Remus Koffler

Last updated • 8 min readFrom Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia

Remus Koffler (1902 April 17, 1954) was a Romanian communist activist who, during the 1930s and 1940s, helped assure financing for the Romanian Communist Party. Arrested in 1949 as an inconvenient survivor, he was executed over four years later.

Contents

Biography

Origins and early life

According to his autobiography, which he wrote in early 1950, while held under arrest by the Securitate secret police of Communist Romania, he was born in Bucharest in 1902. His father Isac, initially a merchant in Galați, eventually owned a factory and several houses before losing his fortune in 1926, and died in 1941. A free spender, he amassed wealth during the German occupation of Romania (1916-1918), by selling bulk quantities of liqueurs to the temporary rulers. His mother (Ernestina née Blatt) was a merchant's daughter and died in 1920. His father was an authoritarian figure whose arguments with his wife left a lasting impression on Koffler. Although the family was Jewish, Koffler was baptized, and attended a Catholic followed by a Lutheran school. [1]

After attending several grades at Matei Basarab High School, he passed the baccalaureate exam at Zürich in 1920. His interest in politics began in primary school; influenced by his father, he sided with the Central Powers during World War I. Near the war's end, he became a Zionist. In 1919, he read the Communist Manifesto , followed by a work of Leon Trotsky on the Bolshevik victory in the Russian Revolution; the same year, when he reached Zürich, he declared himself a communist. In 1920, in Bucharest, he joined the Socialist Party of Romania. [1] In response, his father beat him and took away his party card, also inflicting blows upon the son for reading Socialistul newspaper. [2] Leaving to study in Berlin, he attended communist meetings, took part in demonstrations and agitated on Soviet Russia's behalf. [1] In autumn 1920, while in the German capital, he contracted syphilis from a girl he brought to his room, and was continuing treatment as late as 1948. [3]

Activity in Romania and late Weimar Germany

Koffler married in the early 1920s; his daughter was born in 1925. The same year, at the insistence of his father, who soon went bankrupt, he returned to Romania without having graduated. In Bucharest, he met communist activist Timotei Marin, whom he hid after the latter escaped a dragnet initiated in August 1926 by the Siguranța secret police of the Kingdom of Romania. This investigation also targeted Pavel Tcacenco, Boris Ștefanov and Elek Köblös, all members of the banned Communist Party of Romania (PCdR, later PCR). He also became acquainted with Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu. Koffler ran a firm until 1927, when he departed for Germany yet again. [1]

In Berlin, he was affiliated with the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), taking part in clandestine operations. At the time, Berlin was not only an important center for communists, but was also a hub for Comintern activities throughout Europe. [1] Moreover, the political and economic crisis of the Weimar Republic created a dynamic atmosphere, with Koffler partaking in street movements, demonstrations and campaigns. In 1930, he formally joined the KPD, returning to Romania in 1932 after being called home by his father, again without completing his studies. He worked in his father's firm but quit following an argument. For a time, he gave private German lessons, then found a position as a clerk. [4] By his own account, he embezzled significant sums while on the job, [2] allowing him to play roulette at the Sinaia Casino. He became a regular client there after 1937, and also used party funds to gamble. At the same time, he helped fund the extravagant lifestyles of party members, including Foriș, Bela Breiner, Teohari Georgescu and Iosif Chișinevschi, who frequently asked him for loans that would finance see houses, cars, furniture and travel. [5]

Between 1932 and 1935, he lived in a single room with his wife and daughter, sharing meals with his in-laws. The same room hosted communist meetings organized by Pătrășcanu. [4] Also during this period, he persuaded his wife to enact a fantasy to which he had masturbated: of her having sexual intercourse with other men. First, a barber visited four times, followed by a mechanic once and the brother of her brother-in-law, also once. During each session, Koffler would watch unseen and masturbate, and would then have intercourse with his wife after the other man left. [6]

