Approaches to prejudice reduction

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There is a great deal of research on the factors that lead to the formation of prejudiced attitudes and beliefs. There is also a lot of research on the consequences of holding prejudiced beliefs and being the target of such beliefs. It is true that advances have been made in understanding the nature of prejudice. A consensus on how to end prejudice has yet to be established, but there are a number of scientifically examined strategies that have been developed in attempt to solve this social issue.

Contents

Intergroup interaction approaches

Intergroup interaction approaches to prejudice reduction refer to strategies in which members of one group are put in situations where they have to interact with members of another group that they may hold prejudiced beliefs about. For example, if people from Group X are prejudiced towards people from Group Y or vice versa, an intergroup approach would require at least one person from Group X to interact with at least one person from Group Y. The expectation is that prejudice will decrease following a specified type of interaction. Intergroup approaches to prejudice reduction have been studied a great deal in laboratory settings, as well as outside of the laboratory, particularly in schools. [1] Many intergroup prejudice reduction approaches are grounded in one of 3 main theoretical perspectives: interdependence, [2] intergroup contact, [3] and social identity. [4]

Interdependence approaches

Interdependence approaches to prejudice reduction are based on psychologist, Morton Deutsch's, theory of interdependence. [2] According to this theory, when two groups realize that they have a common issue that can only be solved by pooling their resources together, they are more likely to engage in cooperative behaviors. Cooperation then results in friendliness during discussion and positive evaluations of the individuals from the opposite group. [5]

Cooperative learning is an interdependence approach originally developed for the purpose of reducing racial prejudice in schools. It is most frequently examined in school settings, and studies testing this approach often occur across weeks.

This approach is most frequently associated with the “jigsaw method” created by social psychologist, Elliot Aronson. With this method, students are put into diverse teams of 5 or 6 people and assigned to complete a task. Each person is given a unique part of the total material necessary for solving the task. Thus, in order to complete the task, team members have to work together, each sharing their unique information with the others. [6] The jigsaw method has been shown to actually reduce prejudice toward members of the stigmatized group. A stigmatized group is a group that “has an attribute that marks them as different and leads them to be devalued in the eyes of others”. [7] The stigmatized group in the context of the jigsaw method is typically a racial minority group. Getting members of the non-stigmatized group to engage in cooperative behaviors with members of the stigmatized group results in increased liking, increased perspective taking, and increased helping behaviors between the different group members. [6]

Another variation of cooperative learning is the competitive-cooperation method. [8] With this method, the learning environment is set up such that students are assigned to diverse groups of 4-5 people and the diverse groups compete with each other in a weekly learning game tournament. Thus, group members are dependent on one another and cooperation is necessary in order for them to do well and outperform the other groups in the tournament. The same outcomes of liking, perspective taking and helping behavior are expected with this type of cooperative learning strategy.

Overall, cooperative learning strategies have been quite effective in reducing prejudice. However, as cooperative learning is generally studied with children in school settings, it is not clear what its impact is on adults. Also, there is little research on whether or not the reduction of prejudice that students experience as a result of cooperative learning extends to their perceptions of the stigmatized group as a whole or just to those members that are part of their assigned cooperative learning group. [9]

Intergroup contact approaches

Contact approaches to prejudice reduction are based on prominent social psychologist, Gordon Allport's, contact hypothesis. [3] According to this hypothesis, prejudice is best reduced under optimal conditions of contact between those who hold prejudiced beliefs and those who are the targets of prejudiced beliefs. The optimal conditions include equal status between groups in the context of the given situation, shared goals, authority support, and cooperation as opposed to competition. [10] (This does overlap with the cooperative learning strategy discussed above.) Stuart Cook's “railroad studies” [11] [12] are classic examples of the contact hypothesis put into practice. These railroad studies took place in the American South during the 1960s, an especially challenging time and place with respect to interracial relations. In these studies, racially prejudiced white adults were hired to perform a railroad management task with two coworkers under the guise that they were employed at a real part-time job. Unbeknownst to them, the two coworkers – one White and one Black – were research assistants. After working with the two coworkers for over a month under optimal conditions, the initially prejudiced white participants rated their coworkers highly in attractiveness, likeability, and competence. Moreover, several months later, participants still expressed lower prejudice than prejudiced whites that did not have the intergroup contact experience.

