Dominant caste

Last updated

A dominant caste is one which preponderates numerically over other castes and also wields preponderant economic and political power. A large and powerful caste group can be more easily dominant if its position in the local caste hierarchy is not too low. The concept of dominant caste was introduced in 1959 by sociologist M. N. Srinivas. [1] [2]

Contents

Characteristics

Srinivas asserts that to be a dominant caste, a caste must have the following characteristics:

Western education, jobs in administration and political clout and contacts have been considered by subsequent authors to be additional factors of dominance. [3]

Caste groups considered as dominant caste

Several caste groups are considered as dominant caste in several parts of India, depending upon their economic status and political representation in the region. In Bihar, Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav are considered as dominant caste groups, as these middle peasant castes became prime moving force in the post land reforms period by increasing their landholding at the cost of big landlords and dislodging the erstwhile elite groups from political power. In south India, castes like Lingayat and Vokkaliga are considered as dominant castes. [4] [5] [6] Author Alakh Sharma notes that in the post independence India, the upper middle castes of Bihar, which included Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav caste, were the beneficiary of incomplete Green Revolution. This social group cornered the institutional credit and were able to produce much more from their land as compared to the upper caste landholders. The failure of upper caste big peasants and landlords in using their land with productivity led to loss of land by way of selling. Sharma observes that in comparison to other social groups, the dispossession of land from the upper caste happened at a higher rate. This transformation gradually change the economic profile of rural area in states like Bihar. Riding upon the wave of change, the dominant groups from upper middle caste viz. Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav rose to prominence in rural agrarian society. This change in hierarchy in the space of economy also elevated these castes as new political elite of the state, which was followed by defeat and weakening of upper caste controlled Indian National Congress in Bihar. [7] The erstwhile dominant caste in Bihar were Rajput and Bhumihar, who until 1967, dominated the rural landscape. However, due to intense rivalry between them, they lost in political space to the middle castes, the trio of Yadav, Koeri and Kurmi. Later, the upper caste moved to cities in search of more opportunities, leading to a vacuum in the dominant space occupied by them in rural areas in all walks of life. This vacuum was filled by newly prosperous upper middle castes, who gradually took over the dominant space in rural areas. It is believed that the economic and educational development of certain Backward Castes (dubbed as upper middle caste) made them conscious of their rights and numerical superiority, which raised their representation in democratic politics, and by 1967, they emerged as political force in states like Bihar. [8]

In Haryana, Jats emerged as the dominant caste. They were owner of large swathes of land in some of the districts of Haryana, as for example in Rohtak district, nearly sixty percent of agricultural land was owned by Jats. The other caste groups in such region were in relation of service providers with the Jats. By early 1920s, the superiority enjoyed by Brahmins due to their position in ritual hierarchy declined, with elevation of Jats as the most dominant caste groups. [9] After the partition of Gujarat and Maharashtra, Marathas emerged as a dominant caste in Maharashtra. The rise of Marathas to prominence had its roots in British economic policy. In the pre-independence India, the introduction of cash crops, specially cotton and sugarcane changed the economic profile of villages. The Marathas, being primarily an agrarian caste-cluster, controlled the production of both these cash crops. They were also involved in Anti-Brahmin movement to defy the ritual hierarchy imposed upon them by sacerdotal authorities. This ensued their emergence as the dominant caste in Maharashtra. [10]

Related Research Articles

The Other Backward Class (OBC) is a collective term used by the Government of India to classify communities that are educationally or socially backward. It is one of several official classifications of the population of India, along with general castes, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The OBCs were found to comprise 52% of the country's population by the Mandal Commission report of 1980 and were determined to be 41% in 2006 when the National Sample Survey Organisation took place. There is substantial debate over the exact number of OBCs in India; it is generally estimated to be sizable, but many believe that it is higher than the figures quoted by either the Mandal Commission or the National Sample Survey.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kurmi</span> Hindu agricultural caste of India

Kurmi is traditionally a non-elite tiller caste in the lower Gangetic plain of India, especially southern regions of Awadh, eastern Uttar Pradesh and parts of Bihar. The Kurmis came to be known for their exceptional work ethic, superior tillage and manuring, and gender-neutral culture, bringing praise from Mughal and British administrators alike.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Teli</span> Caste in India, Nepal and Pakistan

Teli is a caste traditionally occupied in the oil pressing and trade in India, Nepal and Pakistan. Members may be either Hindu or Muslim; Muslim Teli are called Roshandaar or Teli Malik.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Caste politics</span> Identity politics on caste system lines in India

