Daniele Conversi | |
---|---|
Occupation(s) | Political historian, social theorist, academic, and author |
Academic background | |
Alma mater | La Sapienza University London School of Economics and Political Science |
Academic work | |
Institutions | Ikerbasque Foundation for Science University of the Basque Country |
Daniele Conversi is a political historian,social theorist,academic,and author. He is a research professor at the University of the Basque Country and the Ikerbasque Foundation for Science. [1]
Conversi is most known for his contributions to the fields of political and social history,particularly for improving contemporary understanding of historical events,movements,and societal changes,specialising in Spain and the north Mediterranean. Best known for his comparative work on the cultural politics of nationalism and,more recently,for his research on nationalism and climate change. His books include Cambiamenti Climatici. Antropocene e Politica [2] and The Basques,the Catalans and Spain:Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilization. [3]
Conversi is Editor of Nations and Nationalism and Chief Editor of the journal Frontiers in Political Science. [4]
Conversi completed his Ph.D. in sociology at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) in 1994 [1] and began his academic career in 1992 as a part-time lecturer at the Departments of Sociology,Government,and International Relations at the LSE. Since 1995,he has held multiple academic appointments,including at Cornell University,Syracuse University,and,as Associate Professor,at the Central European University in Budapest. At present,he holds a joint position as Research Professor at the University of the Basque Country and the Ikerbasque Foundation for Science. [1]
Conversi's research work spans the areas of nationalism,climate change,environmental crisis,ethnicities,culture,European pluralism,globalisation and the mutual relationships between all of these. [5] Most importantly,he has developed various new lines of research,including climate change and nationalism,cultural homogenisation and globalisation as homogenization.
Conversi's approach to the study of the relationship between climate change and nationalism centers on a number of interconnected ideas. He established that climate change negotiations have often been hampered,derailed,obfuscated,made difficult,and have even failed because of the combined pressures of nationalist politics and the vested interests of the fossil fuels industries. His work focuses on the need for global action to stem climate change and related crises (such as biodiversity loss,soil depletion,and the trespassing of other “planetary boundaries”) [6] –lest they result in irreversible damage for most forms of life,including human life. He has argued that scholars,analysts,and policymakers should adopt a nuanced approach when examining the enduring presence of nationalism. This approach moves beyond the realistic perspective seen in international relations (IR). Instead,he proposes that nationalism should be reframed as the major component of a broader emerging trend redefined as "survival cosmopolitanism". [7] He has conceived the notion of a highly unconventional form of nationalism closely aligned with climate action,which he refers to as "green nationalism" (GN). [7] His research,however,considers GN as a possibility,rather than a fully replicable reality,while other authors have expanded his concept into that of "reflexive green nationalism". [8] Recent research has applied these concepts to various settings,particularly sub-state movements in Brittany, [9] Corsica, [10] Spain’s Autonomous Communities, [11] and to superpowers,such as the experiment of a "green nationalism with Chinese characteristics" [12] in the People's Republic of China and Europe's green new deal, [13] while further research has contrasted "exemplary nation-states" [14] with "top polluting nation-states". [15]
Building on Conversi's typologies of "green" and "resource nationalism", [16] some scholars are nevertheless critical of his approach,remaining sceptical about the plasticity and adaptability of nationalism,either in general IR theory [17] or in the study of pre-state nationalist movements,such as early Zionism. [18]
Furthermore,Conversi has drawn attention to the vulnerability of subsistence societies [19] to structural genocide resulting from the parallel pressures of neo-liberal globalisation and nation-state building. As these destructive forces can be compounded by climate change,he emphasizes the need to revisit theoretical assumptions and identify non-violent means to promote human survival and well-being across the planet. [20] [19]
In related research,Conversi demonstrates that nationalism,along with corporate interests and neo-liberal ideology,is a major barrier to addressing climate change and he proposes a conceptual framework to investigate whether nationalism can be mobilised to tackle this global crisis. [21]
Most of his findings have been condensed in a book,published in Italian,entitled Cambiamenti Climatici. Antropocene e Politica. [22]
