Illicit drug use in Ireland & Northern Ireland has been growing since the mid-1970s.[ citation needed ] The use by young people of psychedelic drugs, including LSD and cannabis, was recognized at that time. Opiate abuse was uncommon until the 1980s, following events in the opium production centres of Afghanistan and Iran. Government task forces and private programmes were formed to tackle increased opiate abuse. Dublin and Ballymena have been centres of increased heroin use and preventative efforts. Studies confirmed significant opiate use in the 1990s, when action to reduce harm caused by drug use became favoured. Programmes focused on controlling the spread of HIV, seen as a greater social threat than drug abuse itself.
Heroin use in Ireland has always centred on Dublin, and to a lesser extent Cork city. [1] Heroin abuse became a major problem in inner-city Dublin in the late 1970s. Earlier, there was no evidence of anything more than isolated use of heroin. In December 1968, the Minister for Health, Seán Flanagan, established a working party to investigate the extent of drug abuse at the time and to advise the government. Their research, reported in 1971, [2] could not find any evidence of significant use of heroin, which they attributed to the difficulty of obtaining supplies at the time. Drug use was limited mostly to cannabis and LSD. These drugs were seen as part of student sub-culture; Hugh Byrne, a TD debating what was to be the 1977 Misuse of Drugs Act, described Trinity College Dublin as "a nest and a hive for the production of LSD [...] leaflets containing the formula of LSD have been freely sold around the campus". He blamed this activity on foreign students in areas of "advanced study". [3]
The main treatment centre for drug users was at Jervis Street Hospital. The National Drug Advisory and treatment Centre was founded there in 1969. In 1973, the Coolmine therapeutic community was founded as a voluntary body to provide a structure for people to "maintain a drug-free existence". [4]
In 1979, there was a dramatic increase in the supply of heroin to Western Europe, usually attributed to the fall of the Shah in Iran and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. This marked the start of an epidemic in inner-city Dublin. [5]
The number of heroin users in Dublin continued to grow in the early 1980s. The 1983 Bradshaw Report found that in north central Dublin, 10% of 15- to 24-year-olds had used heroin in the previous year; the figure was 12% for 15- to 19-year-olds, and 13% for females of the same age group. The report also confirmed Dublin as a centre for heroin use, with only three or four heroin users in Cork and Galway. [6]
Following this report, the government created a Special Governmental Task Force on Drug Abuse in April 1983. Their report recommended funding community facilities in deprived areas, but this was at odds with government policy at the time, so the report went unpublished. [7] The government's position was that drug abusers were victims of their own choices, rather than their socio-economic circumstances. [8] The Misuse of Drugs Act 1984 was enacted to provide for tougher punishments than the 1977 Act.
The 1980s also saw the rise of community groups which organised themselves to rid their local areas of drugs. Priests, politicians and even Provisional IRA members took part in residents' associations in areas of Dublin such as Fatima Mansions, the Hardwicke Street flats, St. Teresa's Gardens, and Dolphin House. Groups met to name and shame drug dealers, giving them the choice either to stop dealing or leave the area. Actions broadened to include patrols by residents, checkpoints to search vehicles for drugs, forced evictions, and other vigilante actions. These local groups got together and adopted a constitution in February 1984, naming themselves "Concerned Parents Against Drugs". [7]
The Drug Treatment Centre Board moved to Trinity Court in 1988 following the closure of Jervis Street hospital.
The most significant event of the decade was the arrival of the HIV/AIDS epidemic to Ireland. The first diagnosed case of AIDS was in 1982. Early cases before 1987 were found in homosexual men, this soon spread to intravenous drug users, overtaking cases amongst homosexual men. [9] A survey by the Department of Health in 1986 found that 30% of intravenous drug users were HIV positive. [8]
Ireland has a drugs problem. But beyond this simple statement we must also recognise that Ireland's drugs problem is primarily an opiates problem—mainly heroin. And beyond this, we must recognise that Ireland's heroin problem is principally a Dublin phenomenon.
—Pat Rabbitte, 1996. [1]
There were an estimated 13,460 opiate users in Ireland in 1996. [10] The HIV/AIDS epidemic in Ireland was most active among intravenous drug users. Treatment in centres such as Trinity Court required a commitment from the patient to achieve abstinence from drugs. In light of the HIV epidemic, this policy was revised in 1992 to one of harm reduction. [11] This different approach recognised that the harms of drug use, such as the spread of HIV, were of a greater danger to society than drug use itself. [12] Harm reduction was implemented in the form of methadone maintenance and needle exchange programmes.