In India, a caste although it's a western stratification arrived from Portuguese word Casta and Latin word castus ,is a social group where membership is decided by birth. Broadly, Indian castes are divided into the Forward Castes, Other Backward Classes, Scheduled Castes, and Scheduled Tribes. Indian Christians and Indian Muslims are also function as castes. With castes separating individuals into different social groups, it follows that each group will have conflicting interests; oftentimes putting those with lower social standing in less favorable positions. An attempt to address this inequality has been the reservation system, which essentially acts as affirmative action to provide representation to caste groups that have been systematically disadvantaged. There have also been other cases where political parties, like the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), was formed to challenge the power of the upper castes.

Kushwaha is a community of the Indo-Gangetic Plain that has traditionally been involved in agriculture, including beekeeping. The term has been used to represent different sub-castes of the Kachhis, Kachhvahas, Koeris and Muraos. Under the Indian government's system of positive discrimination, the Kushwahas are classified as a "Backward" or Other backward class. The Kushwaha had worshipped Shiva and Shakta, but beginning in the 20th century, they claim descent from the Suryavansh (Solar) dynasty via Kusha, one of the twin sons of Rama and Sita. At present, it is a broad community formed by coming together of several caste groups with similar occupational backgrounds and socio-economic status, who, over the time, started inter-marrying among themselves and created all India caste network for caste solidarity. The communities which merged into this caste cluster includes Kachhi, Kachhwaha, Kushwaha, Mali, Marrar, Saini, Sonkar, Murai, Shakya, Maurya, Koeri and Panara.

Bhumihar, also locally called Bhuinhar and Babhan, is a Hindu caste mainly found in Bihar, the Purvanchal region of Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, the Bundelkhand region of Madhya Pradesh, and Nepal.

Bihari Mauritians are the descendants of mainly Bhojpuri speaking migrants to Mauritius. A majority of Indo-Mauritians are of Bihari descent, and the majority of Mauritians are Indo-Mauritian. Castewise, most Bihari Mauritians are Vaishyas with significant Bhumihars, Brahmins, Rajputs, Koeris, Chamars, Yadavs, Kurmis, Banias and Kayasthas. All but one Mauritian Prime Ministers have been of Bihari Vaishya descent. The community includes a Hindu majority with a Muslim minority. About 65.7 % of the 1.3 million population of Mauritius is of Indian origin, most of them from Bihar, with Bhojpuri as their ancestral tongue.

Yadavs, also called Jadams, or Jadavs, are a grouping of traditionally non-elite, peasant-pastoral communities or castes in India that since the 19th and 20th centuries have claimed descent from the legendary king Yadu as a part of a movement of social and political resurgence. The term Yadav now covers many traditional peasant-pastoral castes such as Ahirs of the Hindi belt and the Gavli of Maharashtra.

The politics of Bihar, an eastern state of India, is dominated by regional political parties. As of 2021, the main political groups are Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Janata Dal (United) (JDU), Indian National Congress (INC), Left Front, Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM). There are also some smaller regional parties, including Samata Party, Hindustani Awam Morcha, Rashtriya Jan Jan Party, Rashtriya Lok Janata Dal, Jan Adhikar Party and Vikassheel Insaan Party, Lok Janshakti Party and Rashtriya Lok Janshakti Party, which play a vital role in politics of state. As of 2024, Bihar is currently ruled by NDA, after JDU break out from Mahagatbandhan (Grandalliance) coalition and returned to NDA fold.

The Koeri, also referred to as Kushwaha and more recently self-described as Maurya in several parts of northern India are an Indian non-elite caste, found largely in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, whose traditional occupation was agriculture. According to Arvind Narayan Das they were horticulturists rather than agriculturists. They are also recorded as performing the work of Mahajan in credit market of rural parts of Bihar and Bengal in 1880s. Koeris have attempted Sanskritisation— as part of social resurgence. During the British rule in India, Koeris were described as "agriculturalists" along with Kurmis and other cultivating castes. They are described as a dominant caste in various opinions.

The Paswan, also known as Dusadh, are a Dalit community from eastern India. They are found mainly in the states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Jharkhand. The Urdu word Paswan means bodyguard or "one who defends". The origin of the word, per the belief of the community, lies in their participation in the battle against Siraj-ud-daulah, the Nawab of Bengal at the behest of British East India Company, after which they were rewarded with the post of Chowkidars and lathi wielding tax collector for the Zamindars. They follow certain rituals such as walking on fire to assert their valour.

