Language analysis for the determination of origin (LADO) is an instrument used in asylum cases to determine the national or ethnic origin of the asylum seeker, through an evaluation of their language profile.[ why? ] To this end, an interview with the asylum seeker is recorded and analysed. The analysis consists of an examination of the dialectologically relevant features (e.g. accent, grammar, vocabulary and loanwords) in the speech of the asylum seeker. LADO is considered a type of speaker identification by forensic linguists. [1] LADO analyses are usually made at the request of government immigration/asylum bureaux attempting to verify asylum claims[ how? ], but may also be performed as part of the appeals process for claims which have been denied[ why? ]; they have frequently been the subject of appeals and litigation in several countries, e.g. Australia, the Netherlands and the UK.[ why? ]
A number of established linguistic approaches are considered to be valid methods of conducting LADO, including language variation and change, [2] [3] forensic phonetics, [4] dialectology, and language assessment. [5]
The underlying assumption leading to government immigration and asylum bureaux's use of LADO is that a link exists between a person's nationality and the way they speak.[ why? ] To linguists, this assumption is flawed: instead, research supports links between the family and community in which a person learns their native language, and enduring features of their way of speaking it. The notion that linguistic socialization into a speech community lies at the heart of LADO has been argued for by linguists since 2004, [6] and is now accepted by a range of government agencies (e.g. Switzerland, [7] Norway [8] ), academic researchers (e.g. Eades 2009, [9] Fraser 2011, [10] Maryns 2006, [11] and Patrick 2013 [12] ), as well as some commercial agencies, e.g. De Taalstudio, according to Verrips 2010 [13] ).
Since the mid-1990s, language analysis has been used to help determine the geographical origin of asylum seekers by the governments of a growing number of countries (Reath, 2004), [14] now including Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom.
Pilots have been conducted by the UK, Ireland, and Norway. [15] The UK legitimised the process in 2003; it has subsequently been criticised by immigration lawyers (see response by the Immigration Law Practitioners' Association [16] ), and also Craig 2012 [17] ); and social scientists (e.g. Campbell 2013 [18] ), as well as linguists (e.g. Patrick 2011 [19] ).
In the Netherlands LADO is commissioned by the Dutch Immigration Service (IND). [20] Language analysis is used by the IND in cases where asylum seekers cannot produce valid identification documents, and, in addition, the IND sees reason to doubt the claimed origin of the asylum seeker. The IND has a specialised unit (Bureau Land en Taal, or BLT; in English, the Office for Country Information and Language Analysis, or OCILA) that carries out these analyses. Challenges to BLT analyses are provided by De Taalstudio, [21] a private company that provides language analysis and contra-expertise in LADO cases. Claims and criticisms regarding the Dutch LADO processes are discussed by Cambier-Langeveld (2010), [22] the senior linguist for BLT/OCILA, and by Verrips 2010, [23] the founder of De Taalstudio. Zwaan (2008, [24] 2010 [25] ) reviews the legal situation.
LADO reports are provided to governments in a number of ways: by their own regularly-employed linguists and/or freelance analysts; by independent academic experts; by commercial firms; or by a mixture of the above. In Switzerland language analysis is carried out by LINGUA, a specialized unit of the Federal Office for Migration, which both employs linguists and retains independent experts from around the world. [7] The German and Austrian bureaux commission reports primarily from experts within their own countries. The UK and a number of other countries have commercial contracts with providers such as the Swedish firms Sprakab [26] and Verified [27] both of which have carried out language analyses for UK Visas and Immigration (formerly UK Border Agency) and for the Dutch Immigration Service, as well as other countries around the world.
It is widely agreed that language analysis should be done by language experts. Two basic types of practitioners commonly involved in LADO can be distinguished: trained native speakers of the language under analysis, and professional linguists specialized in the language under analysis. Usually native speaker analysts are free-lance employees who are said to be under the supervision of a qualified linguist. When such analysts lack academic training in linguistics, it has been questioned whether they should be accorded the status of 'experts' by asylum tribunals, e.g. by Patrick (2012), [28] who refers to them instead as "non-expert native speakers (NENSs)". Eades et al. (2003) note that "people who have studied linguistics to professional levels [...] have particular knowledge which is not available to either ordinary speakers or specialists in other disciplines". [29] Likewise Dikker and Verrips (2004) [30] conclude that native speakers who lack training in linguistics are not able to formulate reliable conclusions regarding the origin of other speakers of their language. The nature of the training which commercial firms and government bureaux provide to their analysts has been questioned in academic and legal arenas, but few specifics have been provided to date; see however accounts by the Swiss agency Lingua [31] and Cambier-Langeveld of BLT/OCILA, [32] as well as responses to the latter by Fraser [33] and Verrips. [34]
Claims for and against the use of such native-speaker analysts, and their ability to conduct LADO satisfactorily vis-a-vis the ability of academically trained linguists, have only recently begun to be the subject of research (e.g. Wilson 2009), [35] and no consensus yet exists among linguists. While much linguistic research exists on the ability of people, including trained linguists and phoneticians and untrained native speakers, to correctly perceive, identify or label recorded speech that is played to them, almost none of the research has yet been framed in such a way that it can give clear answers to questions about the LADO context.
