Great depression of British agriculture

Last updated

The great depression of British agriculture occurred during the late nineteenth century and is usually dated from 1873 to 1896. [1] Contemporaneous with the global Long Depression, Britain's agricultural depression was caused by the dramatic fall in grain prices that followed the opening up of the American prairies to cultivation in the 1870s and the advent of cheap transportation with the rise of steamships. British agriculture did not recover from this depression until after the Second World War. [2] [3] Other countries in Western Europe such as the Netherlands experienced the same agricultural crisis (1878–1895) as a result of the market being flooded by cheap grain from the United States and Canada. [4]

Contents

Background

In 1846 Parliament repealed the Corn Laws, which had imposed a tariff on imported grain, and thereby de facto instituted free trade. There was a widespread belief that free trade would lower prices immediately. [5] [6] However, that did not occur for about 25 years after repeal; the years 1853 to 1862 were famously described by Lord Ernle as the "golden age of English agriculture". [7] That period of prosperity was caused by rising prices from the discovery of gold in Australia and California, which encouraged industrial demand. [8] Grain prices dropped from 1848 to 1850 but went up again from 1853, with the Crimean War (1853-1856) and the American Civil War (1861-1865) preventing the export of cereals from Russia and the United States, thereby shielding Britain from the effects of free trade. [9] [10] Britain enjoyed a series of good harvests (apart from in 1860) and the area of land under cultivation expanded, with increasing land values and increasing investments in drainage and buildings. [11] [12] In the opinion of the historian Robert Ensor, the technology employed in British agriculture was superior to most farming on the Continent because of more than a century of practical research and experimentation: "Its breeds were the best, its cropping the most scientific, its yields the highest". [13] Ernle stated that "crops reached limits which production has never since exceeded, and probably, so far as anything certain can be predicted of the unknown, never will exceed". [14] In his 1845 book The Condition of the Working Class in England , Friedrich Engels noted the United Kingdom's aim of being an industrial land supplying manufactures to an agricultural Europe.

Causes of the Depression

An 1884 drawing of an American farmer with a reaper-binder. McCormick Twine Binder 1884.jpg
An 1884 drawing of an American farmer with a reaper-binder.

In 1862 the United States Congress passed the Homestead Act which led to the settlement of a large part of the Midwest. [15] The United States also witnessed a great increase in railways, mainly across the prairies. In 1860 the United States possessed about 30,800 miles of railways; by 1880 this had increased to about 94,200 miles. The railway companies encouraged farmer-settlers by promising to transport their crops for less than cost for a number of years. [16] Due to the technological progress of shipping, there were for the first time plenty of cheap steam ships to transport their crops across the seas. This drove down transport costs: in 1873 the cost of transporting a ton of grain from Chicago to Liverpool was £37s., in 1880 it was £21s. and in 1884 £14s. [17] New inventions in agricultural machinery also aided the American prairie farmer. Due to the scarcity of hired farm labourers, prairie farmers had to collect their own harvest and the limit of their expansion was set by what one pair of hands could do. The advent of the reaper-binder in 1873 revolutionised harvesting because it meant the doubling of every farmer's crop as it enabled the reaping to be worked by one man instead of two. [18] For these reasons, cheap imports of vast amounts of American prairie wheat were able to flood the market and undercut and overwhelm British wheat farmers. [19]

The bad harvests of 1875, 1877, 1878 and particularly the wet summer of 1879 disguised the cause of the depression. [20] [21] [22] The Duke of Bedford wrote in 1897 that "Agriculturalists and the nation at large were alike insensible to the real character of the depression...Cheap marine transport had already thrown open the English market to the cereals of four continents...It is easy to be wise after the event, but it is strange that a catastrophe which was no longer merely impending but had actually taken place should have been regarded by those best able to judge as a passing cloud". [23] In previous seasons of bad harvests, farmers were compensated by high prices caused by the scarcity. [24] [25] However, British farmers could no longer rely on high prices due to the cheap American imports. [26]

