It has been suggested that Stereotype fit hypothesis be merged into this article. (Discuss) Proposed since June 2021. |
Role congruity theory proposes that a group will be positively evaluated when its characteristics are recognized as aligning with that group's typical social roles (Eagly & Diekman, 2005). [1] Coined by Eagly and Karau (2002), [2] prejudice toward female leaders occurs because inconsistencies exist between the characteristics associated with the female gender stereotype and those associated with the typical leadership.
One of the two main causes of prejudice preventing women from achievement of high-status positions or success is the perception of women when placed in leadership roles. In an article on prejudice towards female leaders, Eagly and Karau (2002) [2] found that women who are leaders are perceived in a less positive manner when compared to male leaders. Eagly and Karau (2002) [2] also showed that women have a more difficult time achieving high status positions in the workplace and in maintaining these positions through achievement and success. Evidence suggests that prejudice towards women in leadership positions occurs more frequently in situations where larger inconsistencies between female gender roles and leadership roles are present.
Eagly (1987) [3] suggest women due to their socially accepted roles are more often perceived in lower status positions than those of their male counterparts. These accepted gender stereotypes allow for a greater prediction of sex differences between males and females in social behaviors.
Findings consistent with this theory can be seen in evidence presented by Eagly and Karau (1991), [4] who found that men emerged more often than women as leaders. Although women do advance in social leadership roles, positions of leadership involving specialization or behaviors related to a groups purpose are more often attributed to men.
Ritter and Yoder (2004) [5] provide further evidence of gender role differences in leadership positions between men and women. Women and men, based on their level of dominance, were placed in groups consisting of either (man, man), (woman, man), or (woman, woman) and then assigned task randomly. Participants with higher dominance ratings emerged as leaders in all groups except for (woman, man) pairs. When assigned tasks were of a masculine or gender-neutral nature, males emerged more often than females as leaders. These findings suggest that even when women possess dominant characteristics, masculinized task as well as gender stereotypes prohibit the emergence of women into leadership positions.
Research on role congruity theory further indicates that women in faculty positions struggle with meeting the expectations of the male-dominated role (Whitley & Kite, 2010). [6] Caplan (1994) asserts characteristics associated with the female stereotype (i.e., "nurturance", "warmth", and "supportiveness") are incongruent with the expectations of faculty—which are masculine in nature (i.e., "directive", "assertive", "knowledgeable"). Therefore, a female faculty member violates societal expectations for both the categories of women and leader. This violation results in both discrepant expectations for men and women and more negative evaluations of women in such positions. Consistent with role congruity theory, Winocour, Schoen and Sirowatka (1989) [7] found ratings of male professors were not dependent on their lecture style. However, female students were more favorable of a female professor with a discussion-based lecture style and male students only preferred female professor who focused on providing information. Further, Statham, Richardson and Cook (1991) [8] noted students delegated more negative evaluations to female professors with a teaching style low in structure than males regardless of their teaching style. Similarly, Kierstad, D'Agostino and Dill (1988) [9] reported that only female professors who socialized with students received positive ratings; male ratings were not affected by this factor.
Further research on this topic has found that the degree of femininity a woman possesses may have a major effect on the way a woman of political power is perceived. Gervais and Hillard (2011) [10] cite the case studies of Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin to prove their point. Gervais and Hillard suggest that Clinton and Palin may be perceived negatively by viewers because they are women in roles of power and leadership in the government, which violates the stereotypical gender norm that women can not be leaders. Because of this contradictory notion, they will be viewed less favorably. Gervais and Hillard then go on to argue that both Clinton and Palin "violate gender norms" in different ways, perhaps leading to different evaluations of their warmth and competence. Hillary Clinton presents herself in a more masculine way and this is viewed as congruent with the leadership role, but not with the feminine archetype. This type of woman who violates feminine gender roles is typically seen as competent, but harsh. Sarah Palin, on the other hand, presents herself with a very feminine attitude that falls in line with her gender role but not with the leadership role. A woman in this position is typically seen as warm, but incompetent. Due to the implications of this finding, Gervais and Hillard hypothesized that Clinton would be rated as more competent but less warm and Palin would be rated as less competent but more warm.
