Formerly | Hubbard-Zemurray Steam Ship Company |
---|---|
Industry | Agriculture |
Founder | William Streich |
Fate | Purchased by United Fruit Company in 1929 |
Cuyamel Fruit Company, formerly the Hubbard-Zemurray Steam Ship Company, was an American agricultural corporation operating in Honduras from 1911 until 1929, before being purchased by the United Fruit Company. [1] The company was founded in the 1890s by William Streich to export bananas and sugar from the northwestern Cortés region of Honduras to international markets. It was bought by Samuel Zemurray around 1905, who took the company name for his own operation. [2] Zemurray would later become the president of the United Fruit Company. Both Cuyamel and United Fruit are corporate ancestors of the modern-day firm Chiquita Brands International.
Cuyamel Fruit Company was founded in the 1890s by William Streich, a speculator who bought land near the Cuyamel River in Honduras. The company soon ran out of money and was purchased around 1905 by the Russian born Samuel Zemurray, who used it as part of the beginning of his growing banana trade operation. [2] [3]
Zemurray started selling bananas in Mobile, Alabama as a teenager before moving to New Orleans, Louisiana. He discovered that United Fruit, the major importer, was discarding bananas that were ripening earlier than those within the rest of a shipment. He found that they could be sold to the public at a discount and made arrangements to act as an intermediary. He set up a network of agents in the Southern region to sell at major rail stops. With the growth of his network, he relocated from Mobile to New Orleans to be closer to the docks. After earning enough profit selling bananas working from New Orleans, Zemurray helped start a steamship line to import bananas from independent growers in the tropics to sell in the United States. This firm was known as the Hubbard-Zemurray Steam Ship Company. Zemurray was able to expand his company by reducing banana spoilage in transit. Though information on this early incarnation of the company is scarce, records show that the Hubbard-Zemurray group was involved in at least one case before the Supreme Court of the United States. [4]
After his achievements in New Orleans, Zemurray headed to Honduras to expand his company into banana production. Honduras, a Central American country close to the Equator, is well-suited for growing bananas. With its new operations in Honduras, Hubbard-Zemurray would eventually become Cuyamel.
Zemurray and his firm were not without competition. The main player angling for control of the Honduras banana market besides Cuyamel Fruit was a firm called “Vaccaro Brothers and Company.” The organization was started by three American brothers of Sicilian heritage- Joseph, Felix, and Lucca Vaccaro- and their brother-in-law, Salvador D'Antoni. Vaccaro would become the Standard Fruit Company, which in turn would later be purchased by the company now known as Dole Foods. [1]
Both the Vaccaro firm and Cuyamel were relatively minor players in the banana export market, both dwarfed by the United Fruit Company of Boston. Before United Fruit entered Honduras as a direct producer in 1910, the firm participated in the Honduras market by proxy through investments in both Zemurray's and Vaccaro Brothers' companies. Before United developed plantations of its own in the cities of Trujillo and Tela, it owned 60% of Cuyamel and 50% of Vaccaro. Even though the three companies were competitive, they maintained a cartel-like cooperation, with joint efforts in advertising and increasing banana agricultural outputs in Honduras. [5]
Regardless of this cooperation, it was the nature of the three companies' competition that led to political discord in Central American states in the early 20th century. Zemurray had played an active role in Honduran politics since he first arrived in the country. In 1910, the administration of President Miguel R. Dávila granted the Vaccaro Brothers' Company land for railroad construction and prohibited competitors from building a competing railroad within 20 kilometers of the Vaccaro line. Zemurray was no fan of the Dávila administration, having provided encouragement and financial aid in a failed 1908 coup attempt against Dávila. [6] [7]
Dávila's concessions to Vaccaro pushed Zemurray over the edge. He found his opportunity in former President Manuel Bonilla. Zemurray supplied weapons and transportation for Bonilla to launch a coup against Dávila. President Dávila fled, and Bonilla once again assumed the presidency of the nation, owing in large part to the direct intervention of Zemurray.
Shortly before Bonilla ascended to the presidency, Zemurray in 1911 transformed his company from Hubbard-Zemurray into Cuyamel Fruit Company. He acquired 5,000 acres of land for agriculture along the Cuyamel River in the northwestern extremity of Honduras, near the Guatemalan border. The firm took its new name either from this river or from the town of Cuyamel nearby. As a repayment for his support, Bonilla also granted Zemurray a concession to build a railroad between the town of Cuyamel, by the coast, and Veracruz, in the interior [6]. The company's main Honduras office was in the coastal city of Puerto Cortés. [8]
The 1908 failed coup and the Bonilla coup would mark a tradition in Honduras and other Central American states of banana companies intervening in government affairs. This practice would last up until the 1970s. The most famous of these interventions is probably the CIA-backed Guatemalan Coup of 1954. However, unlike other countries surrounding it, Honduras was unable to urbanize or diversify its economy beyond the banana industry. The country became the paragon "banana republic" with an economy dominated by oligarchic banana plantations serving as a playground for foreign-owned companies. [9]
Historians classify the period between 1911 and 1920 as a time of "relative stability" for Cuyamel and Honduras. [7] There were no more coups in the country through the end of the decade, but Zemurray's Cuyamel Fruit was in fierce competition with Vaccaro and United. What's more, Cuyamel's development of a previously empty strip of land along the Guatemala-Honduras border almost led to an outbreak of war between the two states, but this was halted by United States mediation. [10] This incident of near-war strained relations between pro-Honduras Cuyamel and pro-Guatemala United, and this tension would not fully cool off until the two companies became one in 1929. [7] Despite its challenges, Cuyamel was able to expand into a near-sovereign entity. The American Embassy in Honduras went as far as saying, in 1916, that "the territory controlled by the Cuyamel Fruit Company is a state itself, within another state…it houses its employees, cultivates plantations, operates railroads, stations, steamship lines, potable water systems, power plants, commissaries, [and] clubs." By the 1920s, the land and the railroad grant that Zemurray started with in Honduras had helped him to emerge as even more of an industrial titan than he already was, and thanks to both a friendly relationship with the government of Honduras and strong sales, the company was able to expand its holdings.