He was an occasional courier to Prague, where the PCdR's political office was located. He worked with members of the party secretariat, Ana Pauker, Nicolae Goldberger and Șmil Marcovici. He belonged to the agitprop section then led by Marcel Pauker. He was part of the editing committee of the clandestine gazette Scînteia , to which he was a frequent contributor, along with Solomon Schein, Ion Popescu-Puțuri and Ștefan Voicu. [4] A skilled conspirator, Koffler, despite having close relations with the PCdR's leaders for years, never drew the attention of the Siguranța, which never suspected him of being a communist or anything but a casual acquaintance of the known party leaders. In 1943, when a lover of his was arrested, he too was detained when his name was found on a report in her purse. The police assumed he was not involved in subversive activities; an investigation turned up nothing, and neither was his name found in the files, so he was released the next day. [7]

Financial involvement

The seminal event within the PCdR during this period was the June 1935 arrest of three leading members: Ana Pauker, Marcovici and Dimităr Ganev, denounced by a fourth, Ion Zelea Pîrgaru, with whom Koffler was in touch. The following year saw the arrest of Goldberger and of Constantin Pîrvulescu, also contacts of Koffler's. In 1936, he set up the party's finance committee (CCF), with his role being to collect funds, and held this post until September 1944, when he was dismissed. [4] For eight years, a remarkably stable record in the communist underground, his assistants included Emil Calmanovici, Jacques Berman, Emil Herstein and Egon Weigl, all Jews of bourgeois origin who had studied abroad. [8]

The committee came into being as Joseph Stalin lost interest in the Comintern and largely left the various communist parties to raise their own revenues, while at the same time, supply routes from Moscow to Bucharest were becoming ever more uncertain in the face of Nazi Germany's rise and tightened security along the Dniester River. [9] It helped keep the party alive, funding safe houses, salaries, overhead, aid to several hundred prisoners and their families, lawyers and bribes for judges, policemen, prison wardens and guards. Nevertheless, the Comintern was critical of its involvement in business affairs, with Wilhelm Pieck cautioning against bourgeois financiers influencing the party's policies. [8] In 1942, the party raised 17.4 million lei, a sum that would rise to almost 30 million in 1943 and 46 million in 1944, until the August coup that ushered in the party's legalization. Most of the funds came from Jewish industrialists, with other money given by pro-English figures or businessmen who expected an Allied victory in the ongoing World War II. [10]

In 1941, he became the closest collaborator of party leader Ștefan Foriș. In late 1942, he became involved with the communist-affiliated Union of Patriots. In 1943, he helped launch România Liberă newspaper. [4]

Downfall and execution

Koffler was arrested in December 1949, [11] together with other former members of the CCF. [12] Stelian Tănase suggests four reasons why he ended up being executed. First, because he was the closest collaborator of Foriș, already killed in prison, and had thus been an accomplice of a man publicly accused of treason and collaboration with the Siguranța. [11] The suspicions of collaboration were bolstered by communist fellow-traveler Petru Groza, who would charge that his December 1943 arrest involved Koffler as a police provocateur. [13] Despite his relative obscurity, he was thus ensnared in the trial being prepared for Pătrășcanu, another rival of Gheorghiu-Dej's. [11] Second, because Koffler was a highly inconvenient witness to the bitter factional struggles for control of the party that took place from 1940 to 1944, and stood in the way of the eventual victor, Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, who wished to impose his own version of events on official history. [14]

Third, because as head of the CCF, he knew precisely the source of party funds and their destination, which included some of the most prominent PCR leaders. [14] Fourth, because Gheorghiu-Dej wanted revenge, personally ordering a harsh interrogation regime that, according to a witness speaking in 1967, included an officer pulling out over a third of his white hair during one session. Tortured, psychologically pressured and blackmailed, he suffered a heart attack. Once he returned to prison, he was severely beaten upon the orders of Interior Minister Alexandru Drăghici, whose instructions came from Gheorghiu-Dej. Eventually, he began to appear insane, with some doctors believing he was dissimulating in order to avoid the need to incriminate other party members, while others thought he had truly become schizophrenic under torture. He retracted his earlier admission of guilt and steadfastly declared himself innocent, which pushed Gheorghiu-Dej to opt for his execution, as opposed to the case of Bellu Zilber, who saved his life by cooperating. [15] Koffler was tried for crimes against peace and high treason in April 1954. He was sentenced to death and, aged 52, shot in the back of the neck at 3 a.m. on the 17th, the same night Pătrășcanu was executed, [16] at Jilava Prison.