Conversi has researched the phenomenon of cultural homogenisation as propelled by states and markets in the contexts of war,pre-war preparations,and post-war scenarios,highlighting instances such as the emergence of totalitarianism in the aftermath of World War I and the worldwide Americanisation movement that emerged after World War II. His broader comparative and theoretical research on the interaction between culture and politics converged with the study of the formation of sub-state nationalist movements and the politics of state-building. He analysed the cultural changes brought about by two significant political forces in the modern age:the centralising "nation-state" that reached its peak during World War II and the subsequent era of US-led neo-liberal globalisation. [23]
Conversi's first book,The Basques,the Catalans,and Spain,examined how nationalist elites redefined "national culture",highlighting how forced assimilation and the erosion of regional distinctiveness played a significant role in fuelling the intensification of ethnonational conflicts. He has established that policies and practices aimed at promoting cultural similarity often lead to increased instability and conflict and noted that,in the context of ethnic conflict,perceived cultural dissimilarities,more than actual cultural differences,can be conductive to conflict-ridden relationships and violence. [3]
Spanning the disciplinary boundaries between political theory and contemporary history,Conversi's research subsequently expanded into related areas,with a focus on the political and social history of cultural homogenisation. His work has linked cultural assimilation with the most devastating events of the twentieth century:militarism,war,ethnic cleansing,and genocide,where entire populations were targeted for elimination while being considered outdated,anti-entropic,or incompatible with the dominant "one nation-one state" paradigm of the early twentieth century. [24]
Conversi's sociological analysis of globalisation has explored the relationship between homogenisation and globalisation. His research calls upon the scholarly community to identify a more reliable periodisation for the rise and spread of neo-liberal globalisation with the early 1980s as a potential chronological boundary for the advent of globalisation in the cultural,military,and economic spheres –coinciding with the advent of Thatcherism and Reaganism. In his examination of neo-liberal globalisation,he argues that this ideology tends to foster particularism rather than cosmopolitanism,in contrast with the claims made by post-Giddensian approaches centered on "cosmopolitan globalisation",such as Ulrich Beck's. His work redefines globalisation as a missed opportunity,leading to the global diffusion of an extremely narrow set of rules,values and cultural norms,mostly originating in the USA –rather than to more inter-cultural encounters and exchanges. In contrast with the customary "glocalization","mélange",and "hybridity" hypotheses,he identifies a top-down pattern of cultural diffusion spreading in successive incremental waves since at least the 1920s,but only expressed at a mass global level since the 1980s –the era of neo-liberal globalisation. Focusing on the relationship between globalisation and majoritarian democracy,his work also challenges the prevailing theories of democratic peace (and failed democratisation) by highlighting the impact of neo-liberal globalisation and homogenising policies implemented by nation-states,which erode pre-existing democratic values and transform citizens into unprotected consumers. [25]
Additionally,Conversi's research on the impact of globalisation on Europe's diversity contributes to an understanding of the complex relationship between cultural variation and transnational forces,highlighting the incompatibility of cultural standardising practices with EU institutions' policies. [26]
While examining the relationship between modernity,globalisation,and nationalism,Conversi's work provides insights into the frenzied boundary-building process that emerges through the interaction of these forces as they shape social divisions and hierarchies through forms of power concentration,such as nation-building,imperialism,and colonialism. [27] Expanding on the work of sociologist Zygmunt Bauman,he proposed the concept of liquid sovereignty,which reflects transformational notions of sovereignty due to changing ideas about territoriality and power and increased global interdependence. [28]
Conversi's research on nationalism emphasised the need to conceptually differentiate between culture and ethnicity,challenging the interchangeable usage of the two terms,as influenced by irreflexive forms of banal nationalism and media stereotypes that oversimplify conflicts by attributing them solely to intergroup differences. His research analysed modernism within specific national contexts,such as Italian futurism. [29] He focused on new ways of conceptualising modernity and modernisation by identifying modernism as the driving ideological framework of the twentieth century,strongly associated with,but subordinated to,nationalism. [30] These associations,particularly the post-Gellnerian critique,also pervade his approach to the study of climate change and nationalism. [31]