Social identity approaches

According to social identity theory, [4] people are biased to favor their ingroup – the group that they identify as belonging to – at the expense of the outgroup – the group that they do not identify with. Social identity-based approaches to prejudice reduction attempt to make a particular group-based identity, such as race or gender, less salient to individuals from different groups by emphasizing alternative ways of categorizing people.

One way of making a particular group-based identity less salient is through decategorization. Decategorization involves teaching people from different social groups to focus on a person's unique individual characteristics. [13] This is known as individuation, and helps to draw attention away from group differences and toward individual differences. Decategorization often causes ingroup members to perceive fewer similarities among themselves. [14]

Another way of making a particular group-based identity less salient is through recategorization. Here, individuals with different group-based identities are made aware of the fact that the groups to which they belong are part of an overarching group. The salience of their membership in the overarching group is emphasized over their exclusive group based identities. [15] For example, membership in the group “student” would be emphasized over membership in the group “humanities major” or “sciences major”.

Similar to recategorization, crossed categorization is when individuals from opposing groups are made aware of the fact that they both simultaneously belong to a third separate group, and membership in this third group is emphasized. [16] For example, membership the group “military veteran” would be emphasized over membership in the group “humanities major” or “sciences major ”.

Integrative models acknowledge the coexistence of separate group-based identities within a common group identity. [15] This is in alignment with multicultural ideologies that emphasize appreciation for racial and ethnic diversity while still emphasizing a common national identity. [1]

Because divisive group membership is deemphasized in these categorization strategies, people from opposing groups express less ingroup favoritism. However, they do not necessarily show a reduction of bias against the outgroup. [1] This approach has primarily been studied in laboratory settings and often with arbitrarily assigned group categories. [17] It is not entirely clear how these results translate when considering existing social groups in real-world settings.

Disclosure approaches

Disclosure approaches rely on self-disclosure of personal information. Here, two individuals from different social groups would each reveal a piece of personal information about themselves. The act of disclosure signals vulnerability. This increases trust and liking, and that then results in a decrease of prejudiced beliefs. [18] It is not clear if the decrease in prejudice extends beyond the disclosing individual to the social group to which that person belongs.

Individual approaches

Individual approaches to prejudice reduction are not dependent on intergroup interaction. These approaches only require that an individual be exposed to some relevant information and/or engage in an activity intended to reduce prejudice. There are two main types of individual approaches to prejudice reduction: affective strategies that target what and how you feel, and cognitive strategies that target what and how you think. A lot of the evidence on the effectiveness of affective and cognitive strategies is based on laboratory findings. [1] As most of these studies consist of one-time sessions, it is unclear how long the positive effects of the strategies last. Also, there is not much knowledge about the extent to which these strategies are effective in situations outside of the laboratory.

Affective approaches

Perspective taking. Taking the perspective of an individual from a stigmatized group has been shown to be effective in reducing prejudice [19] because it evokes feelings of similarity and affinity toward the other person. Evidence from laboratory studies suggests that perspective taking specifically leads to a decrease in the use of stereotypes when categorizing or evaluating a member of a stigmatized group. [19]

Empathy. Encouraging individuals to be empathetic towards stigmatized groups is another feeling-based strategy. Being instructed to be empathetic after reading about [20] or watching videos of discrimination, [21] against a stigmatized group, such as African Americans, results in decreased expressions of prejudice, and a stronger willingness to engage in contact with members of the stigmatized group.

Cognitive approaches

Thought awareness and suppression. Increasing a person's awareness of his or her prejudiced thoughts and instructing that person to actively suppress those thoughts is a form of prejudice reduction that has been frequently studied in laboratory settings. [22] However, suppression does not always reduce prejudice and sometimes has the opposite effect of increasing it. [23]

Attitude reconditioning. There are several strategies that attempt to recondition or retrain implicit prejudiced attitudes – attitudes that exist outside of a person's conscious awareness. One way of reconditioning implicit attitudes is through classical conditioning, whereby you pair a representation of a stigmatized group with positive images or positive words. [24] While this is helpful in reducing implicit prejudice, it is not necessarily successful at changing conscious attitudes. [25] Another method of reconditioning is known as Situational Attribution Training. [26] This training, based on the ultimate attribution error, reduces implicit prejudice by getting people to focus on situational explanations for negative behaviors displayed by members of stigmatized groups. Again, it is unclear if this leads to a decrease in conscious prejudiced attitudes.