Effects

Between 1871–75 and 1896–1900, the importation of wheat and flour increased by 90%, for meat it was 300% and for butter and cheese it was 110%. [27] The price of wheat in Britain declined from 56s 0d a quarter in 1867–71 to 27s 3d in 1894–98. [28] The nadir came in 1894–95, when prices reached their lowest level for 150 years, 22s. 10d. [29] On the eve of the depression, the total amount of land growing cereals was 9,431,000 acres (3,817,000 ha); by 1898 this had declined to 7,401,000 acres (2,995,000 ha), a decline of about 22%. During the same period, the amount of land under permanent pasture rather than under cultivation increased by 19%. [30] By 1900 wheat-growing land was only a little over 50% of the total of 1872 and shrank further until 1914. [31]

The depression also accelerated Britain's rural depopulation. The 1881 census showed a decline of 92,250 agricultural labourers since 1871, with an increase of 53,496 urban labourers. Many of these had previously been farm workers who migrated to the cities to find employment. [32] Between 1871 and 1901 the population of England and Wales increased by 43% but the proportion of male agricultural labourers decreased by over one-third. [33] According to Sir James Caird in his evidence to the Royal Commission on the Depression in Trade and Industry in 1886, the annual income of landlords, tenants and labourers had fallen by £42,800,000 since 1876. [34] No other country witnessed such a social transformation and British policy contrasted with those adopted on the Continent. [35] Every wheat-growing country imposed tariffs in the wake of the explosion of American prairie wheat except Britain and Belgium. [36] Subsequently, Britain became the most industrialised major country with the smallest proportion of its resources devoted to agriculture. [37]

Britain's dependence on imported grain during the 1830s was 2%; during the 1860s it was 24%; during the 1880s it was 45% (for corn it was a whopping 65%). [38] By 1914 Britain was dependent on imports for four-fifths of her wheat and 40% of her meat. [39]

Social effects

Lady Bracknell:...what is your income?
Jack: Between seven and eight thousand a year.
Lady Bracknell[makes a note in her book]: In land, or in investments?
Jack: In investments chiefly.
Lady Bracknell: That is satisfactory. What between the duties expected during one's lifetime, and the duties exacted from one after one's death, [40] land has ceased to be either a profit or a pleasure. It gives one position and prevents one from keeping it up. That's all that can be said about land. [41]
Oscar Wilde, The Importance of Being Earnest (1895).

Between 1809 and 1879, 88% of British millionaires had been landowners; between 1880 and 1914 this figure dropped to 33% and fell further after the First World War. [42] During the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century, the British landed aristocracy were the wealthiest class in the world's richest country. [43] In 1882 Charles George Milnes Gaskell wrote that "the vast increase in the carrying power of ships, the facilities of intercourse with foreign countries, [and] the further cheapening of cereals and meat" meant that economically and politically the old landed class were no longer lords of the earth. [44] By the late nineteenth century, British manufacturers eclipsed the aristocracy as the richest class in the nation. As Arthur Balfour stated in 1909: "The bulk of the great fortunes are now in a highly liquid state...They do not consist of huge landed estates, vast parks and castles, and all the rest of it". [45]

Responses

The Prime Minister at the outset of the depression, Benjamin Disraeli, had once been a staunch upholder of the Corn Laws and had predicted ruin for agriculture if they were repealed. [46] [47] However, unlike most other European governments, his government did not revive tariffs on imported cereals to save their farms and farmers. [48] Despite calls from landowners to reintroduce the Corn Laws, Disraeli responded by saying that the issue was settled and that protection was impracticable. [49] Ensor claimed that the difference between Britain and the Continent was due to the latter having conscription; rural men were thought to be the best suited as soldiers, but for Britain, with no conscript army, that did not apply. [50] He also claimed that Britain staked its future on continuing to be "the workshop of the world", as the leading manufacturing nation. [51] Robert Blake claimed that Disraeli was dissuaded from reviving protection because the urban working class was enjoying cheap imported food at a time of industrial depression and rising unemployment. Enfranchised by Disraeli in 1867, working men's votes were crucial in a general election and he did not want to antagonise them. [52]