Rajputs in Bihar are members of the Rajput community living in the eastern Indian state of Bihar. They traditionally formed part of the feudal elite in Bihari society. Rajputs were pressed with the Zamindari abolition and Bhoodan movement in post-independence India; along with other Forward Castes, they lost their significant position in Bihar's agrarian society, leading to the rise of Other Backward Classes (OBCs).

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Zamindars of Bihar</span> Social group of Bihar

The Zamindars of Bihar were the autonomous and semi-autonomous rulers and administrators of the subah of Bihar during Mughal rule and later during British rule. They formed the landed aristocracy that lasted until Indian independence in 1947. The zamindars of Bihar were numerous and could be divided into small, medium and large depending on how much land they controlled. Within Bihar, the zamindars had both economic and military power. Each zamindari would have their own standing army which was typically composed of their own clansmen.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Triveni Sangh</span> Social reform movement

Triveni Sangh was a caste coalition and political party established in Shahabad District of Bihar in pre-independence India to voice the political solidarity of "middle peasant castes" as well as to carve a space in democratic politics for the lower castes. The date of formation of the Triveni Sangh has been variously stated. Some sources have said it was the 1920s but Kumar notes recently discovered documentation that makes 1933 more likely, while Christophe Jaffrelot has said 1934. The leaders associated with the formation of this front were Yadunandan Prasad Mehta, Shivpujan Singh and Jagdev Singh Yadav.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Jagdish Mahto</span> Indian communist activist (died 1972)

Jagdish Mahto was an Indian communist activist. He was a naxal leader who led the 1970 Bhojpur uprising in the landlord-dominated Bhojpur region of Bihar. He was a member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist), an organisation which was leading the Naxalite insurgency against the Government of India. He also fought against the upper-caste landlords for the cause of lower-caste people. Mahto, also called Master Saheb, was a member of the Bihar State Committee of CPI(M–L) and one of the founding leaders of the party in Bhojpur.

The Backward Caste movement in Bihar can be traced back to the formation of Triveni Sangh, a caste coalition and political party, in the 1930s, which was revived after the introduction of land reforms in the 1950s aimed at removing intermediaries from agrarian society. But, this drive could not succeed in bringing long-lasting changes in the condition of lower strata of society, as they lacked political representation and economic power. The period since land reform included caste conflicts and the class struggle which eventually led to a transfer of absolute political power in the hands of Backward Castes, who had been kept away from it earlier. The class struggle succeeded the struggle of some of the Upper Backward Castes against the sacerdotal authorities for improvement in their ritual status. By the 1990s, the conflict between upper-castes and the lower-castes continued, with nearly 17 massacres taking place during this time period. But with the advent of politics of social justice and the Janata Dal in the 1990s, the lower caste became more active politically.

The Upper Backward Caste is a term used to describe the middle castes in Bihar, whose social and ritual status was not very low and which have traditionally been involved in the agricultural and animal husbandry related activities in the past. They have also been involved in low scale trade to some extent. The Koeri, Kurmi, Yadav, and Bania are categorised as the upper-backwards amongst the Other Backward Class group; while the various other caste groups which constitute the OBC, a group comprising 51% of the population of state of Bihar, have been classified as lower backwards. The upper-backwards, also called upper OBC, represent approximately 20.3% of the population of Bihar. These agricultural caste were the biggest beneficiaries of the land reform drive which was undertaken in the 1950s in the state and they strengthened their economic position by gaining a significant portion of excess land under the ceiling laws, which prohibited the ownership of land above a certain ceiling.

Bhojpur uprising refers to the class conflict manifested in armed uprising of the 1970s, that took place in the various villages of the Bhojpur district of Bihar. These clashes were part of the Naxalite-Maoist insurgency in the state, which mobilised the agricultural labourers and the poor peasants against the landlords, primarily belonging to upper-castes. A distinguished feature of these insurgencies were their confinement to the villages, and the nine towns of the Bhojpur district remained unaffected from the periodic skirmishes between the armed groups. One of the reason sought for this peculiar feature is the absence of modern industries in the district. The economy of the district was primarily agrarian, and the industrial proletariat class was absent.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Dalits in Bihar</span> Post independence mobilisation of Dalits in Bihar

Dalits in Bihar are a social group composed of many Scheduled Castes, placed at the bottom of the "caste-based social order". The Dalits also include some of the erstwhile untouchable castes, who suffered various forms of oppression in the feudal-agrarian society of Bihar. Some of the Dalit castes have specific cultural practices, which differ from those of orthodox Hinduism.