Notes

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 Tănase, p.380
  2. 1 2 Tănase, p.383
  3. Tănase, p.381-2
  4. 1 2 3 4 5 Tănase, p.381
  5. Tănase, p.384
  6. Tănase, p.382
  7. Tănase, p.385
  8. 1 2 Tănase, p.389
  9. Tănase, p.387
  10. Tănase, p.390
  11. 1 2 3 Tănase, p.377
  12. Tănase, p.391
  13. Tănase, p.377-8
  14. 1 2 Tănase, p.378
  15. Tănase, p.379
  16. Tănase, p.392

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Romanian Communist Party</span> 1921–1989 political party in Romania, ruling from 1953 to 1989

The Romanian Communist Party was a communist party in Romania. The successor to the pro-Bolshevik wing of the Socialist Party of Romania, it gave an ideological endorsement to a communist revolution that would replace the social system of the Kingdom of Romania. After being outlawed in 1924, the PCR remained a minor and illegal grouping for much of the interwar period and submitted to direct Comintern control. During the 1920s and the 1930s, most of its activists were imprisoned or took refuge in the Soviet Union, which led to the creation of competing factions that sometimes came into open conflict. That did not prevent the party from participating in the political life of the country through various front organizations, most notably the Peasant Workers' Bloc. During the mid-1930s, due to the purges against the Iron Guard, the party was on the road to achieving power, but the dictatorship of king Carol II crushed this. In 1934–1936, PCR reformed itself in the mainland of Romania properly, with foreign observers predicting a possible communist takeover in Romania. The party emerged as a powerful actor on the Romanian political scene in August 1944, when it became involved in the royal coup that toppled the pro-Nazi government of Ion Antonescu. With support from Soviet occupational forces, the PCR pressured King Michael I into abdicating, and it established the Romanian People's Republic in December 1947.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ana Pauker</span> Romanian politician (1893–1960)

Ana Pauker was a Romanian communist leader and served as the country's foreign minister in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Ana Pauker became the world's first female foreign minister when entering office in December 1947. She was also the unofficial leader of the Romanian Communist Party immediately after World War II.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu</span> Romanian communist politician (1900–1954

Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu was a Romanian communist politician and leading member of the Communist Party of Romania (PCR), also noted for his activities as a lawyer, sociologist and economist. For a while, he was a professor at the University of Bucharest. Pătrășcanu rose to a government position before the end of World War II and, after having disagreed with Stalinist tenets on several occasions, eventually came into conflict with the Romanian Communist government of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej. He became a political prisoner and was ultimately executed. Fourteen years after Pătrășcanu's death, Romania's new communist leader, Nicolae Ceaușescu, endorsed his rehabilitation as part of a change in policy.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Vasile Luca</span> Austro-Hungarian-born Romanian-Soviet politician

Vasile Luca was an Austro-Hungarian-born Romanian and Soviet communist politician, a leading member of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) from 1945 and until his imprisonment in the 1950s. Noted for his activities in the Ukrainian SSR in 1940–1941, he sided with Ana Pauker during World War II, and returned to Romania to serve as the minister of finance and one of the most recognizable leaders of the Communist regime. Luca's downfall, coming at the end of a conflict with Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, signaled that of Pauker.

Vitali Holostenco or Holostenko was a Romanian and Soviet communist politician. He used several pseudonyms, among which were Barbu and Petrulescu.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Scarlat Callimachi</span>

Scarlat Callimachi or Calimachi was a Romanian journalist, essayist, futurist poet, trade unionist, and communist activist, a member of the Callimachi family of boyar and Phanariote lineage. He is not to be confused with his ancestor, hospodar Scarlat Callimachi.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Grigore Preoteasa</span> Romanian communist journalist and politician (1915–1957)

Grigore Preoteasa was a Romanian communist activist, journalist and politician, who served as Communist Romania's Minister of Foreign Affairs between October 4, 1955, and the time of his death.