Conversi's early research investigates instrumentalism,primordialism,modernism,and perennialist theories,providing a comprehensive analysis of Anthony D. Smith's ethno-symbolic approach –to better understand the limitations that policymakers should consider when formulating conflict resolution strategies. [32] His work challenges Ernest Gellner's view that industrialisation [33] was the main or sole driver in the rise of homogenising nationalism,choosing to emphasise instead a reciprocal and symbiotic relationship between cultural homogenisation,nationalism,and militarisation. This highlights the historical significance of militarism [34] in homogenising practices. [33]
Connecting globalisation with monoculturalism,Conversi suggests that majoritarian democracy may not offer the optimal mechanism for resolving nationalist conflicts,as it is prone to encouraging nationalism and associated discord owing to its emphasis on cultural homogenisation and majority dominance. [35] His exploration of Italy's political Futurism confirms how art and cultural symbols were utilised to reinforce national identity and mobilise intellectuals in preparation for war and,later,adherence to the Fascist regime. In this way,he highlights Futurist opposition to international anarchism [36] in nation-building projects,while it managed individual diversities and local identities in an effort to reject attachment to the past. [29]
A nation-state is a political unit where the state,a centralized political organization ruling over a population within a territory,and the nation,a community based on a common identity,are congruent. It is a more precise concept than "country",since a country does not need to have a predominant national or ethnic group.
Nationalism is an idea and movement that holds that the nation should be congruent with the state. As a movement,it presupposes the existence and tends to promote the interests of a particular nation,especially with the aim of gaining and maintaining its sovereignty (self-governance) over its perceived homeland to create a nation-state. It holds that each nation should govern itself,free from outside interference (self-determination),that a nation is a natural and ideal basis for a polity,and that the nation is the only rightful source of political power. It further aims to build and maintain a single national identity,based on a combination of shared social characteristics such as culture,ethnicity,geographic location,language,politics,religion,traditions and belief in a shared singular history,and to promote national unity or solidarity. Nationalism,therefore,seeks to preserve and foster a nation's traditional culture. There are various definitions of a "nation",which leads to different types of nationalism. The two main divergent forms identified by scholars are ethnic nationalism and civic nationalism.
Hindutva is a political ideology encompassing the cultural justification of Hindu nationalism and the belief in establishing Hindu hegemony within India. The political ideology was formulated by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in 1922. It is used by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS),the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP),the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and other organisations,collectively called the Sangh Parivar.
Han nationalism is a form of ethnic nationalism asserting ethnically Han people as the exclusive constituents of the Chinese nation. It is often in dialogue with other conceptions of Chinese nationalism,often mutually-exclusive or otherwise contradictory ones. Han people are the dominant ethnic group in both states claiming to represent the Chinese nation:the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China.
Mehmet Ziya Gökalp was a Turkish sociologist,writer,poet,and politician. After the 1908 Young Turk Revolution that reinstated constitutionalism in the Ottoman Empire,he adopted the pen name Gökalp,which he retained for the rest of his life. As a sociologist,Ziya Gökalp was influential in the negation of Islamism,pan-Islamism,and Ottomanism as ideological,cultural,and sociological identifiers. In a 1936 publication,sociologist Niyazi Berkes described Gökalp as "the real founder of Turkish sociology,since he was not a mere translator or interpreter of foreign sociology".
Monoculturalism is the policy or process of supporting,advocating,or allowing the expression of the culture of a single social or ethnic group. It generally stems from beliefs within the dominant group that their cultural practices are superior to those of minority groups and is often related to the concept of ethnocentrism,which involves judging another culture based on the values and standards of one's own culture,though this is usually untrue if cultural nationalism is dominant,as opposed to ethno-nationalism. It may also involve the process of assimilation whereby other ethnic groups are expected to adopt the culture and practices of the dominant ethnic group. Monoculturalism,in the context of cultural diversity,is the opposite of multiculturalism.
