Digital constitutionalism is a concept used in the context of research investigating the impact of digital technology on constitutional values and principles. As for the notion of constitutionalism, this concept has not received a univocal definition, having been referred to a movement, a set of instruments and an ideology. The notion of digital constitutionalism emerged in the context of the digital revolution that characterised the first decades of the Twenty First century. Current research is conducted by scholars from various disciplines, including law, communication studies, philosophy and political science. It focuses on the instruments and actors involved in promoting constitutional values and principles which are fit for the digital age.
In his theory of digital constitutionalism, Celeste argued that current literature “does not offer a unitary picture on the concept”. [1] In particular there is a lack of consensus on the scope of digital constitutionalism.
Gill, Redeker, and Gasser define “digital constitutionalism” as a broad set of initiatives from a plurality of actors which have attempted to articulate a set of “political rights, governance norms, and limitations on the exercise of power on the internet”. They acknowledge that these articles lack a classic characteristic of constitutions as they do not have a “foundational position in the hierarchy of legal sources”, nevertheless, it is argued that they have “dimensions” of constitutionalism, those being a constitutional subject matter, a political community, and an aspiration towards formal recognition. [2]
Yilma, on the other hand, presents Digital Constitutionalism as a collective label for a series of uncoordinated, sporadic and multilevel initiatives that seek to re-imagine age-old human rights and principles to a new age heralded by the Internet and allied technologies. [3]
According to Celeste, digital constitutionalism is an ‘ideology’ which aims to establish a normative framework for the protection of fundamental rights and balancing of power in the digital society. He stresses that the term ‘ideology’ is used in a neutral way to identify a structured set of values and ideals. Digital Constitutionalism requires broadening the scope of the original concept of constitutionalism in order to appreciate the existence of the power of private actors, along with the power of the public actors. Celeste believes that future actors should start analysing and comparing the different forms through which the process of constitutionalisation of the digital environment is taking place, especially in the hope of better understanding the reasons why constitutional responses are materialising in non-traditional contexts outside the state-centric dimension. [1]
As with every considerable revolution in the past such as the French Revolution, the digital revolution that is occurring requires an overhaul of the law.
When looking at prior schools of legal thought which have emerged over the years, e.g sociological jurisprudence, it can be seen that each legal system is strictly related to societal changes and communities’ needs.
The role of the constitution is to guide each legal system for both the protection of human rights and the balancing of powers. Technology is in a constant state of development. These developments have “manifestly amplified” individuals’ chances to exercise their fundamental rights of expression and exchange of information, while also creating potential infringement on these rights. It also affects the balancing of powers with the emergence of private corporations as dominant actors alongside the acting powers of those states. As digital technology has generated alterations in the constitutional equilibrium it is becoming increasingly necessary to modify it to comply with the new challenges.
Redeker, Gill and Gasser define Digital Constitutionalism as an "umbrella term" to connect a set of documents seeking to establish a Bill of Rights for the internet. [4] The Internet Bills of Rights are not constitutions in the classic sense, but rather they are associated with constitutions as they share the core substantive aspects of constitutionalism, such as its values, problems, and principles, as well as its main function of limiting state powers and empowering institutions within the society. [4] Examples for Internet bills of rights are the Santa Clara Principles, the African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms, the Feminist Principles of the Internet, the Delhi Declaration for a Just and Equitable Internet, the Charter of Human Rights and Principles for the Internet and the Joint Declaration on Challenges to Freedom of Expression in the Next Decade. [5]
Suzor’s theory strikes a more middling ground between the public-vs-private approaches towards digital constitutionalism seen in the other theorists. [6] In his theory, the legal constitution plays an important role in guiding the development of a) contract law, and b) detailing the limits of private power in the digital sphere - however, it is up to private law and the private entities themselves, to place and enforce those principles. [6]
Celeste proposes a multilevel theory that sees the simultaneous emergence of a plurality of normative responses that seek to address the challenges that the digital revolution generates in the constitutional ecosystem. [7] These constitutional counteractions emerge at multiple levels: within and beyond the state. [7]
A key issue within digital constitutionalisation is the role of private actors in this form of governance, particularly through enabling or disabling user’s rights. This allows these non-state bodies to perform public functions previously performed only by the state. Suzor’s theory of Digital Constitutionalism seeks to identify positive governance methods and limit the online power of both the state and private actors appropriately. According to Suzor, the use of the values such as the Rule of Law can be applied to protect individual rights such as freedom of expression and privacy in digital spaces. Suzor applies this framework to various social media platforms to contextualise his theory and the legitimacy of online contractual documents. [6]
Constitutional law is a body of law which defines the role, powers, and structure of different entities within a state, namely, the executive, the parliament or legislature, and the judiciary; as well as the basic rights of citizens and, in federal countries such as the United States and Canada, the relationship between the central government and state, provincial, or territorial governments.
Representative democracy, also known as indirect democracy or electoral democracy, is a type of democracy where elected delegates represent a group of people, in contrast to direct democracy. Nearly all modern Western-style democracies function as some type of representative democracy: for example, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, and the United States. Representative democracy places power in the hands of representatives who are elected by the people. Political parties often become central to this form of democracy if electoral systems require or encourage voters to vote for political parties or for candidates associated with political parties. Some political theorists have described representative democracy as polyarchy.
The Implied Bill of Rights is a judicial theory in Canadian jurisprudence that recognizes that certain basic principles are underlying the Constitution of Canada.
Public law is the part of law that governs relations and affairs between legal persons and a government, between different institutions within a state, between different branches of governments, as well as relationships between persons that are of direct concern to society. Public law comprises constitutional law, administrative law, tax law and criminal law, as well as all procedural law. Laws concerning relationships between individuals belong to private law.