Records indicate that the company was incorporated in Delaware, but its board of directors met in New Orleans, Zemurray's adopted city. The firm organized operations under several subsidiaries. The Cuyamel subsidiary known as the "Cortés Company" was the firm's manager of Honduran operations. Other Central American subsidiaries under Cuyamel's control included the "Bluefields Company" in Nicaragua, the "Transport Company" to run the corporate freight rail and steam lines, and the "Sula Sugar Company" to manage the company's sugarcane interests.
Figures from 1924 peg the combined assets of these affiliates at $3.97 billion in modern inflation-adjusted figures. [11] The stock of Cuyamel fell by 20 points that same year. [12] In 1925, the firm issued $5 million in bonds backed by such prestigious firms as Lehman Brothers and Goldman Sachs to finance the company's purchase of land along the Ulúa River in western Honduras. [11] Sales data from 1927 shows that Cuyamel accounted for about 14% of the bananas imported and sold in the United States that year. [11]
In 1929, after the October crash of international financial markets, Zemurray sold Cuyamel to United Fruit in exchange for stock and retired. Black Tuesday sent Cuyamel shares into a tailspin, forcing the combination of the two companies (Vaccaro, known by 1929 as the Standard Fruit Company, remained independent). For his sale of the Cuyamel Fruit Company, Zemurray received 300,000 shares of United Fruit, with a market valuation of $31 million, which would be about $420 million today. With the sale, United Fruit secured its domination of the United States banana market for the better part of the 20th century. [5]
Zemurray received a seat on the board of directors of United Fruit after he sold his company, but mismanagement in the face of hard economic times sent the business' valuation falling. Zemurray bought up discounted equity in the company until he could take it over as a majority shareholder. With control of the firm, Zemurray came out of retirement and named himself CEO of his once formidable competitor in 1933. He reorganized operations and restored United Fruit's profits and value. Zemurray was CEO until his retirement in 1954. [13]
At the end of his tenure, United Fruit was able to motivate the U.S. federal government to back a coup against Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz. This coup led to years of civil war and unrest and is perhaps the most famous incident in United Fruit's history.
Zemurray used the proceeds and the influence afforded to him by his ownership of Cuyamel and later United to support a number of philanthropic causes. He was a supporter of progressive political movements in the United States such as Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. He also supported the left-leaning magazine The Nation . A Jewish businessman from Eastern Europe, he contributed to Jewish nationalist groups. [ citation needed ] His home is today the residence of the president of Tulane University in New Orleans. [13]
Honduras was inhabited by many indigenous peoples when the Spanish arrived in the 16th century. The western-central part of Honduras was inhabited by the Lencas, the central north coast by the Tol, the area east and west of Trujillo by the Pech, the Maya and Sumo. These autonomous groups traded with each other and with other populations as distant as Panama and Mexico. Honduras has ruins of several cities dating from the Mesoamerican pre-classic period that show the pre-Columbian past of the country.
The United Fruit Company was an American multinational corporation that traded in tropical fruit grown on Latin American plantations and sold in the United States and Europe. The company was formed in 1899 from the merger of the Boston Fruit Company with Minor C. Keith's banana-trading enterprises. It flourished in the early and mid-20th century, and it came to control vast territories and transportation networks in Central America, the Caribbean coast of Colombia, and the West Indies. Although it competed with the Standard Fruit Company for dominance in the international banana trade, it maintained a virtual monopoly in certain regions, some of which came to be called banana republics – such as Costa Rica, Honduras, and Guatemala.
Puerto Barrios is a city in Guatemala, located within the Gulf of Honduras. The city is located on Bahia de Amatique. Puerto Barrios is the departmental seat of Izabal department and is the administrative seat of Puerto Barrios municipality.
Puerto Cortés, originally known as Puerto de Caballos, is a port city and municipality on the north Caribbean coast of Honduras, right on the Laguna de Alvarado, north of San Pedro Sula and east of Omoa, with a natural bay. The present city was founded in the early colonial period. It grew rapidly in the twentieth century, thanks to the then railroad, and banana production. In terms of volume of traffic the seaport is the largest in Central America and the 36th largest in the world. The city of Puerto Cortés has a population of 73,150.
