The council was attended by a number of bishops from across Anglo-Saxon England. Bede also records royal attendance, as King Ecgfrith of Northumbria was present.[4] The Council of Hertford acted as a milestone in the organisation of the Anglo-Saxon Church, as the decrees passed by its delegates focused on issues of authority and structure within the church.[5] The council helped achieve unification in the English Church.
Attendees
Besides Theodore, Bede records four other bishops being present. These were: Bisi, bishop of the East Angles; Putta, bishop of Rochester; Leuthere, bishop of the West Saxons; and Winfrith, bishop of Mercia. Wilfrid of Northumbria was not present but was represented by proctors. As well as the bishops, ‘many teachers of the church’ attended, and Titill the notary was present to document the decisions made.[6] Despite there being few bishops in attendance, these bishops came from across Anglo-Saxon England, so the council was national in scope.
In the chronological summary of his Ecclesiastical History, Bede records that King Ecgfrith was present at the council.[7] This information is absent from Bede's main account of the synod in IV.5, and details of Ecgfrith's role at Hertford are unknown.[8] Despite Ecgfrith's presence, Hertford was ecclesiastical in focus. Bede attests that it was Theodore who summoned the council and had authority over its proceedings. Bede describes Theodore as ‘the first of the archbishops whom the whole English Church consented to obey’.[9] Theodore is depicted by Bede as an authority figure at Hertford, convening the synod and dictating to the notary Titill that which needed to be recorded.[10]
Map of Anglo-Saxon England, displaying the 'heptarchy': the seven kingdoms which existed from the fifth century until their unification in the tenth. Shows the location of Hertford.
Dating
The dating of the Council of Hertford is contentious, as the date Bede attributes to the council contradicts the dating clause of the text of the council. Bede writes that the synod took place in 673, while the synod text asserts that the bishops met ‘on 24 September, in the first indiction’, which was 672.[11][12] Bede also records that the council occurred ‘in the third year of Ecgfrith’s reign’.[13] As September 673 fell in the fourth year of his reign, Bede's ascription of 673 was likely erroneous.[14]
There is debate over the cause of this dating confusion, but the historical consensus is that the synod of Hertford occurred in 672 not 673. Kirby has argued that Bede mistakenly attributed the date of the council to 673 because he confused its date with the year of the death of King Egbert.[15] Wood more generally argues that Bede must have made some form of chronological mistake, while Levison and Harrison attribute the 673 date to Bede's use of Dionysiac Easter tables.[16][17][18] Cubitt has argued that the Council of Haethfield ‘undoubtedly’ met in 679, so Bede's incorrect ascription of 680 indicates that his chronology was amiss and that the dating of the document of Hertford should be followed.[19]
Location
As Hertford (Herutford) is a common name, it is uncertain exactly where the council occurred geographically. Four Heortfords were recorded in Domesday Book, but Cubitt argues Hertford in Hertfordshire is most likely, especially considering its prominence by the eleventh century. Geographically, Hertford is located near Ermine Street and on the River Lea. So, Hertford was accessible for the attendees of the synod, who were travelling from across England.[20]
On the other hand, the country round Hertford, Hertfordshire, was then in the diocese of London, but that see was vacant (it had no bishop), whereas the Council was chaired by Bisi, bishop of the East Angles, in whose diocese lay another candidate for the venue of the Council, namely Hartford, Cambridgeshire. There may not have been a settlement at Hertford, Hertfordshire, suitable to host such a meeting.[21]
Proceedings
As well as the decrees of the council, the synod text includes Theodore's introduction, in which the proceedings are explained. This gives insight into the structuring of Anglo-Saxon synods, Rumble suggesting it is ‘unusual’ to have such a detailed account of the proceedings of an assembly recorded.[22]
Theodore assembled the bishops ‘each in his own place’, likely according to seniority, as ruled in the eighth canon of the council.[23] Theodore addressed the bishops, asking them ‘if they were willing to keep the canonical decrees’ of the fathers, to which they agree enthusiastically in unison. Then, he presented a book of canons and highlighted ten chapters which were ‘specially necessary’. These chapters are discussed and then ratified by the attendees. Theodore then concluded by asserting the gravity of adherence to these canons, and warning of the consequences of disobedience.[24]
Creed
The chapters discussed are summarised as follows:[25]
Chapter One
That Easter Day is to be kept ‘at the same time, namely on the Sunday after the fourteenth day of the moon of the first month’. This was confirming the English adherence to the Roman calculation of Easter, as decided at the Synod of Whitby in 664.[26]
Chapter Two
That ‘no bishop intrude into the diocese of another bishop’, and rather ‘be content’ with their own diocesan rule.