Thought process reconditioning. Some research suggests that teaching people how to engage in more complex thinking elicits less biased evaluations of outgroup members. [27] [28] For example, instructing people on how to apply statistical reasoning to everyday judgments leads people to make more accurate assessments of outgroup members. [28]

Experts and norms. When people are told that experts believe personality traits are changeable and learned, they decrease in their stereotyping of stigmatized groups. [29] Also, stereotyping decreases when people are told that stereotyping of a particular stigmatized group is not the norm for their peers. [30]

Accountability and value consistency. Some prejudice reduction strategies rely on creating a sense of internal conflict. One such strategy involves holding people accountable for their prejudice. Prejudice has been shown to decrease when people are asked to provide concrete reasons for prejudiced beliefs. The process of generating these reasons gets people to consider the irrational nature of their prejudiced beliefs. [31] Another strategy is to get people to view prejudice as being inconsistent with their behaviors or valued attitudes. This creates cognitive dissonance, and people attempt to resolve this tension by reducing expressions of prejudice. For example, after agreeing to write a public statement advocating a policy that is beneficial to racial minorities but costly to whites, whites report more personal support for this policy than before being asked to write the public statement. [32]

Self-affirmation. People are also less likely to endorse prejudiced beliefs when their own self-worth is affirmed. After being made to feel good about themselves, people are more likely to positively rate job candidates from stigmatized groups [33] and less likely to negatively stereotype people from stigmatized groups. [34]

Integrated approaches

Integrated approaches to prejudice reduction include both intergroup and individual components, such as vicarious intergroup contact, perspective taking, and empathy. Many of these integrated approaches involve some form of entertainment. [1] After cooperative learning, entertainment-based interventions are the second most popular prejudice reduction strategy tested in non-laboratory settings. [1] Reading interventions are particularly popular.

Reading interventions. Reading interventions typically take place in schools and last an average of 5 weeks. They attempt to influence prejudiced beliefs through the use of engaging stories. [1] Often these stories highlight positive interactions between children who are similar to those receiving the intervention and children who differ from them based on their membership in a stigmatized group. Furthermore, when an emphasis is placed on individual characteristics as opposed to group membership, an experience of vicarious intergroup friendship occurs, and this leads to more positive attitudes toward children from stigmatized groups. [35] There is little knowledge, however, of how such interventions influence children's behavior in actual intergroup interactions.

Prejudice reduction strategies not often studied

Despite the fact that billions of dollars are spent on diversity training a year, [36] workplace diversity training is not necessarily informed by prejudice reduction research, and its effectiveness in reducing prejudice has rarely been examined. [37]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Prejudice</span> Attitudes based on preconceived categories

Prejudice can be an affective feeling towards a person based on their perceived group membership. The word is often used to refer to a preconceived evaluation or classification of another person based on that person's perceived personal characteristics, such as political affiliation, sex, gender, gender identity, beliefs, values, social class, age, disability, religion, sexuality, race, ethnicity, language, nationality, culture, complexion, beauty, height, body weight, occupation, wealth, education, criminality, sport-team affiliation, music tastes or other perceived characteristics.

Group dynamics is a system of behaviors and psychological processes occurring within a social group, or between social groups. The study of group dynamics can be useful in understanding decision-making behaviour, tracking the spread of diseases in society, creating effective therapy techniques, and following the emergence and popularity of new ideas and technologies. These applications of the field are studied in psychology, sociology, anthropology, political science, epidemiology, education, social work, leadership studies, business and managerial studies, as well as communication studies.

In psychology and other social sciences, the contact hypothesis suggests that intergroup contact under appropriate conditions can effectively reduce prejudice between majority and minority group members. Following WWII and the desegregation of the military and other public institutions, policymakers and social scientists had turned an eye towards the policy implications of interracial contact. Of them, social psychologist Gordon Allport united early research in this vein under intergroup contact theory.