The matter of native-speaker analysts and many other issues are subjects of ongoing litigation in asylum tribunals and appeals courts in several countries. Vedsted Hansen (2010 [36] ) describes the Danish situation, Noll (2010 [37] ) comments on Sweden, and Zwaan (2010) reviews the Dutch situation.
In the UK, a 2010 Upper Tribunal (asylum) case known as 'RB', [38] supported by a 2012 Court of Appeal decision, [39] argue for giving considerable weight to LADO reports carried out by the methodology of native-speaker analyst plus supervising linguist. In contrast, a 2013 Scottish Court of Sessions decision known as M.Ab.N+K.A.S.Y. [40] found that all such reports must be weighed against the standard Practice Directions for expert reports. Lawyers in the latter case have argued that "What matters is the lack of qualification", [41] and since the Scottish court has equal standing to the England and Wales Appeals Court, the UK Supreme Court was petitioned to address the issues. On 5–6 March 2014, the UK Supreme Court [42] heard an appeal [43] brought by the Home Office concerning the nature of expert linguistic evidence provided to the Home Office in asylum cases, whether expert witness should be granted anonymity, the weight that should be given to reports by the Swedish firm Sprakab, and related matters.
Some methods of language analysis in asylum procedures have been heavily criticized by many linguists (e.g., Eades et al. 2003; [44] Arends, 2003). Proponents of the use of native-speaker analysts agree that "[earlier] LADO reports were not very satisfactory from a linguistic point of view... [while even] today's reports are still not likely to satisfy the average academic linguist". [45] Following an item on the Dutch public radio programme Argos, member of parliament De Wit of the Socialist Party presented a number of questions to the State Secretary of the Ministry of Justice regarding the reliability of LADO. The questions and the responses by the State Secretary can be found here. [46]
Functional linguistics is an approach to the study of language characterized by taking systematically into account the speaker's and the hearer's side, and the communicative needs of the speaker and of the given language community. Linguistic functionalism spawned in the 1920s to 1930s from Ferdinand de Saussure's systematic structuralist approach to language (1916).
Phonology is the branch of linguistics that studies how languages systematically organize their phones or, for sign languages, their constituent parts of signs. The term can also refer specifically to the sound or sign system of a particular language variety. At one time, the study of phonology related only to the study of the systems of phonemes in spoken languages, but may now relate to any linguistic analysis either:
A pidgin, or pidgin language, is a grammatically simplified means of communication that develops between two or more groups of people that do not have a language in common: typically, its vocabulary and grammar are limited and often drawn from several languages. It is most commonly employed in situations such as trade, or where both groups speak languages different from the language of the country in which they reside.
A creole language, or simply creole, is a stable natural language that develops from the process of different languages simplifying and mixing into a new form, and then that form expanding and elaborating into a full-fledged language with native speakers, all within a fairly brief period. While the concept is similar to that of a mixed or hybrid language, creoles are often characterized by a tendency to systematize their inherited grammar. Like any language, creoles are characterized by a consistent system of grammar, possess large stable vocabularies, and are acquired by children as their native language. These three features distinguish a creole language from a pidgin. Creolistics, or creology, is the study of creole languages and, as such, is a subfield of linguistics. Someone who engages in this study is called a creolist.
In the study of language, description or descriptive linguistics is the work of objectively analyzing and describing how language is actually used by a speech community.
Historical linguistics, also known as diachronic linguistics, is the scientific study of how languages change over time. It seeks to understand the nature and causes of linguistic change and to trace the evolution of languages. Historical linguistics involves several key areas of study, including the reconstruction of ancestral languages, the classification of languages into families,(comparative linguistics) and the analysis of the cultural and social influences on language development.
Sociolinguistics is the descriptive study of the effect of any or all aspects of society, including cultural norms, expectations, and context, on language and the ways it is used. It can overlap with the sociology of language, which focuses on the effect of language on society. Sociolinguistics overlaps considerably with pragmatics and is closely related to linguistic anthropology.
Anthropological linguistics is the subfield of linguistics and anthropology which deals with the place of language in its wider social and cultural context, and its role in making and maintaining cultural practices and societal structures. While many linguists believe that a true field of anthropological linguistics is nonexistent, preferring the term linguistic anthropology to cover this subfield, many others regard the two as interchangeable.