Chapter Three
That bishops are not to interfere ‘in any way’ with monasteries, nor ‘forcibly’ take any monastic property. Rumble has emphasised that this decree still allowed the local bishop to participate in the election of abbots in his diocese thereby not disregarding the right given by the Rule of St Benedict.[27]
Chapter Four
That monks are not to ‘wander from place to place’, meaning between monasteries. They may only do so if they have ‘letters dimissory from their own abbot’.
Chapter Five
That clergy are not to ‘leave their own bishop nor wander about at will’. Clergy are not to be ‘received anywhere without letters commendatory from his own bishop’. The ‘receiver and the received’ risk excommunication if this is not obeyed. Godfrey has argued that chapters four and five, concerning wandering clerics and monks, were significant because they indicated ‘the end of the migratory stage in the Conversion’, and the establishment of a stable diocesan system.[28]
Chapter Six
That travelling bishops and clergy are to be ‘content with the hospitality offered them’, and not to exercise any ‘priestly function’ without the bishop of the diocese's permission.
Chapter Seven
That a synod is to occur ‘twice yearly’. However, this proposal prompted discussion and after ‘hindrances’ emerged, it was thus decided that the bishops were to meet annually on 1 August at Clofesho. The location of Clofesho is unknown, and Cubitt has demonstrated that in practice this ruling was not followed.[29]
Chapter Eight
That no bishop is to ‘claim precedence over another bishop out of ambition’, but that rank is according to ‘order of consecration’.
Chapter Nine
That ‘more bishops shall be created as the number of the faithful increases’. This measure was discussed but no decision was reached at this synod. This marked the introduction of Theodore's plan to create more dioceses, a policy which he continually advocated.
Chapter Ten
Concerning marriage. Reasserting that ‘nothing be allowed but lawful wedlock’.
Significance
The Council of Hertford denotes the introduction of the English Church to ‘synodical government’, which was an established format on the Continent. The influential Synod of Whitby predates the Council of Hertford, but Whitby was specifically convened to discuss the controversial issue of the dating of Easter. Thus, Hertford was the first instance in which the bishops convened to discuss general ecclesiastical issues, and so was the definitive beginning of an Anglo-Saxon conciliar tradition.[30]
In being the first national synod, the Council of Hertford acted as a precedent for future synods. These meetings were not as frequent as Theodore intended at Hertford, but later councils such as Hatfield clearly were influenced by the structures put in place at Hertford. Cubitt has emphasised that, while Greek and Roman councils acted as the ‘ultimate model’, the early Anglo-Saxon councils ‘set the style’ for future proceedings.[31]
Related Research Articles
The 670s decade ran from January 1, 670, to December 31, 679.
Oswiu, also known as Oswy or Oswig, was King of Bernicia from 642 and of Northumbria from 654 until his death. He is notable for his role at the Synod of Whitby in 664, which ultimately brought the church in Northumbria into conformity with the wider Catholic Church.
Theodore of Tarsus was Archbishop of Canterbury from 668 to 690. Theodore grew up in Tarsus, but fled to Constantinople after the Persian Empire conquered Tarsus and other cities. After studying there, he relocated to Rome and was later installed as the Archbishop of Canterbury on the orders of Pope Vitalian. Accounts of his life appear in two 8th-century texts. Theodore is best known for his reform of the English Church and establishment of a school in Canterbury.