In social psychology, superordinate goals are goals that are worth completing but require two or more social groups to cooperatively achieve. The idea was proposed by social psychologist Muzafer Sherif in his experiments on intergroup relations, run in the 1940s and 1950s, as a way of reducing conflict between competing groups. Sherif's idea was to downplay the two separate group identities and encourage the two groups to think of themselves as one larger, superordinate group. This approach has been applied in many contexts to reduce intergroup conflict, including in classrooms and business organizations. However, it has also been critiqued by other social psychologists who have proposed competing theories of intergroup conflict, such as contact theory and social categorization theory.

Social identity is the portion of an individual's self-concept derived from perceived membership in a relevant social group.

Aversive racism is a theory proposed by Samuel L. Gaertner & John F. Dovidio (1986), according to which negative evaluations of racial/ethnic minorities are realized by a persistent avoidance of interaction with other racial and ethnic groups. As opposed to traditional, overt racism, which is characterized by overt hatred for and discrimination against racial/ethnic minorities, aversive racism is characterized by more complex, ambivalent expressions and attitudes nonetheless with prejudicial views towards other races. Aversive racism arises from unconscious personal beliefs taught during childhood. Subtle racist behaviors are usually targeted towards African Americans. Workplace discrimination is one of the best examples of aversive racism. Biased beliefs on how minorities act and think affect how individuals interact with minority members.

Self-categorization theory is a theory in social psychology that describes the circumstances under which a person will perceive collections of people as a group, as well as the consequences of perceiving people in group terms. Although the theory is often introduced as an explanation of psychological group formation, it is more accurately thought of as general analysis of the functioning of categorization processes in social perception and interaction that speaks to issues of individual identity as much as group phenomena. It was developed by John Turner and colleagues, and along with social identity theory it is a constituent part of the social identity approach. It was in part developed to address questions that arose in response to social identity theory about the mechanistic underpinnings of social identification.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Stereotype</span> Generalized but fixed and oversimplified image or idea of a particular type of person or thing

In social psychology, a stereotype is a generalized belief about a particular category of people. It is an expectation that people might have about every person of a particular group. The type of expectation can vary; it can be, for example, an expectation about the group's personality, preferences, appearance or ability. Stereotypes are sometimes overgeneralized, inaccurate, and resistant to new information, but can sometimes be accurate.

The ultimate attribution error is a type of attribution error which describes how attributions of outgroup behavior are more negative than ingroup behavior. As a cognitive bias, the error results in negative outgroup behavior being more likely to be attributed to factors internal and specific to the actor, such as personality, and the attribution of negative ingroup behavior to external factors such as luck or circumstance. The bias reinforces negative stereotypes and prejudice about the outgroup and favouritism of the ingroup through positive stereotypes. The theory also extends to the bias that positive acts performed by ingroup members are more likely a result of their personality.

Ambivalent prejudice is a social psychological theory that states that, when people become aware that they have conflicting beliefs about an outgroup, they experience an unpleasant mental feeling generally referred to as cognitive dissonance. These feelings are brought about because the individual on one hand believes in humanitarian virtues such as helping those in need, but on the other hand also believes in individualistic virtues such as working hard to improve one's life.

An implicit bias or implicit stereotype is the pre-reflective attribution of particular qualities by an individual to a member of some social out group.

The imagined contact hypothesis is an extension of the contact hypothesis, a theoretical proposition centred on the psychology of prejudice and prejudice reduction. It was originally developed by Richard J. Crisp and Rhiannon N. Turner and proposes that the mental simulation, or imagining, of a positive social interaction with an outgroup member can lead to increased positive attitudes, greater desire for social contact, and improved group dynamics. Empirical evidence supporting the imagined contact hypothesis demonstrates its effectiveness at improving explicit and implicit attitudes towards and intergroup relations with a wide variety of stigmatized groups including religious minorities, the mentally ill, ethnic minorities, sexual minorities, and obese individuals. Researchers have identified a number of factors that influence the effectiveness of the imagined contact hypothesis including vividness of the imagery and how typical the imagined outgroup individual is. While some researchers question the effectiveness of the imagined contact hypothesis, empirical evidence does suggest it is effective at improving attitudes towards outgroups.