Forensic linguistics, legal linguistics, or language and the law is the application of linguistic knowledge, methods, and insights to the forensic context of law, language, crime investigation, trial, and judicial procedure. It is a branch of applied linguistics.
Code-mixing is the mixing of two or more languages or language varieties in speech.
Contrastive analysis is the systematic study of a pair of languages with a view to identifying their structural differences and similarities. Historically it has been used to establish language genealogies.
Language documentation is a subfield of linguistics which aims to describe the grammar and use of human languages. It aims to provide a comprehensive record of the linguistic practices characteristic of a given speech community. Language documentation seeks to create as thorough a record as possible of the speech community for both posterity and language revitalization. This record can be public or private depending on the needs of the community and the purpose of the documentation. In practice, language documentation can range from solo linguistic anthropological fieldwork to the creation of vast online archives that contain dozens of different languages, such as FirstVoices or OLAC.
Variation is a characteristic of language: there is more than one way of saying the same thing in a given language. Variation can exist in domains such as pronunciation, lexicon, grammar, and other features. Different communities or individuals speaking the same language may differ from each other in their choices of which of the available linguistic features to use, and how often, and the same speaker may make different choices on different occasions.
The International Association for Forensic and Legal Linguistics (IAFLL), until 2021 called the 'International Association of Forensic Linguists', is a professional organization consisting primarily of linguists working in fields related to the area of language and law, or forensic linguistics. Areas of expertise include authorship attribution, disputed confessions, trademark issues, legal language, and language in the legal process, including the experiences of vulnerable groups such as children, people with intellectual impairment, victims of sexual offences, non-native speakers, and indigenous communities. In addition to linguists, the association has members from other professions related to language and the law, particularly members of the legal profession. It was founded in 1993 by Professor Malcolm Coulthard.
Linguistics is the scientific study of language. The areas of linguistic analysis are syntax, semantics (meaning), morphology, phonetics, phonology, and pragmatics. Subdisciplines such as biolinguistics and psycholinguistics bridge many of these divisions.
In linguistics, according to J. Richard et al., (2002), an error is the use of a word, speech act or grammatical items in such a way that it seems imperfect and significant of an incomplete learning (184). It is considered by Norrish as a systematic deviation which happens when a learner has not learnt something, and consistently gets it wrong. However, the attempts made to put the error into context have always gone hand in hand with either [language learning and second-language acquisition] processe, Hendrickson (1987:357) mentioned that errors are ‘signals’ that indicate an actual learning process taking place and that the learner has not yet mastered or shown a well-structured [linguistic competence|competence] in the target language.
Linguistic profiling is the practice of identifying the social characteristics of an individual based on auditory cues, in particular dialect and accent. The theory was first developed by Professor John Baugh to explain discriminatory practices in the housing market based on the auditory redlining of prospective clientele by housing administrators. Linguistic profiling extends to issues of legal proceedings, employment opportunities, and education. The theory is frequently described as the auditory equivalent of racial profiling. The bulk of the research and evidence in support of the theory pertain to racial and ethnic distinctions, though its applicability holds within racial or ethnic groups, perceived gender and sexual orientation, and in distinguishing location of geographic origin.
Within the linguistic study of endangered languages, sociolinguists distinguish between different speaker types based on the type of competence they have acquired of the endangered language. Often when a community is gradually shifting away from an endangered language to a majority language, not all speakers acquire full linguistic competence; instead, speakers have varying degrees and types of competence depending on their exposure to the minority language in their upbringing. The relevance of speaker types in cases of language shift was first noted by Nancy Dorian, who coined the term semi-speaker to refer to those speakers of Sutherland Gaelic who were predominantly English-speaking and whose Gaelic competence was limited and showed considerable influence from English. Later studies added additional speaker types such as rememberers, and passive speakers. In the context of language revitalization, new speakers who have learned the endangered language as a second language are sometimes distinguished.
Paul Baker is a British professor and linguist at the Department of Linguistics and English Language of Lancaster University, United Kingdom. His research focuses on corpus linguistics, critical discourse analysis, corpus-assisted discourse studies and language and identity. He is known for his research on the language of Polari. He is a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences and a Fellow of the Royal Society for Arts.
Distributionalism was a general theory of language and a discovery procedure for establishing elements and structures of language based on observed usage. The purpose of distributionalism was to provide a scientific basis for syntax as independent of meaning. Zellig Harris defined 'distribution' as follows.
“The DISTRIBUTION of an element is the total of all environments in which it occurs, i.e. the sum of all the (different) positions of an element relative to the occurrence of other elements[.]”