Anglo-Saxon migration debate

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The Anglo-Saxon migration debate is a controversy between migrationism and diffusionism, different explanations of the change from Romano-British to Anglo-Saxon cultures. The available evidence includes not only the scant written record but also the archaeological and genetic information.

Contents

Theories

Displacement theory

The traditional view of the process was that of a mass invasion in which the Anglo-Saxon incomers drove the native Romano-British inhabitants to the western fringes of the island. The theory, first set out by Edward Augustus Freeman, suggests that the Anglo-Saxons and the Britons were competing cultures, and that through invasion, extermination, slavery, and forced resettlement the Anglo-Saxons defeated the Britons and consequently their culture and language prevailed. [1]

It is broadly supported by the few primary sources from the time which tells of a period of violence. Furthermore, British Celtic languages had very little impact on Old English vocabulary, and this suggests that a large number of Germanic-speakers became important relatively suddenly. Such a view is broadly supported by the linguistic and toponymic evidence. On the basis of such evidence it has even been argued that large parts of what is now England were cleared of prior inhabitants.

This view has influenced much of the scholarly and popular perceptions of the process of anglicisation in Britain. It remains the starting point and 'default position', to which other hypotheses are compared in modern reviews of the evidence. [2] Widespread extermination and displacement of the native peoples of Britain is still considered a viable possibility by a number of scholars. [3] [4] [5]

Diffusion theory

In the latter half of the 20th century, archaeologists pushed back against that view and allowed for only the movement of a small Anglo-Saxon "warrior elite", which gradually popularized a non-Roman identity among the Romano-Britons after the downfall of Roman institutions. This hypothesis suggests a large-scale acculturation of natives to the incoming language and material culture. In support of this, archaeologists have found that, despite evidence of violent disruption, settlement patterns and land use show many continuities with the Romano-British past, despite profound changes in material culture. [6] The elite takeover, similar to the Norman Conquest, rather than a large-scale migration, meant the bulk of the population were Britons who adopted the culture of the conquerors. Bryan Ward-Perkins argues that while "culturally, the later Anglo-Saxons and English did emerge as remarkably un-British, ... their genetic, biological make-up is none the less likely to have been substantially, indeed predominantly, British". [7]

Within this theory, two processes leading to Anglo-Saxonisation have been proposed. One is similar to culture changes observed in Russia, North Africa and parts of the Islamic world, where a politically and socially powerful minority culture becomes, over a rather short period, adopted by a settled majority. This process is usually termed 'elite dominance'. [8]

The second process is explained through incentives, such as the wergild outlined in the law code of Ine of Wessex. The wergild of an Englishman was set at a value twice that of a Briton of similar wealth. However, some Britons could be very prosperous and own five hides of land, which gave thegn-like status, with a wergild of 600 shillings. [9] Ine set down requirements to prove guilt or innocence, both for his English subjects and for his British subjects, who were termed 'foreigners/wealas' ('Welshmen'). [10] The difference in status between the Anglo-Saxons and Britons could have produced an incentive for a Briton to become Anglo-Saxon or at least English speaking. [11]

Synthesis

Possible routes of Anglo-Saxon migration in the 5th/6th centuries Anglo.Saxon.migration.5th.cen.jpg
Possible routes of Anglo-Saxon migration in the 5th/6th centuries

In recent years there has been a synthesis of migration and acculturation, with a return to a more migrationist perspective but with an emphasis on the regional variation of the ratio of Anglo-Saxon and Romano-Britons.

Heinrich Härke explains the nature of this agreement:

It is now widely accepted that the Anglo-Saxons were not just transplanted Germanic invaders and settlers from the Continent, but the outcome of insular interactions and changes. But we are still lacking explicit models that suggest how this ethnogenetic process might have worked in concrete terms. [12]

Current academic debates

There are various questions including how many migrants there were, when the Anglo-Saxons gained political ascendency and what happened to the Romano-British people in the areas they took over.

Estimating continental migrants' numbers

Scholars have not reached a consensus on the number of migrants who entered Britain in this period with references of around 20,000, [13] 100,000 to 200,000 [12] or up to 200,000 incomers. [14] A computer simulation showed that a migration of 250,000 people from mainland Europe could have been accomplished in 38 years, [12] although recent genetic studies have suggested that the migration, including both men and women, continued over several centuries, [15] [16] possibly allowing for significantly more new arrivals than has been previously thought.