In American political discourse, states' rights are political powers held for the state governments rather than the federal government according to the United States Constitution, reflecting especially the enumerated powers of Congress and the Tenth Amendment. The enumerated powers that are listed in the Constitution include exclusive federal powers, as well as concurrent powers that are shared with the states, and all of those powers are contrasted with the reserved powers—also called states' rights—that only the states possess.
The Living Constitution, or judicial pragmatism, is the viewpoint that the U.S. constitution holds a dynamic meaning even if the document is not formally amended. The Constitution is said to develop alongside society's needs and provide a more malleable tool for governments. The idea is associated with views that contemporary society should be considered in the constitutional interpretation of phrases. The Constitution is referred to as the living law of the land as it is transformed according to necessities of the time and the situation. Some supporters of the living method of interpretation, such as professors Michael Kammen and Bruce Ackerman, refer to themselves as organists.
The Constitution of the Republic of Singapore is the supreme law of Singapore. A written constitution, the text which took effect on 9 August 1965 is derived from the Constitution of the State of Singapore 1963, provisions of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia made applicable to Singapore by the Republic of Singapore Independence Act 1965, and the Republic of Singapore Independence Act itself. The text of the Constitution is one of the legally binding sources of constitutional law in Singapore, the others being judicial interpretations of the Constitution, and certain other statutes. Non-binding sources are influences on constitutional law such as soft law, constitutional conventions, and public international law.
Digital rights are those human rights and legal rights that allow individuals to access, use, create, and publish digital media or to access and use computers, other electronic devices, and telecommunications networks. The concept is particularly related to the protection and realization of existing rights, such as the right to privacy and freedom of expression, in the context of digital technologies, especially the Internet. The laws of several countries recognize a right to Internet access.
Internet governance consists of a system of laws, rules, policies and practices that dictate how its board members manage and oversee the affairs of any internet related-regulatory body. This article describes how the Internet was and is currently governed, some inherent controversies, and ongoing debates regarding how and why the Internet should or should not be governed in future.
Jack M. Balkin is an American legal scholar. He is the Knight Professor of Constitutional Law and the First Amendment at Yale Law School. Balkin is the founder and director of the Yale Information Society Project (ISP), a research center whose mission is "to study the implications of the Internet, telecommunications, and the new information technologies for law and society." He also directs the Knight Law and Media Program and the Abrams Institute for Free Expression at Yale Law School.
The Principles of the Constitution of 1908, also known as the Outline of Imperial Constitution or the Outline of the Constitution Compiled by Imperial Order, was an attempt by the Qing dynasty of China to establish a constitutional monarchy at the beginning of the 20th century. It established a constitutional monarchy and confirmed some basic rights of citizens, while imposing some limitations on the power of the monarch.
Alec Stone Sweet is an American political scientist and jurist. He is Professor and Chair of Comparative and International Law at The University of Hong Kong.
The rule according to a higher law is a statement which expresses that no law may be enforced by the government unless it conforms with certain universal principles of fairness, morality, and justice. Thus, the rule according to a higher law may serve as a practical legal criterion to qualify the instances of political or economical decision-making, when a government, even though acting in conformity with clearly defined and properly enacted law, still produces results which many observers find unfair or unjust.
Constitutionalism is "a compound of ideas, attitudes, and patterns of behavior elaborating the principle that the authority of government derives from and is limited by a body of fundamental law".
The United States Constitution has had influence internationally on later constitutions and legal thinking. Its influence appears in similarities of phrasing and borrowed passages in other constitutions, as well as in the principles of the rule of law, separation of powers and recognition of individual rights. The American experience of constitutional amendment and judicial review motivated constitutionalists at times when they were considering the possibilities for their nation's future. Examples include Abraham Lincoln during the American Civil War, his contemporary and ally Benito Juárez of Mexico, the second generation of 19th-century constitutional nationalists José Rizal of the Philippines, and Sun Yat-sen of China, and the framers of the Australian constitution. However, democratizing countries often chose more centralized British or French models of government, particularly the British Westminster system.
Larry Catá Backer is a Cuban-American legal scholar and professor of law and international affairs. He holds a professorship at the Penn State University, and is the W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar Professor of Law and International Affairs, Penn State Law and School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University (2001–), Ashgate Publishing Globalization Law & Policy Series editor (2010–), and the executive director of the Washington-based NGO Coalition for Peace and Ethics (2006–).
Parliamentary sovereignty, also called parliamentary supremacy or legislative supremacy, is a concept in the constitutional law of some parliamentary democracies. It holds that the legislative body has absolute sovereignty and is supreme over all other government institutions, including executive or judicial bodies. It also holds that the legislative body may change or repeal any previous legislation and so it is not bound by written law or by precedent.
New constitutionalism is derived from the classical neo-liberalism framework and represents a set of political policies that promote a new global order. The goal of new constitutionalism is to separate the democratic and economic practices by shifting economic aims from the regional and national level to the global level through constitutional framework. The purpose of this shift is to create global supremacy and promote a free capitalist system.
Multistakeholder participation is a specific governance approach whereby relevant stakeholders participate in the collective shaping of evolutions and uses of the Internet.
Common good constitutionalism is a legal theory formulated by Harvard law professor Adrian Vermeule that asserts that "the central aim of the constitutional order is to promote good rule, not to 'protect liberty' as an end in itself". Vermeule describes it as an attempt to revive and develop the classical legal tradition by understanding enacted law as a positive application of background natural law principles. Within this tradition, he claims law is defined as "an ordinance of reason promulgated by political authorities for the common good." Vermeule states that law in this sense is "not tethered to particular written instruments of civil law or the will of the legislators who created them" but instead embody rational determinations of the common good, and it is those determinations, as well as the natural law background against which they are made, which constitute the law. Vermeule says that these principles include "a candid willingness to "legislate morality."
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