A Necessity and Urgency Decree [1] (Spanish: Decreto de necesidad y urgencia, also known as DNU) is a special kind of order issued by the President of Argentina. Unlike regular decrees, which are used in Argentina for rulemaking, a DNU has the force of law. Once the President promulgates a DNU, it comes into force almost immediately; afterwards, the National Congress must examine the decree to determine whether it will be allowed to remain in force or not. [2]
The possibility to promulgate DNUs is established in the article 99 of the Constitution of Argentina since 1994. As its name indicates, a Necessity and Urgency Decree is to be used only under exceptional situations, when it is not possible to follow the normal procedure to create laws in the Congress. There must be a "necessity" situation (the code specify it as an overwhelming emergency) and "urgency" (when the emergency is so alarming that needs a solution as quickly as possible). In addition, the President cannot issue DNUs concerning criminal, tax, or electoral matters. [2]
As with regular decrees, Necessity and Urgency Decrees are promulgated by the President, but only with "General Agreement of Ministers" (Spanish: Acuerdo general de ministros). It means that all Ministers and the Chief of Staff must take part in the DNU's creation. [2]
Once the Necessity and Urgency Decree is sanctioned, the Chief of Staff must send the DNU to the Permanent Bicameral Committee of the Congress in no more than ten days. Then, the Bicameral Committee delivers its report to the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. The committee has also ten days to elaborate the report. During all this process, the DNU is completely in force. [2] [3]
Each legislative chamber must deliver a resolution expressing its approval or rejection of the Necessity and Urgency Decree. If both chambers reject the DNU, it loses validity permanently. However, any rights acquired by people affected by the decree are not automatically terminated. [3]
All legislation issued by military dictatorships in Argentina was made by the executive. These kinds of orders were known as decree-law (Spanish: decreto ley). Under the self-called Argentine Revolution and the National Reorganization Process (the two latest military governments), the decree-laws were known simply as laws.
Because they were de facto governments, there was a legal controversy about the validity of decree-laws. In 1945, the Supreme Court of Argentina accepted them only if they were needed to fulfill the aims of the government. When the military government dissolved and civilian rule was reestablished, the decree-laws were no longer valid, unless the Congress ratified them. [4]
In 1946, a new judgment by the Supreme Court established that decree-laws would remain valid after the end of the de facto government that promulgated them, and they could be abolished or modified in the same manner as other laws. [4]
Although DNUs were introduced in their present form in the National Constitution in 1994, previous constitutional Presidents have used this type of decree. One example is the Austral Plan, which changed the national currency from the peso argentino to the Austral. This was sanctioned by the President Raúl Alfonsín in 1985, using the decree 1096/85. [5] Currently, Argentina uses the peso as its national currency.
In December 1990, the Supreme Court approved the sanction of Necessity and Urgency Decree in the so-called Peralta Case, in which Luis Peralta requested to declare unconstitutional the decree 36/90, that President Menem promulgated in 1990. The judges of the Court eventually confirmed the validity of the DNU. [6] [7]
Despite the fact that the Constitution says the Congress must create a special law to analyze Necessity and Urgency Decrees, this law was created in 2006, twelve years after the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution, when the DNU were introduced. It means that all Presidents who ruled in this period (Carlos Menem, Fernando de la Rúa, Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, Eduardo Duhalde and Néstor Kirchner) could issue DNUs with no legislative control. [8]
In addition, there are DNUs which were created with no real need or urgency, such as the decrees that modify the Ministries Law to create new executive departments. [9] The abuse of DNUs was also criticized. [10] [11]
This section needs to be updated.(August 2016) |
Eduardo Duhalde, interim President between 2002 and 2003, was the President who signed more DNUs per year since the 1983 return to civilian rule. He promulgated 158 DNUs in one year. [12] Those decrees were not checked by the Congress.
Néstor Kirchner (2003–2007) promulgated 270 Necessity and Urgency Decrees in four and a half years. His DNUs released before 2006 were not controlled by the Congress. [13] His average is 60 Necessity and Urgency Decrees per year.
During the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989–1999), he signed 545 DNUs in ten years, or 54.5 per year. [13] None of his Necessity and Urgency Decrees were analyzed by the legislative branch of the government.
In Fernando de la Rúa's two-year presidency (1999–2001), 73 special decrees were released. His average was thus 36.5 DNUs per year. [13] The decrees signed by De la Rúa were not analyzed by the Bicameral Committee.
During the presidency of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007–2015), she signed five Necessity and Urgency Decrees by March 2009. [14] Subsequently, she issued three DNUs creating new ministries, [9] [15] [16] another one creating a welfare plan, [17] a decree to remove Martín Redrado as president of the Central Bank, [18] and another three Necessity and Urgency Decrees related to the payment of public debt. [18] The total number was 13 DNUs in her first three years of presidency, or four Necessity and Urgency Decrees per year.