The first needle exchange opened in 1989 [13] and there were about eleven others by the end of the 1990s. [14] There are now plans to offer needle exchange services at pharmacies. [15]
In the very late 1980s & the early 1990s, the Irish Republican & Revolutionary socialist paramilitary group the Irish People's Liberation Organisation or just "IPLO" for short, brought in thousands & thousands of Ecstasy pills also known as "E" & "E pills" (chemically known as (3,4-Methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA) ) into Ireland. According to authors Henry McDonald & Jack Holland, the IPLO became involved in drug dealing in early 1989 and at £25 per pill, the IPLO made massive profits from the drug trade. [16] The pills were bought in Amsterdam & then the IPLO smuggled their pills out from Holland, then to France along old Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) (the group the IPLO split from) arm routes & to Rosslare Europort, County Wexford, Republic of Ireland, they were then hidden & stored in a safe house in Swords, Dublin and some of the pills were sold around Dublin city, but the vast bulk of the E Pills were sold in Belfast City where the IPLO was at its strongest militarily. According to Holland & McDonald, the drugs were hidden & packed under the floorboards of camper vans and driven across Europe towards western French ports. Once in Ireland the pills were placed inside Paracetamol bottles & delivered to Belfast. [17] In October 1992 the Provisional IRA Belfast Brigade wiped out the IPLO in Belfast. [18]
Head shops (Irish : siopaí siabhráin, siopaí cloigne, siopaí cnáibe, "derangement/head/hemp shops") [19] [20] did exist legally in Ireland, and were reported by authorities to be opening at a rate of one per week in January 2010. Some of the shops were open 24 hours a day, serving through a hatch at night. [21] The legality of the shops was discussed in Seanad Éireann that month, with an all-party motion being passed requesting the Government to introduce legislation to regulate the sale of products. [21] One head shop in Roscommon received objections from residents two weeks after opening for business that month.
Head shops received a lot of media attention in 2010, with one doctor describing on the television programme, Prime Time , patients of his who suffered hallucinations, anxiety and psychosis after experiencing "legal highs" party powders from head shop substances. [22] Politicians weighed in, with Chris Andrews in favour of outlawing head shops while Jim McDaid said this would be a "huge mistake" which would allow illegal street dealers to thrive. [22] There was controversy and irony when a judge renowned for his strict anti-drug sentencing discovered that a premises he had rented to a business in Naas contained a head shop, and evicted the operator. [23] [24] [25] [26]
A Dublin head shop exploded and caught fire on 12 February 2010, engulfing a neighbouring building in fire and the surrounding streets and quays in smoke, causing Capel Street to be closed for the day. [27] The blaze levelled two other businesses including a sex shop, as one of Dublin's busiest streets was evacuated. [28] [29] A second head shop burned down on 16 February 2010 in Dublin. [30] On 10 March 2010, two pipe bombs were found outside two separate head shops in Athlone, and Garda bomb disposal experts closed two main streets in the town. The attacks were later traced to disgruntled drug dealers. [31] [32]
Another burned down on 11 March 2010 in Sligo, and an adult shop also caught fire. [33] On 16 April 2010 in Dundalk, County Louth, a head shop was set alight in a petrol bomb attack. The county is home to then Minister for Justice Dermot Ahern and hours later plans for legislation for regulation of head shops got underway. [34]
On 28 March 2010, vigilante group Republican Action Against Drugs (RAAD) claimed responsibility for planting an explosive device outside a head shop in Letterkenny, County Donegal. It was made safe by the security forces. RAAD issued a statement that it was the "first and only warning" the shop would receive; the head shop closed shortly afterwards. [35] [36]
Many head shop products became illegal in Ireland on 23 August 2010 [37] when the new Criminal Justice (Psychoactive Substances) Act 2010 became law. [38] The Act empowered Gardaí to seek court orders to close head shops suspected of selling drug-like products, with the onus on the owners to prove they are not doing so.