Chiquita Brands International S.à.r.l., formerly known as United Fruit Co., is a Swiss-domiciled American producer and distributor of bananas and other produce. The company operates under subsidiary brand names, including the flagship Chiquita brand and Fresh Express salads. Chiquita is the leading distributor of bananas in the United States.
Samuel Zemurray, nicknamed "Sam the Banana Man", was an American businessman who made his fortune in the banana trade. He founded the Cuyamel Fruit Company and later became president of the United Fruit Company, the world's most influential fruit company at the time. Both companies played highly controversial roles in the history of several Latin American countries and had a significant influence on their economic and political development.
The Standard Fruit Company was established in the United States in 1924 by the Vaccaro brothers. Its forerunner was started in 1899, when Sicilian Arberesh immigrants Joseph, Luca and Felix Vaccaro, together with Salvador D'Antoni, began importing bananas to New Orleans from La Ceiba, Honduras. By 1915, the business had grown so large that it bought most of the ice factories in New Orleans in order to refrigerate its banana ships, leading to its president, Joseph Vaccaro, becoming known as the "Ice King".
The Banana Wars were a series of conflicts that consisted of military occupation, police action, and intervention by the United States in Central America and the Caribbean between the end of the Spanish–American War in 1898 and the inception of the Good Neighbor Policy in 1934. The military interventions were primarily carried out by the United States Marine Corps, which also developed a manual, the Small Wars Manual (1921) based on their experiences. On occasion, the United States Navy provided gunfire support and the United States Army also deployed troops.
Joseph, Luca, and FelixVaccaro, known as the Vaccaro brothers, were Italian-American businessmen originally from Sicily.
Railroads in Honduras were built in late 19th and early 20th centuries by two competing U.S. corporations, United Fruit and Standard Fruit. All were in the Caribbean coastal area and never reached the capital. In 1993, the combined network had 785 km (488 mi). As of 2006, only three separate segments remain in operation under the management of FNH - Ferrocarril Nacional de Honduras:
Doris Zemurray Stone was an American archaeologist and ethnographer, specializing in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica and the so-called "Intermediate Area" of lower Central America. She served as the director of the National Museum of Costa Rica and endowed numerous professorial chairs in U.S. universities.
In political science, the term banana republic describes a politically and economically unstable country with an economy dependent upon the export of natural resources. In 1904, American author O. Henry coined the term to describe Guatemala and Honduras under economic exploitation by U.S. corporations, such as the United Fruit Company. Typically, a banana republic has a society of extremely stratified social classes, usually a large impoverished working class and a ruling class plutocracy, composed of the business, political, and military elites. The ruling class controls the primary sector of the economy by way of exploitation of labour. Therefore, the term banana republic is a pejorative descriptor for a servile oligarchy that abets and supports, for kickbacks, the exploitation of large-scale plantation agriculture, especially banana cultivation.
Leon Winfield Christmas, usually called Lee Christmas, was an American mercenary in Central America.
Banana production in Honduras plays an important role in the economy of Honduras. In 1992, the revenue generated from banana sales amounted to US$287 million and along with the coffee industry accounted for some 50% of exports. Honduras produced 861,000 tons of bananas in 1999. The two corporations, Chiquita Brands International and the Dole Food Company are responsible for most Honduran banana production and exports.
The Tulane University School of Public Health and Tropical Medicine is an affiliated school of Tulane University, a private university in New Orleans, Louisiana.
Honduras is a republic in Central America, at times referred to as Spanish Honduras to differentiate it from British Honduras, which became the modern-day state of Belize.
Authoritarian General Tiburcio Carías Andino controlled Honduras during the Great Depression, until 1948. In 1955—after two authoritarian administrations and a general strike initiated by banana workers—young military reformists staged a coup that installed a provisional junta and paved the way for constituent assembly elections in 1957. This assembly appointed Ramón Villeda Morales as president and transformed itself into a national legislature with a 6-year term.
The western Caribbean zone is a region consisting of the Caribbean coasts of Central America and Colombia, from the Yucatán Peninsula in southern Mexico to the Caribbean region in northern Colombia, and the islands west of Jamaica are also included. The zone emerged in the late sixteenth century as the Spanish failed to completely conquer many sections of the coast, and northern European powers supported opposition to Spain, sometimes through alliances with local powers.
The period in the history of Guatemala between the coups against Jorge Ubico in 1944 and Jacobo Árbenz in 1954 is known locally as the Revolution. It has also been called the Ten Years of Spring, highlighting the peak years of representative democracy in Guatemala from 1944 until the end of the civil war in 1996. It saw the implementation of social, political, and especially agrarian reforms that were influential across Latin America.
The Cuyamel River flows past the city of Cuyamel, Honduras and into an off branch of the Motagua River that marks the boundary between Honduras and Guatemala. American businessman Sam Zemurray purchased his first banana plantation along this river and named his company Cuyamel Fruit Company after it. A proposed dam on the river was approved by the Honduran National Congress in 2014, but has run into local opposition and has not yet been built.