California Voting Rights Act | |
---|---|
California State Legislature | |
Full name | California Voting Rights Act of 2001 |
Acronym | CVRA |
Introduced | February 23, 2001 |
Signed into law | July 9, 2002 |
Sponsor(s) | Sen. Richard Polanco |
Governor | Gray Davis |
Code | Elections Code |
Section | CA Elec Code §§ 14025-14032 |
Bill | S.B. 976 |
Status: Current legislation |
The California Voting Rights Act of 2001 (CVRA) is a State Voting Rights Act (SVRA) in the state of California. It makes it easier for minority groups in California to prove that their votes are being diluted in "at-large" elections by expanding on the federal Voting Rights Act of 1965. [1] In Thornburg v. Gingles (1986), the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that there are certain conditions that must be met in order to prove that minorities are being disenfranchised: that the affected minority group is sufficiently large to elect a representative of its choice, that the minority group is politically cohesive, and that white majority voters vote sufficiently as a bloc to usually defeat the minority group's preferred candidates; the CVRA eliminated one of these requirements. Unlike the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which is a federal law, the CVRA does not require plaintiffs to demonstrate a specific geographic district where a minority is concentrated enough to establish a majority. Certain cities that have never had minority representation or have a history of minority candidate suppression can be liable for triple damages and be forced to make changes within 90 days. That makes it easier for minority voters to sue local governments and eliminate at-large elections. [2] The Act was eventually signed into law on 9 July 2002. [1]
In 2006, California's Fifth District Court of Appeal ruled the act constitutional in Sanchez v. City of Modesto. [3] The city claimed that the act was unconstitutional because it inherently favored people of color. The court concluded that the act was not racist in nature and returned the case to the trial court. [3]
Critics of the act argue that it inappropriately makes race a predominant factor in elections and that it does not make sense to eliminate the requirement to establish a geographic district in which there is a minority concentration. [2] Advocates argue that at-large elections allow bloc voting, which effectively keeps minorities out of office. [4]
The bill was introduced to the California State Senate by Democratic Senator Richard Polanco. [5] The bill was endorsed by both the American Civil Liberties Union and the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund. [6] The bill passed on the Senate floor with a vote of 22 to 13, and passed on the assembly floor with a vote of 47 to 25. [6] The Act was signed into law by Governor Gray Davis on July 9, 2002. [1]
In 2016, the California legislature passed Assembly Bill 350, which amended Section 10010 of the elections code to provide a 45-day "safe harbor" limit after the receipt of a letter from potential plaintiffs in CVRA cases. The amendment took effect on January 1, 2017, and prevents lawsuits during the 45-day period. If the city makes legal moves towards district elections during that 45-day period, it cannot be sued for an additional 90 days after it makes a legal declaration. The city must then hold at least two public hearings on the matter within 30 days. The amendments to section 10010 also put a limit of $30,000 on the amount the city must pay to potential litigants if the city moves to district elections within the 90 day period. The CVRA and Section 10010 also apply to charter cities, but the section's application to enable charter cities to use an ordinance to go to district elections has not been tested in court. [7] [8]
Primarily, the CVRA makes it easier for minority groups to sue governments that use at-large elections on the grounds that they dilute the strength of minority votes. [9] The CVRA also requires the government to pay all legal and court fees for the plaintiff if the plaintiff win, including cases in which the government chooses to settle before a verdict is reached. [6] By 2009, three cases had been successfully brought against local governments; all three resulted in the elimination of at-large elections (and the drawing of district lines). A total of $4.3 million has been paid to compensate attorney's fees. [10]
Supporters of the CVRA championed how much easier it made it for minority groups to dismantle at-large elections; minorities no longer had to prove that a specific minority candidate lost because of racially-polarized voting, they had to prove only that racially-polarized voting existed. [11] Luis Artega, executive director of the Latino Issues Forum, supported the bill and claimed, "We have long been aware that at-large elections in a racially polarized electorate effectively work to dilute Latino voice and influence". [12] The law has in practice served the Latino population, but it applies to all ethnic minorities. [13] Regardless of whether racially polarized voting exists, some argue that at-large elections allow a majority voice to control the entire populace and therefore prefer elections by district. [14] When district lines are drawn with purpose by using census data, it is important to ensure that minority votes are not further fractured and diluted. [4] [ clarification needed ]