Härke and Michael Wood estimate that the British population in the area that eventually became Anglo-Saxon England was around one million by the start of the fifth century; [12] [17] however, what happened to the Britons has been debated. Although invisible in archaeological and linguistic investigations [18] there is evidence of continuity in the systems of landscape and local governance, [19] decreasing the likelihood of such a cataclysmic event, at least in parts of England. Thus, scholars have suggested other, less violent explanations by which the culture of the Anglo-Saxons, whose core area of large-scale settlement was likely restricted to what is now southeastern England, East Anglia and Lincolnshire, [20] [21] [22] [23] could have come to be ubiquitous across lowland Britain. Härke has posited a scenario in which the Anglo-Saxons, in expanding westward, outbred the Britons, eventually reaching a point where their descendants made up a larger share of the population of what was to become England. [12] It has also been proposed that the Britons were disproportionately affected by plagues arriving through Roman trade links, which, combined with a large emigration to Armorica, [20] [24] could have substantially decreased their numbers. [25] [26]

The Tribal Hidage, from an edition of Henry Spelman's Glossarium Archaiologicum Tribal Hidage Spelman.svg
The Tribal Hidage, from an edition of Henry Spelman's Glossarium Archaiologicum

Recent genetic studies, based on data collected from skeletons found in Iron Age, Roman and Anglo-Saxon era burials, have concluded that the ancestry of the modern English population contains large contributions from both Anglo-Saxon migrants and Romano-British natives. [27] [28] [29]

Knowing the number of migrants who came from the continent provides a context from which scholars can build an interpretation framework and understanding of the events of the 5th and 6th centuries. Robert Hedges in discussing this point observes that "archaeological evidence only addresses these issues indirectly." [30] The traditional methodology used by archaeology to estimate the number of migrants starts with a figure for the population in Roman Britannia in the 3rd and 4th centuries. This is usually estimated at between 2 and 4 million. [31] From this figure, Heinrich Härke and Michael Wood have argued that taking into account declines associated with political collapses, the population of what was to become Anglo-Saxon England had fallen to 1 million by the fifth century. [12] [32]

Within 200 years of their first arrival, the settlement density has been established as an Anglo-Saxon village every 2–5 kilometres (1.2–3.1 miles), in the areas where evidence has been gathered. [33] Given that these settlements are typically of around 50 people, this implies an Anglo-Saxon population in southern and eastern England of 250,000. The number of migrants therefore depends on the population increase variable. If the population rose by 1 per cent per year (slightly less than the present world population growth rate), this would suggest a migrant figure of 30,000. However, if the population rose by 2 per cent per year (similar to India in the last 20 years), the migrant figure would be closer to 5,000. [30] The excavations at Spong Hill revealed over 2,000 cremations and inhumations in what is a very large early cemetery. However, when the period of use is taken into account (over 200 years) and its size, it is presumed to be a major cemetery for the entire area and not just one village; such findings point to a smaller rather than larger number of original immigrants, possibly around 20,000. [34]

Härke concluded that "most of the biological and cultural evidence points to a minority immigration on the scale of 10 to 20% of the native population. The immigration itself was not a single 'invasion', but rather a series of intrusions and immigrations over a considerable period, differing from region to region, and changing over time even within regions. The total immigrant population may have numbered somewhere between 100,000 and 200,000 over about a century, but the geographical variations in numbers, and in social and ethnic composition, should have led to a variety of settlement processes." [12]

However, there is a discrepancy between, on the one hand, some archaeological and historical ideas about the scale of the Anglo-Saxon immigration, and on the other, estimates of the genetic contribution of the Anglo-Saxon immigrants to the modern English gene pool. Härke, Mark Thomas, and Michael Stumpf created a statistical study of those who held the "migrant" Y chromosomes and those that did not, and examined the effect of differential reproductive success between those groups, coupled with limited intermarriage between the groups, on the spread of the genetic variant to discover whether the levels of migration needed to meet a 50% contribution to the modern gene pool had been attained. Their findings demonstrated that a genetic pool can rise from less than 5% to more than 50% in as little as 200 years with the addition of a slight increase in reproduction advantage of 1.8 (meaning a ratio 51.8 to 50) and restricting the amount of female (migrant genes) and male (indigenous genes) inter-breeding to at most 10%. [11]