Following this legislation, the number of head shops declined dramatically from 112 to just 12. [39]
Before a Government order took effect in 2011, head shops had been legally selling methylethcathinone, a recreational drug. Earlier Government orders, also pursuant to the Misuse of Drugs Act, outlawed the possession of other head shop drugs like ecstasy and magic mushrooms. Stanislav Bederev, charged with methylethcathinone possession in 2012, challenged the constitutionality of such Government orders. On 10 March 2015, the Court of Appeal ruled in Bederev's favour, on the basis that the orders amounted to law-making, a power reserved for the Oireachtas. Emergency legislation to reinstate the ban on drugs previously banned by Government orders, which also include amphetamine, khat and ketamine, took effect on 12 March 2015. [40] [41] [42] The Court of Appeal ruling implicated pending cases involving possession of those drugs, and may potentially have led to appeals from those previously convicted of possession of those drugs. [43] [44] However, in June 2016, the Supreme Court overturned the Court of Appeal's ruling, finding the original Government orders constitutional, on the basis that the Government was bound to outlaw only drugs of the same nature as those already listed in the Misuse of Drugs Act, and that the Oireachtas was given the right to annul the Government's orders if the Oireachtas so chose. [45]
The political party People Before Profit (PBP) supports Ireland moving "towards the Portuguese Model to undermine criminal gangs". It also supports the immediate decriminalisation of the possession of drugs for personal use and low-level distribution. [46] The Social Democrats also support the decriminalisation of drugs for personal use. [47] Since 30 June 2023, Ireland's Labour Party has called for the "decriminalisation of users" in regards to drugs and supports the legalisation of cannabis for recreational and medicinal use in Ireland. [48]
In 2020, as part of the government formation negotiations with Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, the Green Party have called for sweeping reforms of Ireland's drug laws. The Green Party stated that the criminalisation of drug consumption is a counter-productive policy that perpetuates business models of organised crime and fails to address the public health impact of drugs. They believe there is a more compassionate policy based on international best practice that could be introduced within existing constraints under international law. The Green Party stated that if they got into government, which they did, they would shift drugs policy from a criminal justice approach to a public health approach. [49] In 2023, after ongoing lobbying by the Green Party and many others, the government officially announced that it would convene at Citizen's Assembly on Drug Use. [50] [51] [52] [53]
In 2021, over 100 youth workers and former youth workers in the Republic of Ireland formed the Youth Workers Against Prohibition Ireland organisation and called for the legal regulation of all drugs in Ireland. The organisation is part of those who have signed an open letter criticising drug prohibition, which has also been signed by Irish Senators Eileen Flynn and Lynn Ruane. Signatories to the letter said that if drugs were legal and regulated the criminal market would be cut out and youth services, social services and medical services could treat the matter of drug addiction as a social, medical and health issue. [54]
Heroin, also known as diacetylmorphine and diamorphine among other names, is a morphinan opioid substance synthesized from the dried latex of the opium poppy; it is mainly used as a recreational drug for its euphoric effects. Heroin is used medically in several countries to relieve pain, such as during childbirth or a heart attack, as well as in opioid replacement therapy. Medical-grade diamorphine is used as a pure hydrochloride salt. Various white and brown powders sold illegally around the world as heroin are routinely diluted with cutting agents. Black tar heroin is a variable admixture of morphine derivatives—predominantly 6-MAM (6-monoacetylmorphine), which is the result of crude acetylation during clandestine production of street heroin.
The prohibition of drugs through sumptuary legislation or religious law is a common means of attempting to prevent the recreational use of certain intoxicating substances.
Harm reduction, or harm minimization, refers to a range of intentional practices and public health policies designed to lessen the negative social and/or physical consequences associated with various human behaviors, both legal and illegal. Harm reduction is used to decrease negative consequences of recreational drug use and sexual activity without requiring abstinence, recognizing that those unable or unwilling to stop can still make positive change to protect themselves and others.
A needle and syringe programme (NSP), also known as needle exchange program (NEP), is a social service that allows injection drug users (IDUs) to obtain clean and unused hypodermic needles and associated paraphernalia at little or no cost. It is based on the philosophy of harm reduction that attempts to reduce the risk factors for blood-borne diseases such as HIV/AIDS and hepatitis.
Commonly-cited arguments for and against the prohibition of drugs include the following:
The National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) is a United States federal government research institute whose mission is to "advance science on the causes and consequences of drug use and addiction and to apply that knowledge to improve individual and public health."
Substance dependence, also known as drug dependence, is a biopsychological situation whereby an individual's functionality is dependent on the necessitated re-consumption of a psychoactive substance because of an adaptive state that has developed within the individual from psychoactive substance consumption that results in the experience of withdrawal and that necessitates the re-consumption of the drug. A drug addiction, a distinct concept from substance dependence, is defined as compulsive, out-of-control drug use, despite negative consequences. An addictive drug is a drug which is both rewarding and reinforcing. ΔFosB, a gene transcription factor, is now known to be a critical component and common factor in the development of virtually all forms of behavioral and drug addictions, but not dependence.
Drug injection is a method of introducing a drug into the bloodstream via a hollow hypodermic needle, which is pierced through the skin into the body. Intravenous therapy, a form of drug injection, is universally practiced in modernized medical care. As of 2004, there were 13.2 million people worldwide who self-administered injection drugs outside of medical supervision, of which 22% are from developed countries.
Drug liberalization is a drug policy process of decriminalizing, legalizing, or repealing laws that prohibit the production, possession, sale, or use of prohibited drugs. Variations of drug liberalization include drug legalization, drug relegalization, and drug decriminalization. Proponents of drug liberalization may favor a regulatory regime for the production, marketing, and distribution of some or all currently illegal drugs in a manner analogous to that for alcohol, caffeine and tobacco.