However, Disraeli's government appointed a Royal Commission on agricultural depression. It attributed the depression to bad harvests and foreign competition. [53] [54] Its final report of 1882 recommended changing the burden of local taxation from real property to the Consolidated Fund and the setting up of a government department for agriculture. [55] The new government, a Liberal administration under William Ewart Gladstone, did little. [56] Lord Salisbury's government founded the Board of Agriculture in 1889. [57]

After a series of droughts in the early 1890s, Gladstone's government appointed another Royal Commission into the depression in 1894. Its final report found foreign competition as the main cause in the fall in prices. It recommended changes in land tenure, tithes, education and other minor items. [58]

Notes

  1. T. W. Fletcher, ‘The Great Depression of English Agriculture 1873-1896’, in P. J. Perry (ed.), British Agriculture 1875-1914 (London: Methuen, 1973), p. 31.
  2. Alun Howkins, Reshaping Rural England. A Social History 1850-1925 (London: HarperCollins Academic, 1991), p. 138.
  3. David Cannadine, The Decline and Fall of the British Aristocracy (London: Pan, 1992), p. 92.
  4. Encarta-encyclopedie Winkler Prins (1993–2002) s.v. "landbouwpolitiek § geschiedenis", "Leeuwarden §3. geschiedenis". Microsoft Corporation/Het Spectrum.
  5. Mancur Olson and Curtis C. Harris, ‘Free Trade in 'Corn': A Statistical Study of the Prices and Production of Wheat in Great Britain from 1873 to 1914’, in P. J. Perry (ed.), British Agriculture 1875-1914 (London: Methuen, 1973), p. 150.
  6. Richard Perren, Agriculture in Depression, 1870-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 2.
  7. Lord Ernle, English Farming Past and Present. Sixth Edition (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1961), p. 373.
  8. Perren, p. 2.
  9. Perren, p. 3.
  10. P. J. Perry, ‘Editor's Introduction’, British Agriculture 1875-1914 (London: Methuen, 1973), p. xix.
  11. Perren, p. 3.
  12. Ernle, pp. 374-375.
  13. R. C. K. Ensor, England 1870-1914 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1936), p. 117.
  14. Ernle, p. 375.
  15. H. M. Conacher, ‘Causes of the Fall of Agricultural Prices between 1875 and 1895’, in P. J. Perry (ed.), British Agriculture 1875-1914 (London: Methuen, 1973), p. 22.
  16. Ensor, p. 115.
  17. Ensor, p. 115.
  18. Ensor, pp. 115-116.
  19. Ensor, p. 115.
  20. Perry, p. xix, p. xxiii.
  21. Perren, p. 7.
  22. Howkins, p. 138, p. 140.
  23. The Duke of Bedford, The Story of a Great Agricultural Estate (London: John Murray, 1897), p. 181.
  24. Perren, p. 7.
  25. Perry, p. xviii.
  26. Ensor, p. 116.
  27. Fletcher, p. 33.
  28. Fletcher, p. 34.
  29. Ernle, p. 385.
  30. Howkins, p. 146.
  31. Ensor, p. 285.
  32. Ensor, p. 117.
  33. Ensor, pp. 285-286.
  34. Ernle, p. 381.
  35. Perren, p. 24.
  36. Ensor, p. 116.
  37. Olson and Harris, p. 149.
  38. Ensor, p. 116.
  39. Arthur Marwick, The Deluge: British Society and the First World War. Second Edition (London: Macmillan, 1991), p. 58.
  40. death duties were then highly topical following Sir William Harcourt's 1894 budget
  41. Howkins, p. 152.
  42. Cannadine, p. 91.
  43. Cannadine, p. 90.
  44. Cannadine, p. 90.
  45. Cannadine, p. 91.
  46. William Flavelle Monypenny and George Earle Buckle, The Life of Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield. Volume II. 1860–1881 (London: John Murray, 1929), p. 1242.
  47. Robert Blake, Disraeli (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1966), p. 698.
  48. Ensor, p. 54.
  49. Blake, p. 698.
  50. Ensor, p. 54.
  51. Ensor, p. 118.
  52. Blake, pp. 698-699.
  53. Ernle, p. 380.
  54. Fletcher, p. 45.
  55. Fletcher, p. 46.
  56. Fletcher, p. 46.
  57. Fletcher, p. 46.
  58. Ensor, p. 286.