Generally, however, the problems associated with seeking estimates for the population before AD 1089 were set out by Thomas, Stumpf, and Härke, who write that "incidental reports of numbers of immigrants are notoriously unreliable, and absolute numbers of immigrants before the Norman period can only be calculated as a proportion of the estimated overall population." [35] Recent isotope and genetic evidence [36] [37] has suggested that migration continued over several centuries, possibly allowing for significantly more new arrivals than has been previously thought.

Saxon political ascendancy in Britain

Probable areas for Saxon settler communities Saxon.emigration.5th.cen.jpg
Probable areas for Saxon settler communities

A re-evaluation of the traditional picture of decay and dissolution in post-Roman Britain has occurred, with sub-Roman Britain being thought to have been more a part of the Late Antique world of western Europe than was customary a half century ago. [38] As part of this re-evaluation some suggest that sub-Roman Britain, in its entirety, retained a significant political, economic and military momentum across the fifth century and even the bulk of the sixth. This in large part stems from attempts to develop visions of British success against the incoming Anglo-Saxons, as suggested by the Chronicles which were written in the ninth and mid-tenth century. However, recent scholarship has contested the extent to which either can be credited with any level of historicity regarding the decades around AD 500. [39]

The representation of long-lasting British triumphs against the Saxons appears in large parts of the Chronicles, but stems ultimately from Gildas's brief and elusive reference to a British victory at Mons Badonicus – Mount Badon (see historical evidence above). Higham suggests that the war between Britons and Saxons seems to have ended in some sort of compromise, which conceded a very considerable sphere of influence within Britain to the incomers. Kenneth Dark, on the other hand, has argued for a continuation of British political, cultural and military power well into the latter part of the sixth century, even in the eastern part of the country. Dark's argument rests on the very uneven distribution of Anglo-Saxon cemeteries and the proposition that large gaps in that distribution necessarily represent strong British polities which excluded Anglo-Saxon settlers by force. [40] Cremation cemeteries in eastern Britain north of the Thames begin during the second quarter of the fifth century, [41] backed up by new archaeological phases before 450 (see Archaeological evidence above). The chronology of this "adventus" of cremations is supported by the Gallic Chronicle of 452, which states that wide parts of Britain fell under Saxon rule in 441.

Romano-Britons' fate in the south-east

Multiple theories have been proposed as to the reason behind the invisibility of the Romano-Britons in the archaeological and historical records of the Anglo-Saxon period.

While most scholars currently accept a degree of population continuity from the Roman period, this view has not gone without criticism. Stefan Burmeister notes that "to all appearances, the settlement was carried out by small, agriculturally-oriented kinship groups. This process corresponds most closely with a classic settler model. The absence of early evidence of a socially demarcated elite underscores the supposition that such an elite did not play a substantial role. Rich burials such as are well-known from Denmark have no counterparts in England until the 6th century." [42] Richard Coates points out that linguistically, "the case of the Britons in England appears consistent with the withdrawal of speakers of the previously dominant language, rather than the assimilation of the dominant classes by the incomers." [43]

Several theories have been proposed by which numbers of native Britons could have been lowered without resorting to violent means. There is linguistic and historical evidence for a significant movement of Brittonic-speakers to Armorica, which became known as Brittany. [20] [44] Meanwhile, it has been speculated that plagues arriving through Roman trade links could have disproportionately affected the Britons. [45] [46] [25]

Regional variation in settlement patterns

The synthesis of the two traditional models has resulted in an emphasis on regional variation in settlement patterns . Heinrich Härke writes that "the Anglo-Saxon migration [was] a process rather than an event, with implications for variations of the process over time, resulting in chronological and geographical diversity of immigrant groups, their origins, composition, sizes and settlement areas in Britain. These variations are, to a certain extent, reported in the written sources." [12]