The Argentine Interconnection System is a wide area synchronous grid that links the regional networks of all Argentinian provinces, with the exception of Tierra del Fuego. It is also connected to the power grids of several neighboring countries.
The Front for Victory was a centre-left Peronist electoral alliance in Argentina, and is formally a faction of the Justicialist Party. Former presidents Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner were elected as representatives of this party.
The status of women in Argentina has changed significantly following the return of democracy in 1983; and they have attained a relatively high level of equality. In the Global Gender Gap Report prepared by the World Economic Forum in 2009, Argentine women ranked 24th among 134 countries studied in terms of their access to resources and opportunities relative to men. They enjoy comparable levels of education, and somewhat higher school enrollment ratios than their male counterparts. They are well integrated in the nation's cultural and intellectual life, though less so in the nation's economy. Their economic clout in relation to men is higher than in most Latin American countries, however, and numerous Argentine women hold top posts in the Argentine corporate world; among the best known are María Amalia Lacroze de Fortabat, former CEO and majority stakeholder of Loma Negra, the nation's largest cement manufacturer, and Ernestina Herrera de Noble, director of Grupo Clarín, the premier media group in Argentina.
The Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Argentine Nation, more commonly known simply as the Cabinet Chief is a ministerial office within the government of Argentina tasked with overseeing the government's general administration and acting as a link between the national executive and the Argentine National Congress. The position was created by the 1994 amendment to the Argentine Constitution.
The Official Post Service of the Argentine Republic is the state-owned company that covers the postal service in Argentina. The company is a S.A. under the country's Office of the Cabinet Chief.
The Ministries of the Argentine Republic, which form the cabinet, currently consist of nine ministries under a ministerial chief of staff. The ministers are appointed by and serve at the pleasure of the president. The current organization derives from the constitutional revision of 1994, and is governed by "The Law on Ministries".
The Ministry of Social Development was a ministry of the Argentine Government which oversaw the country's public policies on issues such as social assistance, welfare and human development across the country. The ministry was created in 1955 as the Ministry of Social Assistance, and it was given its current name in 1999 during the presidency of Fernando de la Rúa.
Máximo Carlos Kirchner is an Argentine politician who has served as a National Deputy since 2015. He is the son of two former presidents of Argentina, Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, the latter of whom currently serves as the vice president of Argentina. A member of the Justicialist Party, he is the co-founder of La Cámpora, a political youth organisation which supported the presidencies of his parents.
The Bicentennial fund was created in 2010 in Argentina by then president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, to pay external debt with resources from the Central Bank. The president of the Bank, Martín Redrado, refused to do so, claiming that the autonomy of the Central Bank was not respected.
The Ministry of Security of Argentina is a ministry of the national executive power that oversees public safety and security. It co-ordinates the country's national security policy and oversees the Federal Police, the Airport Security Police, the Naval Prefecture and the National Gendarmerie, as well as the newly created Federal Council for Interior Security.
The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries of Argentina, commonly known simply as the Ministry of Agriculture, was a ministry of the national executive power that oversaw production, commerce and health regulations in the agricultural, livestock and fishing industries.
The Ministry of Tourism and Sports of Argentina was a ministry of the national executive power that oversaw and advised on Argentina's national tourism industry and the Argentine state's sports policy.
The National Communications Entity is the national communications and media regulator of Argentina. It was created by a presidential decree in 2016 and combines the former Federal Authority for Audiovisual Communication Services (AFSCA) and the Federal Authority for Information and Communication Technologies.
The BONEX Plan was a forced conversion of bank time deposits to Treasury bonds performed by the Argentine government in January 1990.
The General Secretariat of the Presidency of the Argentine Nation is a secretariat of state of the Argentine National Executive counting with ministerial level, tasked with assisting the President of Argentina in the making of public policy, drafting messages and public speeches, maintaining the presidential protocol and overseeing the relationship between the President and society at large.
The Legal and Technical Secretariat of the Presidency of the Argentine Nation is a secretariat of state of the Argentine National Executive counting with ministerial level, tasked with assisting the President of Argentina, the Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers and all other dependencies of the President's Office that may not count with their own legal departments on the drafting of decrees, legislative bills, administrative decisions and legal messages.
The Secretariat of Comprehensive Policies on Drugs is a secretariat of state of the Argentine National Executive reporting to the Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers, tasked with assisting the population on drug use prevention and the treatment of drug addiction.
Ferrocarriles Argentinos Sociedad del Estado, is a state-owned railway company of Argentina created for the operation and maintenance of the Argentine railway network in the country, including passenger and freight services, and infrastructure.
DNU or Dnu may refer to:
The Decree 70/2023, titled "Bases para la reconstrucción de la economía argentina" was signed on December 20, 2023, by the Argentine president Javier Milei. It is known in the media as "Megadecreto" ("Mega-decree") or "decretazo" for its large scope.