Critics of the CVRA argue that the act makes race a predominant factor in elections and that eliminating at-large elections does not make sense if a minority cannot occupy and establish a majority in a specific geographic area. [2] John McDermott, the defense attorney for the City of Modesto in its case under the CVRA, claimed that the CVRA is a radical departure from the federal Voting Rights Act and argued that at-large elections can be threatened under the law even if there is no proof that a minority group either suffered a disadvantage or would benefit from districts. [9] Others say the law is unnecessary and argue that the number of minorities holding office was on the rise before the act passed and that the law is being used to "shake down" local governments. [10] General supporters of at-large elections say they encourage candidates to encompass many viewpoints and represent diverse groups. [14]
Another criticism arose from the section of the act maintaining that if a government loses or settles, it is required to pay the attorney's fees of the plaintiffs. [15] Attorney Kevin Shenkman has been particularly criticized after he had won many cases against cities in Southern California, [16] with over 50 cities shifting to districts and paying high legal fees to his firm whether they lost or settled. [15]
Since the CVRA applies to the 58 counties, over 480 cities, and over 1,000 school districts in California, it is difficult to list all of the jurisdictions that have gone to districts or are in the process of doing so in response to the CVRA. Several sources list a selection of jurisdictions that have moved to districts but as the legal issues are clarified by court decisions and state laws, the number of cases brought and settled has increased. The Southwest Voter Registration Education Project (SVREP) has a partial list published in 2016. [17] The Rose Institute of State and Local Government of Claremont McKenna College in a "White Paper" analysed the effect of the CVRA with a partial list of cities that have gone to districts as of 2016. [18] The Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights lists over 118 school districts that have gone to districts as of 2014 because of the CVRA. [19] The League of California Cities has a set of PowerPoint Slides which describe the CVRA process after AB350 amended California elections Code 10010 which includes some case studies. [20]
After the 2016 modifications to Section 10010, settlements became simpler and less expensive.
In May 2014, the City of Visalia settled a CVRA lawsuit two months after it was filed for $125,000. A ballot measure to move to district elections failed and a settlement was soon thereafter reached with a stipulated judgement. The court ordered single member districts. [21] [22]
The City of Escondido agreed in 2013 to a settlement to pay $385,000 in legal fees to the plaintiffs. At the time, Latinos made up 49% of the population, but in the previous 125 years, only two Latinos had been elected to the city council. The districts were to be drawn up by a seven-member panel selected by retired San Diego County judges. The city council could not alter the panel's district boundaries but could reject the map as drawn. The city said that it paid $200,000 to its own attorneys. The City Council's Ballot Measure P to go to districts had been rejected by 53% in November 2012. [23] [24]
In 2008, Maria Esther Rey, Jesse Lopez, and Carlos Uranga filed a suit against the Madera Unified School District under the CVRA. Plaintiffs contended that the at-large system of elections diluted the Latino vote. Although the district immediately moved to remedy the situation, the plaintiffs also argued that the upcoming 2008 "at-large" elections should be enjoined which was ordered by the trial court. The 5th District Court of Appeals awarded $162,500 in legal fees to the plaintiffs in 2012. [25]
In 2017, the Newport-Mesa Unified School District settled out of court with Eloisa Rangel for $105,937. Ms. Rangel sued the district in Orange County Superior Court to promote greater representation of Latino members. Kevin Shenkman, a Malibu-based attorney represented Rangel. [26] [27]
A suit brought by the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights in 2003 was settled in 2004. The first case to use the CVRA did not go to court. Plaintiffs were paid $110,000. Although 40% of the district was Latino, no Latino had been elected to the school board in over 20 years. [28] [29] [19] [30]
In 2009, the Ceres Unified School district was reported to have paid $3,000 to settle with plaintiffs, who were also permitted to draw the district boundaries. [19] [31]
On March 31, 2012, the Compton Community College District (CCCD) agreed to pay Joaquin Avila $40,000 "in settlement of all fees and costs associated with the" litigation. Mr. Avila was a professor of law at Seattle University. The National Demographics Corporation describes it as a "friendly" lawsuit. [32] [33] [34] [35]
In 2004, the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights filed a suit under the CVRA against the City of Modesto on behalf of three Latino residents. The committee claimed that racially-polarized voting was keeping Latinos out of office; the city had had only one Latino council member since 1911 even though the Latino population exceeded 25 percent. [9] County Superior Court Judge Roger Beauchesne sided with the city and declared the law unconstitutional. [11] Beauchesne said the law showed preference to minorities without requiring them to demonstrate need and ruled that the requirement for the city to pay attorney's fees was an unconstitutional gift of money. [9] The case was appealed to the 5th District Court of Appeals who struck down the initial ruling, siding with the law. [36] The city appealed the case to the California Supreme Court, claiming that the law allowed reverse racism and constituted unconstitutional affirmative action. [36] The state Supreme Court refused to hear the case and sent it case back to trial court. [37]
