsibilities and rights, linking “mothers’ rights” to women's rights and women's civil liberties. The founding members of the Círculo de Estudios de La Mujer consisted of a small group of Santiago feminists who were from the Academia de Humanismo Cristiano. These women gathered "to discuss the situation of women in Chile," their first meeting drew a crowd of over 300 participants and from there challenged the authoritarian life in Santiago. These women helped shape the rights for women in Chile.
Violence against women in Mexico includes different forms of gender-based violence. It may consist of emotional, physical, sexual, and/or mental abuse. The United Nations (UN) has rated Mexico as one of the most violent countries for women in the world. According to the National Institute of Statistics and Geography in Mexico (INEGI), 66.1 percent of all women ages 15 and older have experienced some kind of violence in their lives. Forty-nine percent have suffered from emotional violence; 29 percent have suffered from emotional-patrimonial violence or discrimination; 34 percent from physical violence; and 41.3 percent of women have suffered from sexual violence. Of the women who were assaulted in some form from 2015 to 2018, 93.7 percent of them did not seek help or report their attacks to authorities.
Ni una menos is a Latin American fourth-wave grassroots feminist movement, which started in Argentina and has spread across several Latin American countries, that campaigns against gender-based violence. This mass mobilization comes as a response to various systemic issues that proliferate violence against women. In its official website, Ni una menos defines itself as a "collective scream against machista violence." The campaign was started by a collective of Argentine female artists, journalists and academics, and has grown into "a continental alliance of feminist forces". Social media was an essential factor in the propagation of the Ni Una Menos movement to other countries and regions. The movement regularly holds protests against femicides, but has also touched on topics such as gender roles, sexual harassment, gender pay gap, sexual objectification, legality of abortion, sex workers' rights and transgender rights.
Fourth-wave feminism is a feminist movement that began around 2012 and is characterized by a focus on the empowerment of women, the use of internet tools, and intersectionality. The fourth wave seeks greater gender equality by focusing on gendered norms and the marginalization of women in society.
The feminist pathways perspective is a feminist perspective of criminology which suggests victimization throughout the life course is a key risk factor for women's entry into offending.
Fourth-wave feminism in Spain is about digital participation in virtual spaces, encouraging debates and using collective force to enact change. It is about fighting patriarchal systems, denouncing violence against women, and discrimination and inequality faced by women. It is also about creating real and effective equality between women and men. It has several major themes, with the first and most important in a Spanish context being violence against women. Other themes include the abolition of prostitution, the condemnation of pornography, the support of legal abortion, the amplifying of women's voices, ensuring mothers and fathers both have access to parental leave, opposition to surrogacy, and wage and economic parity.
The #MeToo movementin Pakistan is modeled after the international #MeToo movement and began in late 2018 in Pakistani society. It has been used as a springboard to stimulate a more inclusive, organic movement, adapted to local settings, and has aimed to reach all sectors, including the lowest rungs of society.
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