Alexandru Nicolschi was a Romanian communist activist, Soviet agent and officer, and Securitate chief under the Communist regime. Active until 1961, he was one of the most recognizable leaders of violent political repression.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ștefan Foriș</span> Romanian communist activist, journalist, and politician (1892–1946)

Ștefan Foriș was a Hungarian and Romanian communist journalist who served as general secretary of the Romanian Communist Party between December 1940 and April 1944. Born a Transylvanian Csángó and an Austro-Hungarian subject, he saw action with the Hungarian Landwehr throughout World War I. While training in mathematics at Eötvös Loránd University, he affiliated with the Galileo Circle and, moving to the far-left, entered the Hungarian Communist Party in late 1918. During the brief existence of a Hungarian Soviet Republic, he joined the war against Romania (1919), but subsequently opted to settle in the Romanian Kingdom, at Brașov. Foriș emerged as a local leader of the Socialist Party, largely failing at convincing his subordinates to join the PCR upon its creation (1921). He took up underground work even before the PCR was formally outlawed, while establishing his public profile as an accountant and a correspondent for moderate left-wing newspapers—including Adevărul and Facla.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gheorghe Pintilie</span> Russian-born Romanian communist activist and intelligence officer

Gheorghe Pintilie was a Soviet and Romanian intelligence agent and political assassin, who served as first head of the Securitate (1948–1958). Born as a subject of the Russian Empire in Tiraspol, he was briefly employed as a manual laborer, and trained as a locksmith, before joining the Red Army cavalry and seeing action in the Russian Civil War. The NKVD shortlisted him for espionage missions in the 1920s, and in 1928 sent him on for such clandestine work in the Kingdom of Romania. Bodnarenko was apprehended there some nine years later, and sentenced to a twenty-years' imprisonment. While at Doftana, he became the ringleader of imprisoned Soviet spies, together with whom he joined the Romanian Communist Party (PCR). He expressed his loyalty toward Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, the jailed communist and emerging factional leader; their tight political camaraderie lasted into the late 1950s.

Emil Calmanovici was a Romanian engineer, businessman, and communist militant. Known for the financial support he gave to the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) during the late 1930s and early 1940s, he became a political prisoner of the Communist regime after being implicated in the show trial of his collaborator Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu. Calmanovici died in mysterious circumstances in Aiud Prison, while on recovery from a hunger strike.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Teohari Georgescu</span>

Teohari Georgescu was a Romanian statesman and a high-ranking member of the Romanian Communist Party.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Iosif Chișinevschi</span> Romanian politician

Iosif Chișinevschi was a Romanian communist politician. The leading ideologue of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) from 1944 to 1957, he served as head of its Agitprop Department from 1948 to 1952 and was in charge of propaganda and culture from 1952 to 1955. He has been described as "Moscow's right-hand man in Romania".

The Socialist Party of Romania was a Romanian socialist political party, created on December 11, 1918 by members of the Social Democratic Party of Romania (PSDR), after the latter emerged from clandestinity. Through its PSDR legacy, the PS maintained a close connection with the local labor movement and was symbolically linked to the first local socialist group, the Romanian Social-Democratic Workers' Party. Its creation coincided with the establishment of Greater Romania in the wake of World War I; after May 1919, it began a process of fusion with the social democratic groups of in the former territories of Austria-Hungary — the Social Democratic Parties of Transylvania, Banat and Bukovina. The parties adopted a common platform in October 1920. Progressively influenced by Leninism, the PS became divided between a maximalist majority supporting Bolshevik guidelines and a reformist-minded minority: the former affiliated with the Comintern as the Socialist-Communist Party in May 1921, while the minority eventually established a new Romanian Social Democratic Party.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ion Vincze</span> Romanian politician and diplomat

Ion Vincze was a Romanian communist politician and diplomat. An activist of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR), he was married to Constanța Crăciun, herself a prominent member of the party.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Alexandru Drăghici</span>

Alexandru Drăghici was a Romanian communist activist and politician. He was Interior Minister in 1952 and from 1957 to 1965, and State Security Minister from 1952 to 1957. In these capacities, he exercised control over the Securitate secret police during a period of active repression against other Communist Party members, anti-communist resistance members and ordinary citizens.

Belu Zilber was a Romanian communist activist.

Serghei Nicolau was a Romanian communist espionage chief and a Securitate general.

Șmil Marcovici was a Romanian communist activist.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Petre Gheorghe</span>

Petre Ion Gheorghe was a Bulgarian-born Romanian communist and anti-fascist resistance member, executed by Romania for espionage and treason. Having risen through the ranks of the Union of Communist Youth, he was the leader of the strongest communist resistance group during the first part of World War II in Romania.

References