The Catfish Dispute started in 2001, as a trade war between Vietnam and the United States' catfish producers. The main argument concerns the import volume of catfish from Vietnam which results in lower profits for U.S. catfish producers. In dealing with major losses in profit, the Catfish Farmers of America (CFA), presented a series of lawsuits to the U.S. Department of Commerce against frozen catfish from Vietnam.
First, the CFA filed for a food labeling claims which forced Vietnamese imported catfish to be labeled "Made in Vietnam". Next, the CFA accused the Vietnamese producers of dumping their products into the U.S. market. Most recently, a catfish quality investigation in program was implemented to verify the quality of catfish by Vietnamese producers. These claims from the CFA propose a trade barrier of catfish between Vietnam and the United States. The unresolved catfish disputes affect not only the producers but the consumers in both countries.
After years of conflicts, the relationship between the U.S. and Vietnam was eventually brightened up when the embargo by the U.S. to Vietnam was lifted in 1995. [1] Following this event, in December 2001, Vietnam and the U.S. signed a bilateral trade agreement (BTA) that resumed and formalized all trading status. [2] Since the BTA became effective, Vietnam increasingly exports up to nearly $30.5 billion worth of their products including shoes, textiles, agricultural goods and other commodities to the U.S. [3] In return, the U.S. exports approximately $5.5 billion in goods to Vietnam. [3] Catfish was among the major exports of Vietnam to the U.S [4] In 2014, catfish producers in Vietnam bred over 1.1 million tonnes and exported around 500 tonnes of catfish every month to the U.S. [5] These figures represents 2 percent of fish consumed by American consumers. [6]
In the U.S., catfish is raised generally in Mississippi, Arkansas and Louisiana in ponds. [7] With the increasing number of catfish imported from Vietnam, U.S. domestic producers began to worry about their profit margins. In 2002, Vietnamese catfish captured around 20 percent of American frozen fish market. [8] In 2012, this figure went up to 60 percent. [9] American catfish producers decided to take proper measurement eventually. The Association of Catfish Farmers of America represented these American domestic producers to file lawsuits against the mass imports of Vietnamese catfish starting in 2001. [10]
In 2001, the CFA decided to propose a food label policy. [11] In particular, the CFA claimed that catfish from Vietnam was poor quality and biologically not catfish. The U.S. Senate favored this claim and passed a law implemented by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) to require all Vietnamese catfish to be labeled either "Tra" or "Basa". [12] In the following, a label "Made in Vietnam" was also required for any catfish imported from Vietnam. This action aimed to provide customers with more accurate and verifiable choice between foreign and domestically grown catfish. In addition, the CFA ran an ad that encouraged American consumers not to trust foreign catfish because of their breeding origin. [13]
The controversial action of food labeling claims posed a question whether this act aimed to protect consumers or to form a protectionism barrier against Vietnamese catfish. Food-labeling practices are considered a method of protectionism, it is important to have verifiable evidence for the claim. However, the FDA's claims that Vietnamese catfish were unsanitary without sufficient evidence or investigation could be misleading to consumers, and would put Vietnamese producers in a potentially unequal trade position. [14]
In addition to the food labeling claims that implied Vietnamese catfish of being raised in poor condition, the CFA accused the Vietnamese producers of dumping their products in the U.S. market. [15] Since the Vietnamese catfish prices continued to sell in the U.S. market despite the food labeling action, the CFA claimed that Vietnamese catfish producers were heavily subsidized by the government. [12] Therefore, their production costs were not accurate in reflecting the selling prices in the U.S. The U.S. required the Vietnamese producers to prove that they operated under free market condition without any government subsidy.
The Vietnamese producers responded that their low costs of production were due to cheaper labor, and favorable producing conditions. [8] The flowing water of the Mekong helped in washing the fish, which contributed to the lower costs. Nevertheless, a delegation from the Department of Commerce was sent to investigate the anti-dumping claims. In 2003, the CFA won the case of anti-dumping, and authorized tariffs of up to 64 percent on the Vietnamese catfish. [7]
Despite these trade barriers imposed by the U.S., Vietnamese catfish imports to the United States continues to rise. [4] In 2008, the U.S. producers decided to lobby for another barrier to keep Vietnamese catfish out of the domestic market by propose an inspection requirement into the 2008 farm bill. [7] According to this action, an inspection system was required so that all catfish production must meet the standard. This system is equivalent to U.S. inspections, which would be costly and significantly complicated to the Vietnamese producers to establish. The law also put the U.S. Department of Agriculture in charge of deciding the category and definition of catfish instead of the FDA. [16]
The catfish quality inspection requirement from the 2008 farm bill posed yet another massive trade barrier to Vietnamese catfish producers in exporting their goods to the U.S. market.