Gervais and Hillard also looked at the effect of benevolent sexism and hostile sexism and how these affected the perception of Clinton and Palin in regards to gender norms. Benevolent sexism is a sort of chivalrous attitude where men believe that women are in need of saving and must be looked after because they are unable to do it themselves. This type of sexism was positively associated with voting likelihood for Sarah Palin due to the prominent feminine nature of her appearance, and negatively associated with Hillary Clinton due to the more masculine nature of her appearance. Hostile sexism is defined simply as negative attitudes toward women. Both Palin and Clinton were evaluated negatively by hostile sexists, but they were still more likely to vote for Palin than Clinton because Palin is stereotypically more feminine and this falls better in line with her expected gender norms. In general, benevolent sexists will praise Palin for her femininity and hostile sexists will penalize Clinton for her rejection of feminine gender norms.
A double bind occurs when an individual faces two or more contradictory demands, in which a successful response to one demand means a failed response to the other. A gender specific double bind occurs due to social expectations about different roles, such as when traits positively associated with leadership conflict with traits stereotypically associated with femininity. Women in leadership positions experience a double bind situation as a result of the biases identified by role congruity theory that traps women into a bind of meeting the demands of both leadership and being a woman. Within the gender double bind, women are harshly judged or not seen as a "good fit" in leadership positions. Two biases, descriptive and prescriptive, result from this perceived dichotomy between leadership and femininity. Descriptive bias occurs when women leaders are stereotyped for having less leadership potential simply because of their gender, whereas prescriptive bias occurs because leadership is typically seen as a masculine desire, leaving women leaders typically evaluated less favorably because they are seen as violating a traditionally masculine desire. [11] Put simply, descriptive bias is thinking, "women are docile", and prescriptive bias is "women should be docile". [12] Both biases place female leaders into this double bind, as they are unable to express agentic behavior and emotions without negative consequences.
Women in leadership positions face specific dilemmas as a result of the gender double bind, such as polarized perceptions, higher standards of competency than their male counterparts, and a conflict over being viewed as competent or well-liked.
Women leaders are often subject to extreme, polarized perceptions based on the incongruity between traits stereotypically associated with women and traits positively associated with leadership. A 2007 reported by Catalyst found that when women act in ways that are consistent with gender stereotypes, such being relationship-focused, they are viewed as less competent leaders. When they act in ways inconsistent with gender stereotypes, such as acting ambitiously or authoritatively, they are judged as being tough and unfeminine. Regardless of the leadership style they display, women leaders face negative judgments. [13] These negative judgments might also influence employees' overall manager preference in the workplace. Elsesser and Lever found that study participants who preferred female managers (13%) cited positive characteristics such as their compassion, warmth or interpersonal skills. However participants who preferred male managers (33%) explained their preference through reference to negative traits of female managers, saying that female managers tended to be too "emotional", "moody", or "dramatic" compared to male managers. These characterizations which are formed on stereotypical gender traits and not merit, are an example of how a descriptive bias leads employees' to incorrectly underestimate women leaders' leadership ability. [14]
Women are subject to higher standards for leadership competence than their male counterparts. Based on respondent data, Catalyst found that women had to work harder than men in order to prove their competency and capability as leaders, by both putting in more time and energy and monitoring stereotypical expectations that they faced as women. However, this hard work had the potential negative side effect of women leaders being unfavorably judged as characteristically "trying too hard. [13]
Women leaders often must choose between being viewed as competent leaders or being liked by co-workers and followers. Women who adopt a "masculine" leadership style are often viewed as competent, but receive more negative evaluations of their interpersonal skills when compared to women who adopt a "feminine" style of leadership. The Catalyst report found that when women behaved in ways traditionally valued for male leaders, such as acting assertively, they were viewed as having less effective social skills and being less personable. [13] When women assert themselves, they run the risk of being seen as "competent but cold". [15] Those who choose to affirm their competence through expressing agency must do so at the cost of being perceived as group-focused. Female leaders who do this violate the gender assigned stereotypes, which is why women in the study were found to have less effective social skills. [16] The double bind between competence and being well liked ultimately leads to backlash for female leaders, as they are negatively perceived if they stray too far into masculine leadership styles or feminine practices.