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corn Laws</span> 19th-century trade restrictions on import food and grain in Great Britain

The Corn Laws were tariffs and other trade restrictions on imported food and corn enforced in the United Kingdom between 1815 and 1846. The word corn in British English denoted all cereal grains, including wheat, oats and barley. The laws were designed to keep corn prices high to favour domestic producers, and represented British mercantilism. The Corn Laws blocked the import of cheap corn, initially by simply forbidding importation below a set price, and later by imposing steep import duties, making it too expensive to import it from abroad, even when food supplies were short. The House of Commons passed the corn law bill on 10 March 1815, the House of Lords on 20 March and the bill received royal assent on 23 March 1815.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">British Agricultural Revolution</span> Mid-17th to 19th century revolution centred around agriculture

The British Agricultural Revolution, or Second Agricultural Revolution, was an unprecedented increase in agricultural production in Britain arising from increases in labor and land productivity between the mid-17th and late 19th centuries. Agricultural output grew faster than the population over the hundred-year period ending in 1770, and thereafter productivity remained among the highest in the world. This increase in the food supply contributed to the rapid growth of population in England and Wales, from 5.5 million in 1700 to over 9 million by 1801, though domestic production gave way increasingly to food imports in the 19th century as the population more than tripled to over 35 million.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (United Kingdom)</span> United Kingdom legislation

The Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (MAFF) was a United Kingdom government department created by the Board of Agriculture Act 1889 and at that time called the Board of Agriculture, and then from 1903 the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, and from 1919 the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries. It attained its final name in 1955 with the addition of responsibilities for the British food industry to the existing responsibilities for agriculture and the fishing industry, a name that lasted until the Ministry was dissolved in 2002, at which point its responsibilities had been merged into the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra).

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Landed gentry</span> British social class of wealthy land owners

The landed gentry, or the gentry, is a largely historical British social class of landowners who could live entirely from rental income, or at least had a country estate. It is the British element of the wider European class of gentry. While part of the British aristocracy, and usually armigers, the gentry ranked below the British peerage in social status. Nevertheless, their economic base in land was often similar, and some of the landed gentry were wealthier than some peers. Many gentry were close relatives of peers, and it was not uncommon for gentry to marry into peerage. With or without noble title, owning rural land estates often brought with it the legal rights of the feudal lordship of the manor, and the less formal name or title of squire, in Scotland laird.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">History of agriculture in the United States</span>

The history of agriculture in the United States covers the period from the first English settlers to the present day. In Colonial America, agriculture was the primary livelihood for 90% of the population, and most towns were shipping points for the export of agricultural products. Most farms were geared toward subsistence production for family use. The rapid growth of population and the expansion of the frontier opened up large numbers of new farms, and clearing the land was a major preoccupation of farmers. After 1800, cotton became the chief crop in southern plantations, and the chief American export. After 1840, industrialization and urbanization opened up lucrative domestic markets. The number of farms grew from 1.4 million in 1850, to 4.0 million in 1880, and 6.4 million in 1910; then started to fall, dropping to 5.6 million in 1950 and 2.2 million in 2008.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cambridge Corn Exchange</span> Municipal building in Cambridge, England