According to Toby Martin, "Regional variation may well provide the key to resolution, with something more akin to mass migration in the south-east, gradually spreading into elite dominance in the north and west." [47] This view has support in the toponymic evidence. In the southeastern counties of England, Brittonic place names are nearly nonexistent, but moving north and west, they gradually increase in frequency. [48]

South and East England

By around 500, communities of Anglo-Saxons were established in southern and eastern Britain. [49] East Anglia has been identified by a number of scholars, including Härke, [12] Martin, [50] Catherine Hills [51] and Kenneth Dark [20] as a region in which a large-scale continental migration occurred, possibly following a period of depopulation in the fourth century. Lincolnshire has also been cited by Hills [51] and Martin [50] as a key centre of early settlement from the continent. Alexander Mirrington argues that in Essex, the cultural change seen in the archaeological record is so complete that "a migration of a large number of people is the most logical and least extreme solution." [52] In Kent, according to Sue Harrington and Stuart Brookes, "the weight of archaeological evidence and that from literary sources favours migrations" as the main reason for cultural change. [53]

Northumbria

There is general agreement that the larger and more north and westerly frontier kingdoms of Wessex, Mercia and Northumbria housed significant numbers of Britons. [54] Härke states that "it is widely accepted that in the north of England, the native population survived to a greater extent than in the south," and that in Bernicia, "a small group of immigrants may have replaced the native British elite and took over the kingdom as a going concern." [12]

In the northern kingdom of Bernicia, however, Härke states that "a small group of immigrants may have replaced the native British elite and took over the kingdom as a going concern." [12] Linguist Frederik Kortlandt agrees, commenting that in this region "there was a noticeable Celtic contribution to art, culture and possibly socio-military organization. It appears that the immigrants took over the institutions of the local population here." [55] In a study of place names in northeastern England and southern Scotland, Bethany Fox concluded that the immigration that did occur in this region was centred on the river valleys, such as those of the Tyne and the Tweed, with the Britons moving to the less fertile hill country and becoming acculturated over a longer period. [56]

Wessex

Evidence for the natives in Wessex, meanwhile, can be seen in the late seventh century laws of King Ine, which gave them fewer rights and a lower status than the Saxons. [57] This might have provided an incentive for Britons in the kingdom to adopt Anglo-Saxon culture. Higham points out that "in circumstances where freedom at law, acceptance with the kindred, access to patronage, and the use and possession of weapons were all exclusive to those who could claim Germanic descent, then speaking Old English without Latin or Brittonic inflection had considerable value." [58]

There is evidence for a British influence on the emerging Anglo-Saxon elite classes. The Wessex royal line was traditionally founded by a man named Cerdic, an undoubtedly Celtic name cognate to Ceretic (the name of two British kings, ultimately derived from *Corotīcos). This may indicate that Cerdic was a native Briton and that his dynasty became anglicised over time. [59] [60] A number of Cerdic's alleged descendants also possessed Celtic names, including the 'Bretwalda' Ceawlin. [61] The last man in this dynasty to have a Brittonic name was King Caedwalla, who died as late as 689. [62]

Immigration into the area that was to become Wessex occurred from both the south coast and the Upper Thames valley. The earlier, southern settlements may have been more prosaic than descriptions in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle imply. Jillian Hawkins suggests that powerful Romano-British trading ports around the Solent were able to direct significant numbers of Germanic settlers inland into areas such as the Meon valley, where they formed their own communities. [63] In areas that were settled from the Thames, different processes may have been at play, with the Germanic immigrants holding a greater degree of power. Bruce Eagles argues that the later population of areas such as Wiltshire would have included large numbers of Britons who had adopted the culture of the socially dominant Saxons, while also noting that "it seems reasonable to consider that there must have been sufficient numbers of widely dispersed immigrants to bring about this situation in a relatively short space of time." [64]

Mercia

In Mercia, too, several kings bear seemingly Celtic names, most notably Penda. [65] As far east as Lindsey, the Celtic name Caedbaed appears in the list of kings. [66]

Genetic studies

A major genetic study in 2022 which used DNA samples from different periods and regions demonstrated that there was significant immigration from the area in or near what is now northwestern Germany, and also that these immigrants intermarried with local Britons. [67] This evidence supports a theory of large-scale migration of both men and women, beginning in the Roman period and continuing until the 8th century. At the same time, the findings of the same study support theories of rapid acculturation, with early medieval individuals of both local, migrant and mixed ancestry being buried near each other in the same new ways. This evidence also indicates that in the early medieval period, and continuing into the modern period, there were large regional variations, with the genetic impact of immigration highest in the east, and declining towards the west.