Intergroup anxiety is the social phenomenon identified by Walter and Cookie Stephan in 1985 that describes the ambiguous feelings of discomfort or anxiety when interacting with members of other groups. Such emotions also constitute intergroup anxiety when one is merely anticipating interaction with members of an outgroup. Expectations that interactions with foreign members of outgroups will result in an aversive experience is believed to be the cause of intergroup anxiety, with an affected individual being anxious or unsure about a number of issues. Methods of reducing intergroup anxiety and stress including facilitating positive intergroup contact.

The common ingroup identity model is a theoretical model proposed by Samuel L. Gaertner and John F. Dovidio that outlines the processes through which intergroup bias may be reduced. Intergroup bias is a preference for one's in-group over the out-group. Derived from the social identity approach to intergroup behaviour, the common ingroup identity model is rooted in the process of social categorization, or how people conceive of group boundaries. The model describes how intergroup bias can be reduced if members of different groups can be induced to conceive of themselves to be part of the same group, then they would develop more positive attitudes of the former outgroup members. An individual will change the way they view the out-group through a social categorization process called recategorization where former out-group members become incorporated into individual's representations of the in-group.

Integrated threat theory (ITT), also known as intergroup threat theory, is a theory in psychology and sociology which attempts to describe the components of perceived threat that lead to prejudice between social groups. The theory applies to any social group that may feel threatened in some way, whether or not that social group is a majority or minority group in their society. This theory deals with perceived threat rather than actual threat. Perceived threat includes all of the threats that members of group believe they are experiencing, regardless of whether those threats actually exist. For example, people may feel their economic well-being is threatened by an outgroup stealing their jobs even if, in reality, the outgroup has no effect on their job opportunities. Still, their perception that their job security is under threat can increase their levels of prejudice against the outgroup. Thus, even false alarms about threat still have "real consequence" for prejudice between groups.

Implicit bias training programs are designed to help individuals become aware of their implicit biases and equip them with tools and strategies to act objectively, limiting the influence of their implicit biases. Some researchers say these implicit biases are learned stereotypes that are automatic, seemingly associative, unintentional, deeply ingrained, universal, and able to influence behavior.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Intergroup relations</span>

Intergroup relations refers to interactions between individuals in different social groups, and to interactions taking place between the groups themselves collectively. It has long been a subject of research in social psychology, political psychology, and organizational behavior.

In social psychology, a metastereotype is a stereotype that members of one group have about the way in which they are stereotypically viewed by members of another group. In other words, it is a stereotype about a stereotype. They have been shown to have adverse effects on individuals that hold them, including on their levels of anxiety in interracial conversations. Meta-stereotypes held by African Americans regarding the stereotypes White Americans have about them have been found to be largely both negative and accurate. People portray meta-stereotypes of their ingroup more positively when talking to a member of an outgroup than to a fellow member of their ingroup.

Diversity ideology refers to individual beliefs regarding the nature of intergroup relations and how to improve them in culturally diverse societies. A large amount of scientific literature in social psychology studies diversity ideologies as prejudice reduction strategies, most commonly in the context of racial groups and interracial interactions. In research studies on the effects of diversity ideology, social psychologists have either examined endorsement of a diversity ideology as individual difference or used situational priming designs to activate the mindset of a particular diversity ideology. It is consistently shown that diversity ideologies influence how individuals perceive, judge and treat cultural outgroup members. Different diversity ideologies are associated with distinct effects on intergroup relations, such as stereotyping and prejudice, intergroup equality, and intergroup interactions from the perspectives of both majority and minority group members. Beyond intergroup consequences, diversity ideology also has implications on individual outcomes, such as whether people are open to cultural fusion and foreign ideas, which in turn predict creativity.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Fiona A. White</span> Australian psychologist

Fiona A. White is a professor of social psychology at the University of Sydney, Australia, and director of the Sydney University Psychology of Intergroup Relations (SUPIR) Lab., and degree coordinator of the Bachelor of Liberal Arts and Science (BLAS). She has been a lead author on four editions of Developmental Psychology: From Infancy to Adulthood. White is known as the developer of the E-contact intervention, a synchronous online tool that has been found to reduce anxiety, prejudice, and stigma.

References

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