The case ended in settlement after the city voted on a ballot measure to use district voting by 2009. Although the city settled, they were still responsible for paying $3 million in fees for the defendants' lawyers. [37]
In July 2003, the school district of Hanford was sued by Latino voters, backed by civil rights organizations, under the CVRA; the suit claimed that racially-polarized voting had negatively affected the ability of Latinos to assume office (there had not been a Latino on the district's board of trustees in 20 years despite a population that was 38 percent Latino). [14] The city chose to settle and agreed to use by district voting for the board of trustees. [38] It was the first case to be settled under the CVRA. [39] Although the case never went to trial, the district had to pay $110,000 in attorney's fees to the plaintiffs as a part of the settlement. [38]
In August 2008, the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights filed suit against the Madera Unified School District on behalf of three Latino residents. [40] The plaintiffs pointed out that while 82 percent of students in Madera were Latino (though only 44 percent of those eligible to vote were Latinos), only one out of seven board members was Latino. [41] The city, instead of going to trial, agreed to draw district lines. The district spokesman, Jake Bragonier, said the decision to avoid trial was a "business decision" in reference to the possibility of having to pay attorney's fees. [41]
The committee also asked the court to throw out the previous November's elections. Judge James Oakley ruled against the school board and threw out the November election results. [41] The ruling meant that the school district was officially the losing party and was required to pay the $1.2 million in attorney's fees to the plaintiffs, [40] but a Superior Court judge later reduced the amount by 85% to $162,500.
The 2010 election resulted in four Latino board members. Before this, there had been only one. [42] [43] This was the first case under the CVRA that was decided by a judge, not a settlement. [40]
The Voting Rights Act of 1965 is a landmark piece of federal legislation in the United States that prohibits racial discrimination in voting. It was signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson during the height of the civil rights movement on August 6, 1965, and Congress later amended the Act five times to expand its protections. Designed to enforce the voting rights protected by the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, the Act sought to secure the right to vote for racial minorities throughout the country, especially in the South. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, the Act is considered to be the most effective piece of federal civil rights legislation ever enacted in the country. The National Archives and Records Administration stated: "The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was the most significant statutory change in the relationship between the federal and state governments in the area of voting since the Reconstruction period following the Civil War".
The NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. is an American civil rights organization and law firm based in New York City.
FairVote is a 501(c)(3) organization and lobbying group in the United States. It was founded in 1992 as Citizens for Proportional Representation to support the implementation of proportional representation in American elections. Its focus changed over time to emphasize instant-runoff voting (IRV), a national popular vote, and universal voter registration. It changed its name to the Center for Voting and Democracy in 1993 and to FairVote in 2004.
Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339 (1960), was a landmark decision of the Supreme Court of the United States that found an electoral district with boundaries created to disenfranchise African Americans violated the Fifteenth Amendment.
The Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF) is a national non-profit civil rights organization formed in 1968 by Jack Greenberg to protect the rights of Latinos in the United States. Founded in San Antonio, Texas, it is currently headquartered in Los Angeles, California and maintains regional offices in Sacramento, San Antonio, Chicago, and Washington, D.C.
Nativo Lopez-Vigil was an American political leader and immigrant rights activist in Southern California. Lopez was a national president of the Mexican American Political Association and the national director of the Hermandad Mexicana Latinoamericana, a community service and advocacy organization for Mexican and Latin American immigrants throughout the United States.
League of United Latin American Citizens v. Perry, 548 U.S. 399 (2006), is a Supreme Court of the United States case in which the Court ruled that only District 23 of the 2003 Texas redistricting violated the Voting Rights Act. The Court refused to throw out the entire plan, ruling that the plaintiffs failed to state a sufficient claim of partisan gerrymandering.