References

Footnotes

  1. ↑ Freeman, E.A. (1869) Old English History for Children, MacMillan, London, pp. 7, 27–28
  2. ↑ Grimmer, M. (2007) Invasion, Settlement or Political Conquest: Changing Representations of the Arrival of the Anglo-Saxons in Britain, Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association, 3(1) pp. 169–186.
  3. ↑ Ausenda, G. (1997) Current issues and future directions in the study of the early Anglo-Saxon period, in Hines, J. (ed.) The Anglo-Saxons from Migration Period to the Eighth Century, Studies in Historical Archaeoethnology, pp. 411–450
  4. ↑ O. J. Padel. 2007. "Place-names and the Saxon conquest of Devon and Cornwall." In Britons in Anglo-Saxon England [Publications of the Manchester Centre for Anglo-Saxon Studies 7], N. Higham (ed.), 215–230. Woodbridge: Boydell.
  5. ↑ R. Coates. 2007. "Invisible Britons: The view from linguistics." In Britons in Anglo-Saxon England [Publications of the Manchester Centre for Anglo-Saxon Studies 7], N. Higham (ed.), 172–191. Woodbridge: Boydell.
  6. ↑ Higham & Ryan 2013 :104–105
  7. ↑ Ward-Perkins 2000, p. 523.
  8. ↑ Ward-Perkins 2000, p. 513-533.
  9. ↑ Lavelle, R. (2010) Alfred's Wars: Sources and Interpretations of Anglo-Saxon Warfare in the Viking Age, Boydell & Brewer p. 85
  10. ↑ Attenborough. The laws of Ine and Alfred. pp. 35–61
  11. 1 2 Thomas, Mark G., Michael PH Stumpf, and Heinrich Härke. "Evidence for an apartheid-like social structure in early Anglo-Saxon England." Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 273.1601 (2006): 2651–2657.
  12. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Härke, Heinrich. "Anglo-Saxon Immigration and Ethnogenesis". Medieval Archaeology 55.1 (2011): 1–28. Archived 26 September 2021 at the Wayback Machine.
  13. ↑ Hills 2003, p. 11-20.
  14. ↑ Ward-Perkins 2000.
  15. ↑ Schiffels, S. and Sayer, D., "Investigating Anglo-Saxon migration history with ancient and modern DNA," 2017, H.H. Meller, F. Daim, J. Frause and R. Risch (eds) Migration and Integration form Prehisory to the Middle Ages. Tagungen Des Landesmuseums Für Vorgeschichte Halle, Saale
  16. ↑ Hughes, Susan S. and Millard, Andrew R. and Chenery, Carolyn A. and Nowell, Geoff and Pearson, D. Graham (2018) 'Isotopic analysis of burials from the early Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Eastbourne, Sussex, U.K.', Journal of archaeological science : reports., 19 . pp. 513–525.
  17. ↑ Wood, Michael (25 May 2012). "Viewpoint: The time Britain slid into chaos". BBC News . Archived from the original on 25 May 2012.
  18. ↑ Coates, Richard. "Invisible Britons: The view from linguistics. Paper circulated in connection with the conference Britons and Saxons, 14–16 April. University of Sussex Linguistics and English Language Department." (2004)
  19. ↑ Hamerow, H. Early Medieval Settlements: The Archaeology of Rural Communities in North-West Europe, 400–900. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  20. 1 2 3 4 Dark 2003.
  21. ↑ Martin 2015, pp. 174–178.
  22. ↑ Kortlandt, Frederik (2018). "Relative Chronology" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 2022-10-09.
  23. ↑ Coates, Richard. "Celtic whispers: revisiting the problems of the relation between Brittonic and Old English" (PDF).
  24. ↑ Jean Merkale, King of the Celts: Arthurian Legends and Celtic Tradition (1994), pp. 97–98
  25. 1 2 Ostler 2009, p. 141.
  26. ↑ Jim Storr, King Arthur's Wars: The Anglo-Saxon Conquest of England (2016), p. 114