The Corn Exchange is an events and concert venue located on Wheeler Street in Cambridge, Cambridgeshire, England. The structure, which was commissioned as a corn exchange, is a Grade II listed building.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corn exchange</span> Building where farmers and merchants traded cereal grains

A corn exchange is a building where merchants trade grains. The word "corn" in British English denotes all cereal grains, such as wheat and barley; in the United States these buildings were called grain exchange. Such trade was common in towns and cities across England until the 19th century, but as the trade became centralised in the 20th century many such buildings were used for other purposes. Several have since become historical landmarks.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corn Exchange, Newbury</span> Municipal building in Newbury, England

The Corn Exchange is an events and concert venue located in the Market Place in Newbury, Berkshire, England. The structure, which was commissioned as a corn exchange and is now used as an events venue, is a Grade II listed building.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Palace Theatre, Kilmarnock</span>

The Palace Theatre & Grand Hall Complex is a multi-purpose entertainment arena complex in Green Street, Kilmarnock, Scotland. The structure, which was originally opened as a corn exchange, is a Category A listed building.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Edinburgh Corn Exchange</span> Municipal building in Edinburgh, Scotland

The Edinburgh Corn Exchange is an events and concert venue located in New Market Road in Edinburgh, Scotland. The structure, which was commissioned as a corn exchange, is a Category B listed building.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">St Ives Corn Exchange</span> Municipal building in St Ives, Cambridgeshire, England

The Corn Exchange is a commercial building on The Payment in St Ives, Cambridgeshire, England. The structure, which is currently used as an events venue, is a Grade II listed building.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corn Exchange, London</span> Commercial building in London, England

The Corn Exchange was a commercial building in Mark Lane, London, England. The original structure dated from 1747, but the exchange later amalgamated with a rival exchange and was rebuilt several times before finally closing in 1987.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corn Exchange, Tunbridge Wells</span> Commercial building in Royal Tunbridge Wells, Kent, England

The Corn Exchange is a commercial building in The Pantiles, Royal Tunbridge Wells, Kent, England. The structure, which is currently used as an antiques and fine art market, is a Grade II listed building.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corn Exchange, Sudbury</span> Commercial building in Sudbury, Suffolk, England

The Corn Exchange is a commercial building on Market Hill, Sudbury, Suffolk, England. The structure, which is used as a public library, is a Grade II* listed building.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corn Market, Tavistock</span> Commercial building in Devon, England

The Corn Market is a commercial building in West Street in Tavistock, Devon, England. The structure, which is now used as a ladies' clothes shop, is a Grade II listed building.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Driffield Town Hall</span> Commercial building in Driffield, East Riding of Yorkshire, England

Driffield Town Hall is a former municipal building in Exchange Street, Driffield, East Riding of Yorkshire, England. The structure is now used as an annex to a local hotel.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corn Exchange, Rochford</span> Commercial building in Rochford, Essex, England

The Corn Exchange, also known as the Women's Institute Hall, is a commercial building in West Street in Rochford, Essex, England. The structure, which is now used by the local branch of the Women's Institute, is a Grade II listed building.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">The Talbot, Stow-on-the-Wold</span> Public house in Stow-on-the Wold, Gloucestershire, England

The Talbot, formerly known as The Talbot Hotel, is a public house in the Market Square in Stow-on-the-Wold, Gloucestershire, England. The structure, which was originally a coaching inn and later served as the local corn exchange as well as the main hotel in the town, is a Grade II listed building.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corn Exchange, Much Wenlock</span> Commercial building in Much Wenlock, Shropshire, England

The Corn Exchange is a commercial building in the High Street in Much Wenlock, Shropshire, England. The structure, which is currently used as a library, is a Grade II listed building.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Corn Exchange, Haddington</span> Commercial building in Haddington, East Lothian, Scotland

The Corn Exchange is a commercial building in Court Street, Haddington, East Lothian, Scotland. The structure, which is now used as a community events venue, is a Category B listed building.

References

Further reading