MANA, A National Latina Organization

Last updated

MANA, A National Latina Organization
Founded1974
TypeNGO
Purposeleadership development, community service, advocacy
Website https://www.hermana.org/about
Formerly called
Mexican American Woman's National Association

Mexican American Women's National Association, known today as MANA, A National Latina Organization, [1] advocates for equality and empowers Latinas through leadership development. MANA was founded in 1974, making it one of the oldest active Mexican-American advocacy organizations, and as of 2000, it is considered the largest Latina organization in the United States. [2] The organization was formed to address the intersection of Mexican-American and women's needs for equal rights. The founders created MANA with the intent of having a Latina-oriented organization. [3] [4] MANA publicizes and addresses Latina perspectives and needs through Social movements, Leadership education, and Advocacy within federal, state, and local governments. They have been involved with multiple major social movements throughout their history. These include advocating for the Equal Rights Amendment and Reproductive rights, as well as social movements on education, leadership development, women's healthcare, and racial discrimination in the work. [2] MANA currently operates from its home base in Washington, D.C., and has local chapters across the nation.

Contents

The organization was renamed MANA, A National Latina Organization in 1994. This renaming accommodated non-Hispanic members who were previously not included in the organization's name or mission statement. [5]

History

The Mexican-American Women's National Association was formed in 1974 by Blandina Cardenas Ramírez, Gloria Hernandez, Bettie Baca, and Sharleen Maldonado over a series of weekend brunches in Washington, D.C. [2] [6] Bettie Baca was the first chair women of the group when it started in 1974. [ citation needed ] The founders were dissatisfied with the gender bias and misogyny of the Chicano Movement and with the exclusion of women of color from Second-wave feminism, so they created an organization that directly advanced Chicana feminism. [7] [5] A year after founding, at the 1975 International Women's Year, founder Bettie Baca explained the importance of pluralism: "While we share with all women the universal victimization of sexism, the Mexican American woman's situation is complicated by a struggle within a society that has historically failed to honor, to understand and even to acknowledge her culture among women. Chicanas always have suffered by the use of the terms minority and women. These terms...have had the consequence of excluding the Mexican American woman rather than including her." [7] In 1975 the board of MANA elected Evangeline Elizondo as their first president. [8] There are no longer presidents of the organization. The position is now called board of chair. [6] MANA's original guiding principles were: to provide a platform for Chicanas to speak out about national issues, to develop Chicana leadership, to create more equality between male and female Mexican-Americans, to reinforce all activist efforts relating to Chicana equality, to spread awareness of Chicana concerns across the nation, and to develop a functional communication network for Chicanas across the country. [7] Within two years of its establishment, MANA was known as a voice for Hispanic and Mexican women and a resource for their development.

First national conference

From 15 to 17 September 1975, MANA held its first national conference- the first major conference in the United States by and for Mexican-American women. [7] Over 200 women attended to discuss problems that their community faced and possible solutions. The conference affected MANA's long-term development in two ways: it established MANA as a national and official voice for Chicanas and began MANA's extensive use of conferences as a forum for advancement and community-building. [7]

1977 National Women's Conference

Early leaders of the Mexican American Women's National Association attended the 1977 National Women's Conference, a culminating event sponsored by the Federal government of the United States in honor of International Women's Year in 1975.[ citation needed ] MANA's representation was a major debut for the fledgling organization and served to spread their name further. This conference discussed major issues women faced during this time, which aligned with MANA's focuses as a women's Mexican-American advocacy group. MANA was a major player at the Minority breakout conference, 1977 Women's National Conference: Minority-Latino-Women.[ citation needed ]

Creation of local chapters

In 1978, MANA began establishing local chapters to reach women who felt distanced from the national community. The first few local groups did not gain enough members to succeed because of MANA's low membership outside of Washington, D.C., but by 1979 local chapters were flourishing in New Mexico, Virginia, and California. [7] Local chapters advocate for Chicana rights in their individual communities, address any specific needs not discussed nationally, and contribute to national MANA movements and actions. MANA's annual conferences provided a space for Latinas and MANA members across the country to unite and share their local work, and continue to do so today.