  27. ↑ Schiffels, Stephan; Haak, Wolfgang; Paajanen, Pirita; Llamas, Bastien; Popescu, Elizabeth; Loe, Louise; Clarke, Rachel; Lyons, Alice; Mortimer, Richard; Sayer, Duncan; Tyler-Smith, Chris; Cooper, Alan; Durbin, Richard (January 19, 2016). "Iron Age and Anglo-Saxon genomes from East England reveal British migration history". Nature Communications. 7 (1): 10408. Bibcode:2016NatCo...710408S. doi:10.1038/ncomms10408. PMC   4735688 . PMID   26783965 – via www.nature.com.
  28. ↑ Martiniano, Rui; Caffell, Anwen; Holst, Malin; Hunter-Mann, Kurt; Montgomery, Janet; Müldner, Gundula; McLaughlin, Russell L.; Teasdale, Matthew D.; van Rheenen, Wouter; Veldink, Jan H.; van den Berg, Leonard H.; Hardiman, Orla; Carroll, Maureen; Roskams, Steve; Oxley, John; Morgan, Colleen; Thomas, Mark G.; Barnes, Ian; McDonnell, Christine; Collins, Matthew J.; Bradley, Daniel G. (January 19, 2016). "Genomic signals of migration and continuity in Britain before the Anglo-Saxons". Nature Communications. 7 (1): 10326. Bibcode:2016NatCo...710326M. doi: 10.1038/ncomms10326 . PMC   4735653 . PMID   26783717. S2CID   13817552.
  29. ↑ Ross P. Byrne, Rui Martiniano, Lara M. Cassidy, Matthew Carrigan, Garrett Hellenthal, Orla Hardiman, Daniel G. Bradley, Russell L. McLaughlin, "Insular Celtic population structure and genomic footprints of migration," PLOS Genetics (January 2018)
  30. 1 2 Hedges, Robert (2011). "Anglo-Saxon migration and the molecular evidence". In Hamerow, Helena; Hinton, David A.; Crawford, Sally (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Anglo-Saxon Archaeology. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. pp. 81–83. ISBN   978-0-19-921214-9.
  31. ↑ Millet, Martin. "The Romanization of Britain." An Essay in Archaeological Interpretation (1990).
  32. ↑ Wood, Michael (25 May 2012). "Viewpoint: The time Britain slid into chaos". BBC News.
  33. ↑ Hamerow, Helena. "The earliest Anglo-Saxon kingdoms." The New Cambridge Medieval History 1 (2005): 263–90.
  34. ↑ The Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Spong Hill, North Elmham. Norfolk Archaeological Unit, 1995.
  35. ↑ Thomas, Mark G., Michael PH Stumpf, and Heinrich Härke. "Integration versus apartheid in post-Roman Britain: a response to Pattison." Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 275.1650 (2008): 2419–2421.
  36. ↑ Schiffels, S. and Sayer, D., "Investigating Anglo-Saxon migration history with ancient and modern DNA," 2017, H.H. Meller, F. Daim, J. Frause and R. Risch (eds) Migration and Integration form Prehisory to the Middle Ages. Tagungen Des Landesmuseums Für Vorgeschichte Halle, Saale
  37. ↑ Hughes, Susan S. and Millard, Andrew R. and Chenery, Carolyn A. and Nowell, Geoff and Pearson, D. Graham (2018) 'Isotopic analysis of burials from the early Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Eastbourne, Sussex, U.K.', Journal of archaeological science : reports., 19 . pp. 513-525.
  38. ↑ A. S. Esmonde Cleary, 'The Roman to medieval transition', in Britons and Romans: advancing an archaeological agenda, eds S. James and M. Millett (York, Council for British Archaeology Research Report 125, 2001), pp. 90–7.
  39. ↑ D. N. Dumville, 'Sub-Roman Britain: History and legend', History, 62, 1977, pp. 173–92; Dumville, 'The historical value of the Historia Brittonum', Arthurian Literature, 6, 1986, pp. 1–26