References

  1. ↑ India, Ideas For. "Caste dominance in rural India: Cause and effect". Ideas For India.
  2. ↑ Srinivas, M. N. (1959). "The Dominant Caste in Rampura". American Anthropologist. 61 (1): 1–16. doi: 10.1525/aa.1959.61.1.02a00030 . JSTOR   666209.
  3. ↑ Hasnain, Nadeem (2011). Indian Anthropology. Delhi: Palaka Prakashan. pp. 275–276. ISBN   978-81-85799-62-9.
  4. ↑ Education For Dalits. India: Discovery Publishing House Pvt. Limited. 2004. p. 254. ISBN   9788171418725.
  5. ↑ Kumar, S. (2018). Post-Mandal Politics in Bihar Changing Electoral Patterns. SAGE Publications. p. 66. ISBN   9789352805860.
  6. ↑ Great Transition In India: Critical Explorations. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Company. 2020. ISBN   9789811222351. In Bihar, the alliance of three castes — the Yadav, Kurmi, and Koeri — dislodged the Forward Castes from power.
  7. ↑ Alakh N. Sharma (2005). "Agrarian Relations and Socio-Economic Change in Bihar". Economic and Political Weekly. 40 (10): 960–72. JSTOR   4416306. The results of the 1967 elections were a striking proof of a newly conscious peasantry. The Congress dominated by the landowning upper castes was defeated because of the withdrawal of support by the awakened middle peasantry. The upper middle castes, particularly the three numerous dominant castes, yadav, koeri and kurmi, had significantly improved their economic position in the post-independence period. These three castes have been the important beneficiaries of the so-called Green Revolution in Bihar, in whatever small manner this might have happened in the state. These sturdy and hardy castes, traditionally engaged in cultivation, have managed to produce more from cultivation than their upper caste counterparts. They have cornered a sig- nificant portion of the institutional credit. These developments have also affected the pattern of land distribution in the coun- tryside. Big peasants and landlords have been losing more land compared to other classes. The process of dispossession of land has been much faster among upper castes compared to other castes. As a matter of fact, the three upper-middle castes are the major beneficiaries of the land-losses suffered by the upper caste landlords/big peasants and they have significantly strengthened their position in the rural society. Thus, there have been signifi- cant changes in the agrarian and rural class structure in Bihar in the post-independence period.
  8. ↑ Handbook of Global Social Policy. United States: Taylor & Francis. 2019. pp. 136–37. ISBN   9781482270297. The upper castes-Brahman, Bhumihar, Rajput, and Kayastha-are ap proximately 13% of the total population of Bihar. They are, however, dominant in all walks of life. They are moving toward urban areas in search of better opportunities. In rural areas the place of the upper castes is being taken by some of the newly prosperous backward castes like Yadava, Kurmi, and Koiri. They were clean castes and earlier assigned a service relationship with the upper castes. Along with Banias, they constitute 19.3% of the population of Bihar. The Banias are forward in respect to all variables of social and political development though they claim themselves to be backward. Previously they were moneylenders, and even now they are in control of trade and commerce in Bihar. The more backward castes constitute 32% of the state population. They are mostly landless workers in the rural areas. Caste politics has deep roots in Bihar. It began with the movement for the partition of Bihar from Bengal in the early twentieth century. The English-educated Kayasthas became leaders of the freedom movement in the 1920s. They were challenged by the land-owning, numerically stronger Bhumihars in different spheres. Subsequently, the Brahmans and the Rajputs joined the race. Until 1967 these four castes dominated the political scene. In 1967 a number of backward castes of kulaks emerged, such as the Yadava, Kurmi, Koiri, and Bania. The leaders of the upper castes felt impelled to align themselves with the politicians of the backward castes because of the intense rivalry among them. For example, there was keen political rivalry between the land-owning dominant castes, the Rajputs and the Bhumihars.
  9. ↑ Women and Social Reform in Modern India: A Reader. India: Indiana University Press. 2008. p. 147. ISBN   9780253352699.
  10. ↑ Aslany, M. (2020). Contested Capital: Rural Middle Classes in India. Cambridge University Press. p. 42. ISBN   9781108836333.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.