Wilfrid was an English bishop and saint. Born a Northumbrian noble, he entered religious life as a teenager and studied at Lindisfarne, at Canterbury, in Gaul, and at Rome; he returned to Northumbria in about 660, and became the abbot of a newly founded monastery at Ripon. In 664 Wilfrid acted as spokesman for the Roman position at the Synod of Whitby, and became famous for his speech advocating that the Roman method for calculating the date of Easter should be adopted. His success prompted the king's son, Alhfrith, to appoint him Bishop of Northumbria. Wilfrid chose to be consecrated in Gaul because of the lack of what he considered to be validly consecrated bishops in England at that time. During Wilfrid's absence Alhfrith seems to have led an unsuccessful revolt against his father, Oswiu, leaving a question mark over Wilfrid's appointment as bishop. Before Wilfrid's return Oswiu had appointed Ceadda in his place, resulting in Wilfrid's retirement to Ripon for a few years following his arrival back in Northumbria.
Ecgfrith was the King of Deira from 664 until 670, and then King of Northumbria from 670 until his death in 685. He ruled over Northumbria when it was at the height of its power, but his reign ended with a disastrous defeat at the Battle of Nechtansmere in which he lost his life.
Æthelred was king of Mercia from 675 until 704. He was the son of Penda of Mercia and came to the throne in 675, when his brother, Wulfhere of Mercia, died from an illness. Within a year of his accession he invaded Kent, where his armies destroyed the city of Rochester. In 679 he defeated his brother-in-law, Ecgfrith of Northumbria, at the Battle of the Trent: the battle was a major setback for the Northumbrians, and effectively ended their military involvement in English affairs south of the Humber. It also permanently returned the kingdom of Lindsey to Mercia's possession. However, Æthelred was unable to re-establish his predecessors' domination of southern Britain.
Eanflæd was a Deiran princess, queen of Northumbria and later, the abbess of an influential Christian monastery in Whitby, England. She was the daughter of King Edwin of Northumbria and Æthelburg, who in turn was the daughter of King Æthelberht of Kent. In or shortly after 642 Eanflæd became the second wife of King Oswiu of Northumbria. After Oswiu's death in 670, she retired to Whitby Abbey, which had been founded by Hilda of Whitby. Eanflæd became the abbess around 680 and remained there until her death. The monastery had strong association with members of the Northumbrian royal family and played an important role in the establishment of Roman Christianity in England.
The Battle of Dun Nechtain or Battle of Nechtansmere was fought between the Picts, led by King Bridei Mac Bili, and the Northumbrians, led by King Ecgfrith, on 20 May 685.
Chad was a prominent 7th-century Anglo-Saxon churchman, who became abbot of several monasteries, Bishop of the Northumbrians and subsequently Bishop of the Mercians and Lindsey People. He was later canonised as a saint. He was the brother of Cedd, also a saint. He features strongly in the work of the Venerable Bede and is credited, together with Cedd, with introducing Christianity to the Mercian kingdom.
Aldfrith was king of Northumbria from 685 until his death. He is described by early writers such as Bede, Alcuin and Stephen of Ripon as a man of great learning. Some of his works and some letters written to him survive. His reign was relatively peaceful, marred only by disputes with Bishop Wilfrid, a major figure in the early Northumbrian church.
The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, written by the Venerable Bede in about AD 731, is a history of the Christian Churches in England, and of England generally; its main focus is on the conflict between the pre-Schism Roman Rite and Celtic Christianity. It was originally composed in Latin, and is believed to have been completed in 731 when Bede was approximately 59 years old. It is considered one of the most important original references on Anglo-Saxon history, and has played a key role in the development of an English national identity.
Ecgbert was an 8th-century cleric who established the archdiocese of York in 735. In 737, Ecgbert's brother became king of Northumbria and the two siblings worked together on ecclesiastical issues. Ecgbert was a correspondent of Bede and Boniface and the author of a legal code for his clergy. Other works have been ascribed to him, although the attribution is doubted by modern scholars.