  40. ↑ Dark, K., Civitas to Kingdom: British Political Continuity 300–80 (London, Leicester University Press, 1994) p 97–104
  41. ↑ J. Hines, 'Philology, Archaeology and the Adventus Saxonum vel Anglorum', in Britain 400–600: Language and History, eds A. Bammesberger and A. Wollman (Heidelberg, Carl Winter, 1990), pp. 17–36.
  42. ↑ Burmeister, Stefan. "Archaeology and Migration".
  43. ↑ Coates, Richard (2017). "Celtic whispers: revisiting the problems of the relation between Brittonic and Old English" (PDF). Namenkundliche Informationen (Journal of Onomastics). 109/110. Leipziger Universitätsverlag: 166. ISBN   978-3-96023-186-8.
  44. ↑ Jean Merkale, King of the Celts: Arthurian Legends and Celtic Tradition (1994), pp. 97-98
  45. ↑ Coates, Richard (2017). "Celtic whispers: revisiting the problems of the relation between Brittonic and Old English" (PDF). Namenkundliche Informationen (Journal of Onomastics). 109/110. Leipziger Universitätsverlag: 150. ISBN   978-3-96023-186-8.
  46. ↑ Jim Storr, King Arthur's Wars: The Anglo-Saxon Conquest of England (2016), p. 114
  47. ↑ Martin 2015, pp. 173–174.
  48. ↑ Coates, Richard. "Celtic whispers: revisiting the problems of the relation between Brittonic and Old English".
  49. ↑ Brooks, Nicholas. "The formation of the Mercian Kingdom." The Origins of Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms (1989): 159–170.
  50. 1 2 Martin 2015, pp. 174–175.
  51. 1 2 Hills 2015, pp. 47–48.
  52. ↑ Alexander D. Mirrington, Transformations of Identity and Society in Anglo-Saxon Essex: A Case Study of an Early Medieval North Atlantic Community (2019: Amsterdam University Press), p. 98
  53. ↑ Stuart Brookes and Susan Harrington, The Kingdom and People of Kent, AD 400-1066, p. 24
  54. ↑ Jean Manco, The Origins of the Anglo-Saxons (2018: Thames & Hudson), pp. 131–139
  55. ↑ Kortlandt, Frederik (2018). "Relative Chronology" (PDF).
  56. ↑ Fox, Bethany. "The P-Celtic Place Names of North-East England and South-East Scotland".
  57. ↑ Martin Grimmer, "Britons in Early Wessex: The Evidence of the Law Code of Ine," in Britons in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Nick Higham (2007: Boydell and Brewer)
  58. ↑ Higham, Nicholas J., and Martin J. Ryan. The Anglo-Saxon World. Yale University Press, 2013.
  59. ↑ Koch, J.T., (2006) Celtic Culture: A Historical Encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, ISBN   978-1-85109-440-0, pp. 392–393.
  60. ↑ Myres, J.N.L. (1989) The English Settlements. Oxford University Press, pp. 146–147
  61. ↑ Ward-Perkins 2000, p. 513.
  62. ↑ Yorke, B. (1990), Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England, London: Seaby, ISBN   978-1-85264-027-9 pp. 138–139
  63. ↑ Jillian Hawkins, "Words and Swords: People and Power along the Solent in the 5th Century" (2020)
  64. ↑ Bruce Eagles, From Roman Civitas to Anglo-Saxon Shire: Topographical Studies on the Formation of Wessex (2018: Oxbow Books), pp. 74, 139
  65. ↑ Celtic culture: a historical encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, 2006ISBN 1851094407, 9781851094400, page. 60
  66. ↑ Mike Ashley, The Mammoth Book of British Kings and Queens (2012: Little, Brown Book Group)
  67. ↑ Gretzinger, J; Sayer, D; Justeau, P (2022), "The Anglo-Saxon migration and the formation of the early English gene pool", Nature, 610 (7930): 112–119, Bibcode:2022Natur.610..112G, doi: 10.1038/s41586-022-05247-2 , PMC   9534755 , PMID   36131019

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