National identity is a person's identity or sense of belonging to one or more states or one or more nations. It is the sense of "a nation as a cohesive whole,as represented by distinctive traditions,culture,and language". National identity may refer to the subjective feeling one shares with a group of people about a nation,regardless of one's legal citizenship status. National identity is viewed in psychological terms as "an awareness of difference",a "feeling and recognition of 'we' and 'they'". National identity also includes the general population and diaspora of multi-ethnic states and societies that have a shared sense of common identity identical to that of a nation while being made up of several component ethnic groups. Hyphenated ethnicities are examples of the confluence of multiple ethnic and national identities within a single person or entity.
Spain is a diverse country integrated by contrasting entities with varying economic and social structures,languages,and historical,political and cultural traditions. The Spanish constitution responds ambiguously to the claims of historic nationalities while proclaiming a common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards.
Eco-nationalism is a synthesis of nationalism and green politics. Eco-nationalists may be from many points across the left–right political spectrum,but all are bound to the idea that the nation-state and its citizens have a special duty to protect the environment of their country.
Walker F. Connor was Distinguished Visiting Professor of Political Science at Middlebury College. Connor is best known for his work on nationalism,and is considered one of the founders of the interdisciplinary field of nationalism studies.
Cultural nationalism is a term used by scholars of nationalism to describe efforts among the intelligentsia to promote the formation of national communities through emphasis on a common culture. It is contrasted with "political" nationalism,which refers to specific movements for national self-determination through the establishment of a nation-state.
Resource nationalism is the tendency of people and governments to assert control over natural resources located within their territory. As a result,resource nationalism conflicts with the interests of multinational corporations.
Ethnosymbolism is a school of thought in the study of nationalism that stresses the importance of symbols,myths,values and traditions in the formation and persistence of the modern nation state.
Ethiopian nationalism,also referred to as Ethiopianism or Ethiopianness,according to its proponents,asserts that Ethiopians are a single nation,and promotes the social equality of all component ethnic groups. Ethiopian people as a whole regardless of ethnicity constitute sovereignty as one polity. Ethiopian nationalism is a type of civic nationalism in that it is multi-ethnic in nature,and promotes multiculturalism.
Ethnic nationalism,also known as ethnonationalism,is a form of nationalism wherein the nation and nationality are defined in terms of ethnicity,with emphasis on an ethnocentric approach to various political issues related to national affirmation of a particular ethnic group.
Gellner's theory of nationalism was developed by Ernest Gellner over a number of publications from around the early 1960s to his 1995 death. Gellner discussed nationalism in a number of works,starting with Thought and Change (1964),and he most notably developed it in Nations and Nationalism (1983). His theory is modernist.
Modernization theory is the predominant explanation for the emergence of nationalism among scholars of nationalism. Prominent modernization scholars,such as Benedict Anderson,Ernest Gellner and Eric Hobsbawn,say nationalism arose with modernization during the late 18th century. Processes that lead to the emergence of nationalism include industrialization and democratic revolutions.
Andreas Wimmer is a Swiss sociologist who is the Lieber Professor of Sociology and Political Philosophy at Columbia University. He has a PhD in social anthropology from the University of Zurich.
Han chauvinism is a political ideology that speaks out for the ethnic Han Chinese people and its uniqueness throughout human history. Han chauvinists believe that the current influence from the West has downgraded the development of China's own cultural customs,and in response,it has become instrumental in leading the increasingly traditionalist movement,which was launched in 2001. Participants come together both online and in person in cities across China to revitalize their vision of the authentic “Great Han”and corresponding “real China”through traditional ethnic dress and Confucian ritual.
Meitei nationalism refers to nationalism among the Meitei people. In the Meitei context this includes various movements throughout history to sustain Meitei cultural identity,political boundary,ethnicity and history to regain sovereign state status of Kangleipak.
{{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires |journal=
(help)