The catfish trade disputes affect the Vietnamese producers significantly, since they have agreed to the quota imposed by the US. In April 2003, the Vietnam Association of Seafood Exporters and Producers [17] (VASEP) agreed to cut shipment volumes from 2003 to 2005, with penalties for exceeding quota. [18] One of the largest export products of Vietnam was restricted by a series of trade barriers to protect domestic producers, particularly, the CFA in this case.
Nevertheless, the amount of frozen fish imported to the U.S. increased to 215 million pounds in 2014, which valued at more than $300 million a year. [19] Despite the lawsuits and lobby efforts, U.S. catfish producers saw production fall by nearly 50 percent from 630 million pounds in 2004 to around 340 million in 2013. [20] With the additional costs of labels and adopting the new inspection system, domestic producers are considering to eliminate catfish from their productions. [19]
For American consumers, this trade dispute affected their budget negatively. Without the cheap catfish from Vietnam, U.S. consumers face higher prices from domestic producers. Consumers now will bear the costs of the label process as well as the USDA inspection requirement on each pound of catfish that they buy from domestic producers. Experts even predict that the action against foreign producers would force consumers to buy more Vietnamese catfish[ citation needed ]. Furthermore, other commodities and goods imported from Vietnam would likely to be at higher prices as Vietnam sought to retaliate in the dispute.
The trade war for catfish has been unresolved for decades without a definite winner. Vietnamese officials have stated their concern of the new inspection program in 2008 as a disguise of protectionism. [4] On the other hand, the USDA insists on moving forward with their inspection agenda. Efforts such as negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement including Japan, Vietnam and the U.S. showed little progress in resolving this trade dispute. [21]
The economy of Vietnam is a developing mixed socialist-oriented market economy. It is the 35th-largest economy in the world by nominal gross domestic product (GDP) and the 26th-largest economy in the world by purchasing power parity (PPP). It is a lower-middle income country with a low cost of living. Vietnam is a member of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the World Trade Organization.
A tariff is a tax imposed by the government of a country or by a supranational union on imports or exports of goods. Besides being a source of revenue for the government, import duties can also be a form of regulation of foreign trade and policy that taxes foreign products to encourage or safeguard domestic industry. Protective tariffs are among the most widely used instruments of protectionism, along with import quotas and export quotas and other non-tariff barriers to trade.
Free trade is a trade policy that does not restrict imports or exports. In government, free trade is predominantly advocated by political parties that hold economically liberal positions, while economic nationalist and left-wing political parties generally support protectionism, the opposite of free trade.
Protectionism, sometimes referred to as trade protectionism, is the economic policy of restricting imports from other countries through methods such as tariffs on imported goods, import quotas, and a variety of other government regulations. Proponents argue that protectionist policies shield the producers, businesses, and workers of the import-competing sector in the country from foreign competitors and raise government revenue. Opponents argue that protectionist policies reduce trade, and adversely affect consumers in general as well as the producers and workers in export sectors, both in the country implementing protectionist policies and in the countries against which the protections are implemented.
Dumping, in economics, is a form of predatory pricing, especially in the context of international trade. It occurs when manufacturers export a product to another country at a price below the normal price with an injuring effect. The objective of dumping is to increase market share in a foreign market by driving out competition and thereby create a monopoly situation where the exporter will be able to unilaterally dictate price and quality of the product. Trade treaties might include mechanisms to alleviate problems related to dumping, such as countervailing duty penalties and anti-dumping statutes.
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Non-tariff barriers to trade are trade barriers that restrict imports or exports of goods or services through mechanisms other than the simple imposition of tariffs. Such barriers are subject to controversy and debate, as they may comply with international rules on trade yet serve protectionist purposes.
Trade can be a key factor in economic development. The prudent use of trade can boost a country's development and create absolute gains for the trading partners involved. Trade has been touted as an important tool in the path to development by prominent economists. However trade may not be a panacea for development as important questions surrounding how free trade really is and the harm trade can cause domestic infant industries to come into play.
Japan's major export industries include automobiles, consumer electronics, computers, semiconductors, copper, and iron and steel. Additional key industries in Japan's economy are petrochemicals, pharmaceuticals, bioindustry, shipbuilding, aerospace, textiles, and processed foods.
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Basa is a species of catfish in the family Pangasiidae. Basa are native to the Mekong and Chao Phraya basins in Mainland Southeast Asia. These fish are important as a food source, and also on the international market. They are often labelled in North America and Australia as "basa fish", "swai", or "bocourti". In the UK all species of Pangasius may legally be described as "river cobbler", "cobbler", "basa", "pangasius", "panga", or any of these with the addition of "catfish". In the rest of Europe, these fish are commonly marketed as "pangasius" or "panga". In Asian markets, names for basa include "Pacific dory" and "patin". Other related shark catfish may occasionally be incorrectly labeled as basa fish, including P. hypophthalmus and P. pangasius.
A voluntary export restraint (VER) or voluntary export restriction is a measure by which the government or an industry in the importing country arranges with the government or the competing industry in the exporting country for a restriction on the volume of the latter's exports of one or more products.
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