Early activism

MANA advocated for Chicana representation and inclusion in United States Politics, women's healthcare, Social equality, and against Mexican American and women's Economic inequality. [8] MANA's political advocacy included campaigning for accurate inclusion in the United States Census, which underrepresented the Mexican American population; lobbying for the Equal Rights Amendment and Affirmative action in the United States; pushing for the renewal of Voting Rights Act of 1965, and campaigning for Chicana representation as officials in all areas of the government.[ citation needed ] MANA's early medical advocacy focused on Reproductive rights, Mexican American access to healthcare, Compulsory sterilization, and for AIDS testing and treatment during the AIDS crisis. [9] MANA also advocated frequently for Labor rights, Equal pay for women, support for survivors of Violence against women, and Female education for Chicana girls.[ citation needed ]

MANA members testified for these issues in the Supreme Court as early as 1974. [6] [7] Many of the civil rights movements they contributed to resulted in legislature or policies protecting equality and human rights, such as Affirmative Action, equal voting rights, and Census accuracy.

15th anniversary and name change

In 1989, as the Mexican-American Women's National Association celebrated its fifteenth anniversary, MANA's leaders and activists began discussing the organization's original mission statement and name.[ citation needed ] The Mexican-American Women's National Association always welcomed women of all Hispanic backgrounds, and by 1989 there were many non-Mexican Latina women involved in MANA.[ citation needed ] Some members suggested MANA officially acknowledge Latina contributions and issues by including all Latinas in its name, mission statement, and guiding principles. This was a controversial suggestion, and discussions on the topic lasted for five years.[ citation needed ] Many members believed the name change represented a positive step toward the future because MANA's former name represented social exclusion, and some members supported the name change because they believed Chicana and Latina issues were the same to American society. Older activists disagreed with the suggestion, fearing that the voices, experiences, and contributions from the organization's first fifteen years would be discounted. They claimed that this inclusion would combine all Latina ethnicities and erase Mexican American women's unique community, which was MANA's original purpose. MANA leadership held a vote in 1994, at which point the Mexican-American Women's National Association officially became MANA, A National Latina Organization. [2]

"MANA" was originally an acronym for the Mexican American Women's National Association that was frequently used to refer to the organization. Beginning in 1994, MANA was now a part of the official name, MANA represents the organization's history and is shorthand for the Spanish word hermana, or sister.[ citation needed ]

Current activism

MANA's contemporary activism focuses on Latina leadership development, Latina social achievements and representation, Hispanic women's education, Reproductive rights, Economic inequality, Latina inclusion, services for survivors of Domestic violence, and Immigration reform in the United States. [5] Because of its activism, MANA remains an active organization decades after founding, making it one of the longest continually active Mexican-American organization in America, with 23 local chapters across the country. [2] Furthermore, MANA's collaborations, annual conferences, and testimonies were well known during their early years, and continue to form the base of their work today. MANA currently continues holding Las Primeras, an annual conference started in 1990, and runs two educational initiatives, Hermanitas and AvonZamos. [2] [10]

Membership

MANA's membership is estimated to be between 1,000 and 3,000 Hispanic and Latinx individuals. [3] [5] A multitude of Latinx ethnicities are represented, including (but not limited to) members of Mexican, Puerto Rican, Dominican, Cuban, Central American, South American, and Spanish descent. [5] While MANA is an organization for Hispanic women, there are active male members as well. [7] The organization is liberal, especially in terms of its original activism, but it is a nonpartisan organization and has liberal, conservative, libertarian, and other politically aligned members and leaders. [2]

MANA puts a focus on leadership and career development and its members follow a variety of professional careers. The majority of women in MANA have pursued higher education, with 80% possessing a Bachelor's degree. [11] Additionally, 30% of overall members have both a college and Postgraduate diploma.[ citation needed ] Members work as chief executive officers; elected officials; teachers; staff or founders of nonprofit organizations; health professionals; government workers; artists; lawyers; paralegals; human services and social work professionals; scientists; and other professions. [7]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Dolores Huerta</span> American labor leader (born 1930)

Dolores Clara Fernández Huerta is an American labor leader and civil rights activist who, with Cesar Chavez, is a co-founder of the United Farmworkers Association, which later merged with the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee to become the United Farm Workers (UFW). Huerta helped organize the Delano grape strike in 1965 in California and was the lead negotiator in the workers' contract that was created after the strike.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional</span> Mexican American activist organization

The Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional was a Mexican-American organization dedicated to economically and politically empowering Chicana women in the United States.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chicano Movement</span> Social and political movement combating racism in the United States

The Chicano Movement, also referred to as El Movimiento, was a social and political movement in the United States that worked to embrace a Chicano/a identity and worldview that combated structural racism, encouraged cultural revitalization, and achieved community empowerment by rejecting assimilation. Chicanos also expressed solidarity and defined their culture through the development of Chicano art during El Movimiento, and stood firm in preserving their religion.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chicana feminism</span> Sociopolitical movement

Chicana feminism is a sociopolitical movement, theory, and praxis that scrutinizes the historical, cultural, spiritual, educational, and economic intersections impacting Chicanas and the Chicana/o community in the United States. Chicana feminism empowers women to challenge institutionalized social norms and regards anyone a feminist who fights for the end of women's oppression in the community.