The Chicago Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights is a consortium of American law firms in Chicago that provides legal services in civil rights cases
Madera Unified School District is a public school district serving Madera, California.
Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30 (1986), was a United States Supreme Court case in which a unanimous Court found that "the legacy of official discrimination ... acted in concert with the multimember districting scheme to impair the ability of "cohesive groups of black voters to participate equally in the political process and to elect candidates of their choice." The ruling resulted in the invalidation of districts in the North Carolina General Assembly and led to more single-member districts in state legislatures.
Shelby County v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529 (2013), is a landmark decision of the Supreme Court of the United States regarding the constitutionality of two provisions of the Voting Rights Act of 1965: Section 5, which requires certain states and local governments to obtain federal preclearance before implementing any changes to their voting laws or practices; and subsection (b) of Section 4, which contains the coverage formula that determines which jurisdictions are subject to preclearance based on their histories of racial discrimination in voting.
Gerrymandering is the practice of setting boundaries of electoral districts to favor specific political interests within legislative bodies, often resulting in districts with convoluted, winding boundaries rather than compact areas. The term "gerrymandering" was coined after a review of Massachusetts's redistricting maps of 1812 set by Governor Elbridge Gerry noted that one of the districts looked like a mythical salamander.
Bernette Joshua Johnson is an American lawyer from New Orleans, who served as the chief justice of the Louisiana Supreme Court from 2013 to 2020.
Edward Jay Blum is an American conservative litigant who opposes classifications and preferences based on race and ethnicity.
Joaquin Guadalupe Avila was an American voting rights attorney and activist. Avila spent more than two decades using the federal Voting Rights Act of 1965 to increase election fairness for minority voters. But as several court precedents weakened the federal Voting Rights Act, Avila conceived of state voting rights acts as a way to again strengthen minority voting rights. Thus Avila crafted the California Voting Rights Act that was enacted in 2001.
Abbott v. Perez, 585 U.S. ___ (2018), was a United States Supreme Court case dealing with the redistricting of the state of Texas following the 2010 census.
Virginia House of Delegates v. Bethune-Hill, 587 U.S. ___ (2019), was a case argued before the United States Supreme Court on March 18, 2019, in which the Virginia House of Delegates appealed against the decision in 2018 by the district court that 11 of Virginia's voting districts were racially gerrymandered, and thus unconstitutional. The Court held the "Virginia House of Delegates lacks standing to file this appeal, either representing the state's interests or in its own right." In other words, the court upheld the decision made by a federal district court ruling in June 2018 that 11 state legislative districts were an illegal racial gerrymander. This was following a previous (2017) case, Bethune-Hill v. Virginia State Bd. of Elections.
The Virginia Beach City Council is the legislative branch that governs the City of Virginia Beach and its more than 450,000 citizens. It has 11 members that serve four-year terms and are elected on a staggered basis. General elections are held the Tuesday following the first Monday in November in even-numbered years. All registered voters are eligible to vote for all members of City Council. Three Council Members and the Mayor serve "At Large" with no district residency requirement. All other Council Members are required to live in the districts they represent: Bayside, Beach, Centerville, Kempsville, Lynnhaven, Princess Anne, and Rose Hall. The Council holds regular meetings on alternate Tuesday evenings on the second floor of the Virginia Beach City Hall.
Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee, 594 U.S. ___ (2021), was a United States Supreme Court case related to voting rights established by the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA), and specifically the applicability of Section 2's general provision barring discrimination against minorities in state and local election laws in the wake of the 2013 Supreme Court decision Shelby County v. Holder, which removed the preclearance requirements for election laws for certain states that had been set by Sections 4(b) and 5. Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee involves two of Arizona's election policies: one outlawing ballot collection and another banning out-of-precinct voting. The Supreme Court ruled in a 6–3 decision in July 2021 that neither of Arizona's election policies violated the VRA or had a racially discriminatory purpose.
Allen v. Milligan, 599 U. S. 1 (2023), is a United States Supreme Court case related to redistricting under the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA). The appellees and respondents argued that Alabama's congressional districts discriminated against African-American voters. The Court ruled 5–4 that Alabama's districts likely violated the VRA, maintained an injunction that required Alabama to create an additional majority-minority district.
...when cities lose or settle a voting rights case they are required to pay the plaintiff's legal fees.
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