Nothhelm was a medieval Anglo-Saxon Archbishop of Canterbury. A correspondent of both Bede and Boniface, it was Nothhelm who gathered materials from Canterbury for Bede's historical works. After his appointment to the archbishopric in 735, he attended to ecclesiastical matters, including holding church councils. Although later antiquaries felt that Nothhelm was the author of a number of works, later research has shown them to be authored by others. After his death he was considered a saint.
Berhtwald was the ninth Archbishop of Canterbury in England. Documentary evidence names Berhtwald as abbot at Reculver before his election as archbishop. Berhtwald begins the first continuous series of native-born Archbishops of Canterbury, although there had been previous Anglo-Saxon archbishops, they had not succeeded each other until Berhtwald's reign.
Bosa was an Anglo-Saxon Bishop of York during the 7th and early 8th centuries. He was educated at Whitby Abbey, where he became a monk. Following Wilfrid's removal from York in 678 the diocese was divided into three, leaving a greatly reduced see of York, to which Bosa was appointed bishop. He was himself removed in 687 and replaced by Wilfrid, but in 691 Wilfrid was once more ejected and Bosa returned to the see. He died in about 705, and subsequently appears as a saint in an 8th-century liturgical calendar.
Hygeberht was the Bishop of Lichfield from 779 and Archbishop of Lichfield after the elevation of Lichfield to an archdiocese some time after 787, during the reign of the powerful Mercian king Offa. Little is known of Hygeberht's background, although he was probably a native of Mercia.
Cedd was an Anglo-Saxon monk and bishop from the Kingdom of Northumbria. He was an evangelist of the Middle Angles and East Saxons in England and a significant participant in the Synod of Whitby, a meeting which resolved important differences within the Church in England. He is venerated in the Catholic Church, Anglicanism, and the Orthodox Church.
Trumwine was the only ever Bishop of the Northumbrian see of the Picts, based at Abercorn.
There were a number of Synods of Chelsea held in Anglo-Saxon England. They were held at Cealchythe, in Kent, generally identified with modern Chelsea, London.
Pehthelm was the first historical bishop of the episcopal see of Candida Casa at Whithorn. He was consecrated in 730 or 731 and served until his demise. His name is also spelled as Pecthelm, Pechthelm, and sometimes as Wehthelm.
References
Primary sources
Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, trans. and ed. R. Collins and J. McClure (Oxford, 2008)
Secondary sources
Cubitt, C., Anglo-Saxon Church Councils, c.650-c.850 (London, 1995)
Godfrey, J., The Church in Anglo-Saxon England (London, 1962)
Harrison, The Framework of Anglo-Saxon History to AD 900 (Cambridge, 1976)
Keynes, S., ‘Church Councils, Royal Assemblies, and Anglo-Saxon Royal Diplomas’, in G. R. Owen-Crocker and B. W. Schneider (eds), Kingship, Legislation and Power in Anglo-Saxon England (Suffolk, 2013), pp.17–182
Kirby, D. P., ‘Bede and Northumbrian Chronology’, English Historical Review 78 (1963), pp.514–527
Levison, W., England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford, 1998)
Rumble, A., ‘Introduction: Church Leadership and the Anglo-Saxons’, in A. Rumble (ed.), Leaders of the Anglo-Saxon Church: From Bede to Stigand (Suffolk, 2012), pp.1–24
↑ Cubitt, Anglo-Saxon Church Councils, pp. 300, 319-20.
↑ Munby, Lionel M. (1977) The Hertfordshire Landscape, p. 91. Hodder and Stoughton, London. ISBN0-340-04459-4
↑ Simon Keynes, ‘Church Councils, Royal Assemblies, and Anglo-Saxon Royal Diplomas’, in G. R. Owen-Crocker and B. W. Schneider (eds), Kingship, Legislation and Power in Anglo-Saxon England (Suffolk, 2013), p. 19.
↑ Alexander Rumble, ‘Introduction: Church Leadership and the Anglo-Saxons’, in A. Rumble (ed.), Leaders of the Anglo-Saxon Church: From Bede to Stigand (Suffolk, 2012), p. 19.
↑ Godfrey, The Church in Anglo-Saxon England, p. 132.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.