Polly Baca is an American politician who served as Chair of the Democratic Caucus of the Colorado House of Representatives (1976–79), being the first woman to hold that office and the first Hispanic woman elected to the Colorado State Senate and in the House and Senate of a state Legislature.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminist movements and ideologies</span>

A variety of movements of feminist ideology have developed over the years. They vary in goals, strategies, and affiliations. They often overlap, and some feminists identify themselves with several branches of feminist thought.

Helen Fabela Chávez was an American labor activist for the United Farm Workers of America (UFWA). Aside from her affiliation with the UFW, she was a Chicana with a traditional upbringing and limited education. She was also the wife of Cesar Chavez.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminism in Latin America</span>

Latin American feminism is a collection of movements aimed at defining, establishing, and achieving equal political, economic, cultural, personal, and social rights for Latin American women. This includes seeking to establish equal opportunities for women in education and employment. People who practice feminism by advocating or supporting the rights and equality of women are feminists.

The 1977 National Women's Conference was held November 18–21, in Houston, Texas, United States. The purpose of this conference was to celebrate International Women's Year and also to create resolutions for women to discuss and address.

Hijas de Cuauhtémoc was a student Chicana feminist newspaper founded in 1971 by Anna Nieto-Gómez and Adelaida Castillo while both were students at California State University, Long Beach.

Multiracial feminist theory refers to scholarship written by women of color (WOC) that became prominent during the second-wave feminist movement. This body of scholarship "does not offer a singular or unified feminism but a body of knowledge situating women and men in multiple systems of domination."

Patricia Zavella is an anthropologist and professor at the University of California, Santa Cruz in the Latin American and Latino Studies department. She has spent a career advancing Latina and Chicana feminism through her scholarship, teaching, and activism. She was president of the Association of Latina and Latino Anthropologists and has served on the executive board of the American Anthropological Association. In 2016, Zavella received the American Anthropological Association's award from the Committee on Gender Equity in Anthropology to recognize her career studying gender discrimination. The awards committee said Zavella's career accomplishments advancing the status of women, and especially Latina and Chicana women have been exceptional. She has made critical contributions to understanding how gender, race, nation, and class intersect in specific contexts through her scholarship, teaching, advocacy, and mentorship. Zavella's research focuses on migration, gender and health in Latina/o communities, Latino families in transition, feminist studies, and ethnographic research methods. She has worked on many collaborative projects, including an ongoing partnership with Xóchitl Castañeda where she wrote four articles some were in English and others in Spanish. The Society for the Anthropology of North America awarded Zavella the Distinguished Career Achievement in the Critical Study of North America Award in the year 2010. She has published many books including, most recently, I'm Neither Here Nor There, Mexicans' Quotidian Struggles with Migration and Poverty, which focuses on working class Mexican Americans struggle for agency and identity in Santa Cruz County.

The Chicana Rights Project(CRP) was a feminist organization created in 1974 to address the legal rights of poor Mexican-American women. The organization was guided by the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF) and created by Vilma Martinez. The project was headquartered in San Francisco and San Antonio.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Conferencia de Mujeres por la Raza</span>

La Conferencia de Mujeres por la Raza was held in Houston, Texas, between May 28 and May 30 in 1971. The conference marked the first time Chicanas came together within the state from around the country to discuss issues important to feminism and Chicana women. It was considered the first conference of its kind by the Corpus Christi Caller-Times.

Las Hermanas is a feminist, autonomous Roman Catholic organization created between 1970 and 1971 for Hispanic women who are involved in the Catholic Church. It was incorporated in Texas in 1972 and was the first group in the Church in the United States to represent Spanish-speaking women. Las Hermanas has worked for the improvement of the lives of religious Hispanic women and their communities. They are outspoken critics of sexism in the Church and their communities. Las Hermanas is very political and has taken part in protests and other civil rights actions. The organization is currently considered to be on "hiatus," with plans to continue their work in the future.