Illicit drug use in Australia is the recreational use of prohibited drugs in Australia. Illicit drugs include illegal drugs, pharmaceutical drugs when used for non-medical purposes, and other substances used inappropriately. According to government and community organisations, the use and abuse, and the illegality, of illicit drugs is a social, health and legal issue that creates an annual illegal market estimated to be worth A$6.7 billion. Estimates made in 2022 place the figure at A$11.3 billion per year.
Mephedrone, also known as 4-methylmethcathinone, 4-MMC, and 4-methylephedrone, is a synthetic stimulant drug belonging to the amphetamine and cathinone classes. It is commonly referred to by slang names such as drone, M-CAT, White Magic, meow meow, and bubble. Chemically, it is similar to the cathinone compounds found in the Khat plant, native to eastern Africa.
Benzodiazepine use disorder (BUD), also called misuse or abuse, is the use of benzodiazepines without a prescription and/or for recreational purposes, which poses risks of dependence, withdrawal and other long-term effects. Benzodiazepines are one of the more common prescription drugs used recreationally. When used recreationally benzodiazepines are usually administered orally but sometimes they are taken intranasally or intravenously. Recreational use produces effects similar to alcohol intoxication.
The drug policy of Portugal, informally called the "drug strategy", was put in place in 2000, and came into effect in July 2001. Created by the Decree-Law n. 130 -A/2001 and under the jurisdiction of the Commissions for the Dissuasion of Drug Addiction, its purpose was to reduce the number of new HIV/AIDS cases in the country, as it was estimated around half of new cases came from injection drug use. This new approach focused on public health as opposed to public-order priorities by decriminalizing public and private use and possession of all drugs. Under this new policy when the police encounter individuals using or in possession of drugs, the substance is confiscated and the individual is referred to a Dissuasion Commission.
This is a history of drug prohibition in the United States.
Low-threshold treatment programs are harm reduction-based health care centers targeted towards people who use substances. "Low-threshold" programs are programs that make minimal demands on the patient, offering services without attempting to control their intake of drugs, and providing counselling only if requested. Low-threshold programs may be contrasted with "high-threshold" programs, which require the user to accept a certain level of control and which demand that the patient accept counselling and cease all drug use as a precondition of support.
Cannabis in Ireland is illegal for recreational purposes. Use for medical purposes requires case-by-case approval by the Minister for Health. A bill to legalise medical uses of cannabis passed second reading in Dáil Éireann in December 2016, but was rejected by the Oireachtas Health Committee in 2017.
There is an ongoing opioid epidemic in the United States, originating out of both medical prescriptions and illegal sources. It has been called "one of the most devastating public health catastrophes of our time". The opioid epidemic unfolded in three waves. The first wave of the epidemic in the United States began in the late 1990s, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), when opioids were increasingly prescribed for pain management, resulting in a rise in overall opioid use throughout subsequent years. The second wave was from an expansion in the heroin market to supply already addicted people. The third wave starting in 2013 was marked by a steep 1,040% increase in the synthetic opioid-involved death rate as synthetic opioids flooded the US market.
Gerry Stimson is a British public health social scientist, emeritus professor at Imperial College London from 2004, and an honorary professor at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine from 2017. Stimson has over 220 scientific publications mainly on social and health aspects of illicit drug use, including HIV infection. He has sat on numerous editorial boards including AIDS, Addiction, and European Addiction Research, and with Tim Rhodes he was the co-editor-in-chief of the International Journal of Drug Policy from 2000 to 2016. He is one of the global leaders for research on and later advocacy for harm reduction.
The opioid epidemic, also referred to as the opioid crisis, is the rapid increase in the overuse, misuse/abuse, and overdose deaths attributed either in part or in whole to the class of drugs called opiates/opioids since the 1990s. It includes the significant medical, social, psychological, demographic and economic consequences of the medical, non-medical, and recreational abuse of these medications.
Bederev v Ireland, [2016] IESC 34; [2016] 3 IR 1, [2016] 2 ILRM 340 is an Irish Supreme Court case which overturned the Court of Appeal's decision that declared s 2 (2) of the Misuse of Drugs Act 1977 unconstitutional on the grounds that it infringed on the exclusive authority of the Oireachtas to make legislation. The Court held that s 2(2) of the 1977 Act contains sufficient principles to allow the government to expand the list of controlled drugs, and is "not an abrogation of the democratic responsibility of the Oireachtas." This case is significant as it resolved the issues arising from the earlier decision of the Court of Appeal which had attracted international media attention by decriminalising certain Class A drugs, ecstasy for example, for a period of 24 hours until the Oireachtas pushed through emergency legislation.