Sister Alicia Valladolid Cuarón is an American educator, human rights activist, women's rights activist, leadership development specialist, and Franciscan nun. Since the 1970s, she has crafted numerous initiatives benefiting low-income Latinas and Spanish-speaking immigrant families in Colorado, including the first bilingual and bicultural Head Start program in the state, the national Adelante Mujer Hispanic Employment and Training Conference, and the Bienestar Family Services Center, today a ministry of the Archdiocese of Denver. In 1992, Cuarón joined the Sisters of St. Francis of Penance and Christian Charity, where she continues her efforts to promote education and leadership development among Spanish-speaking families. She was inducted into the Colorado Women's Hall of Fame in 2008.

Mujeres Activas en Letras Y Cambio Social (MALCS) is an inclusive organization of Chicana, Latina, Native American and gender non-conforming academics, students, and activists. MALCS focuses on recognizing the hard work of contributors to the organization, giving women access to higher education, and educating society about the issues they face. MALCS was established in 1982 at the University of California, Davis after noticing no change was being made during the Chicano Movement despite their activism efforts. To continue their efforts in unifying women, they provide membership opportunities and benefits such as access to their summer institute and their peer-reviewed journal: Chicana/Latina Studies which talks about the experiences of Latina women. This organization helps bring them together to share their thoughts, opinions, and information about things they want to work on, current issues, or anything. They also bring together their research and community involvement to create social change. It is a safe space for everyone to uplift and support one another.

Deena J. González is a Mexican-American historian and former Provost and Senior Vice President of Gonzaga University (GU). González is responsible for the releasing over 50 academic publications over the history of Chicanos/as and their presence in the United States. She is also a founding member of the national organization, Mujeres Activas en Letras y Cambio Social (MALCS), that promotes research in Chicana, Latina, Native American, and Indigenous communities.

The queer Chicano art scene emerged from Los Angeles during the late 1960s and early 1990s composing of queer Mexican American artists. The scene’s activity included motives and themes relating to political activism, social justice, and identity. The movement was influenced by the respective movements of gay liberation, Chicano civil rights, and women’s liberation. The social and political conditions impacting Chicano communities as well as queer people, including the HIV/AIDS epidemic, are conveyed in the scene’s expressive work.

References

  1. "History". MANA, A National Latina Organization. Archived from the original on 3 November 2021. Retrieved 30 March 2022.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Márquez, Benjamin (July 2003). Constructing identities in Mexican-American political organizations : choosing issues, taking sides (1st ed.). Austin: University of Texas Press. pp. 91–111. ISBN   0292752776. OCLC   648354891.
  3. 1 2 "Mexican American Women's National Association – Dictionary definition of Mexican American Women's National Association | Encyclopedia.com: FREE online dictionary". www.encyclopedia.com. Retrieved 26 October 2017.
  4. Crist, Melissa; Glazer, Laura; Rasmusson, Sarah (Fall–Winter 1999). "On-Line Resources for Feminist Activism". Women's Studies Quarterly. 27 (3/4): 289. JSTOR   40004499 via JSTOR.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 Latino history and culture : an encyclopedia . Leonard, David J., Lugo-Lugo, Carmen R. Armonk, NY: Sharpe Reference. 2010. ISBN   978-0765680839. OCLC   270231469.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  6. 1 2 3 "MANA, a National Latina Organization From Suffrage to the Senate: America's Political Women – Credo Reference". search.credoreference.com. Retrieved 7 November 2017.
  7. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Valenzuela Crocker, Elvira (1991). MANA, one dream, many voices: A History of the Mexican American Women's National Association. San Antonio, Texas: DagenBela Graphics, Inc.
  8. 1 2 Slavin, Sarah (1995). "MANA, A National Latina Organization". U.S. Women's Interest Groups: Institutional Profiles. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. p. 261. ISBN   0313037647.
  9. "Mexican-American Women | A View of the Future – Where Will We Be?". www.c-span.org. Retrieved 30 March 2022.
  10. Ruiz, Sonia; Rodriguez, Sandra; Zavala, Glendelia (2007). "Evaluation of a longitudinal six-site pilot study of a mentoring program for Latina girls: results and recommendations". Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy. 19: 57 via PRISMA Database.
  11. "About". MANA National. Retrieved 15 October 2020.

See also