A study showed that men's and women's occupancy of the same role eliminated gender-stereotypical judgments of greater agency and lower communion in men than women. [17] Another study showed that the exhibition of pride modulates the gender-based differences in perception. That is, women exhibiting pride is perceived as having similar agency-related attributes and competencies as well as similar communality-related attributes and competencies as men. [18]
Sexism is prejudice or discrimination based on one's sex or gender. Sexism can affect anyone, but it primarily affects women and girls. It has been linked to stereotypes and gender roles, and may include the belief that one sex or gender is intrinsically superior to another. Extreme sexism may foster sexual harassment, rape, and other forms of sexual violence. Gender discrimination may encompass sexism, and is discrimination toward people based on their gender identity or their gender or sex differences. Gender discrimination is especially defined in terms of workplace inequality. It may arise from social or cultural customs and norms.
A gender role, also known as a sex role, is a social role encompassing a range of behaviors and attitudes that are generally considered acceptable, appropriate, or desirable for a person based on that person's biological or perceived sex. Gender roles are usually centered on conceptions of masculinity and femininity, although there are exceptions and variations. The specifics regarding these gendered expectations may vary substantially among cultures, while other characteristics may be common throughout a range of cultures.
Femininity is a set of attributes, behaviors, and roles generally associated with women and girls. Although sociologists think of femininity as socially constructed, there is also widespread recognition that some behaviors considered feminine are influenced by both cultural factors and biological factors. To what extent femininity is biologically or socially influenced is subject to debate. It is distinct from the definition of the biological female sex, as both males and females can exhibit feminine traits.
A glass ceiling is a metaphor used to represent an invisible barrier that prevents a given demographic from rising beyond a certain level in a hierarchy.
Women's work or woman's work is work believed to be exclusively the domain of women and associates particular stereotypical tasks that history has associated with the female sex. It is particularly used with regard to the unpaid work that a mother or wife will perform within a family and household.
Feminist psychology is a form of psychology centered on social structures and gender. Feminist psychology critiques historical psychological research as done from a male perspective with the view that males are the norm. Feminist psychology is oriented on the values and principles of feminism.
Queen bee syndrome is a phenomenon first defined by C. Tavris, G.L. Staines, and T.E. Jayaratne in 1973. “Queen bee” is a derogatory term applied to women who have achieved success in traditionally male-dominated fields. These women often take on “masculine” traits and distance themselves from other women in the workplace in order to succeed. They may also view or treat subordinates more critically if they are female, and refuse to help other women rise up the ranks as a form of self-preservation.
Expectation states theory is a social psychological theory first proposed by Joseph Berger and his colleagues that explains how expected competence forms the basis for status hierarchies in small groups. The theory's best known branch, status characteristics theory, deals with the role that certain pieces of social information play in organizing these hierarchies. More recently, sociologist Cecilia Ridgeway has utilized the theory to explain how beliefs about status become attached to different social groups and the implications this has for social inequality.
Ambivalent prejudice is a social psychological theory that states that, when people become aware that they have conflicting beliefs about an outgroup, they experience an unpleasant mental feeling generally referred to as cognitive dissonance. These feelings are brought about because the individual on one hand believes in humanitarian virtues such as helping those in need, but on the other hand also believes in individualistic virtues such as working hard to improve one's life.
The stereotype fit hypothesis suggests that group members will experience discrimination in different social roles or positions to the extent that their group stereotypically does not have characteristics associated with success in the position. For instance, women may not be considered a good fit for a managerial position if being aggressive is seen as a characteristic of a successful manager. Due to stereotype fit, men may be considered more qualified for the position and are not only more likely to be hired, but are also more likely to be promoted as well.
The women-are-wonderful effect is the phenomenon found in psychological and sociological research which suggests that people associate more positive attributes with women compared to men. This bias reflects an emotional bias toward women as a general case. The phrase was coined by Alice Eagly and Antonio Mladinic in 1994 after finding that both male and female participants tend to assign positive traits to women, with female participants showing a far more pronounced bias. Positive traits were assigned to men by participants of both genders, but to a far lesser degree.
Sexual stigma is a form of social stigma against people who are perceived to be non-heterosexual because of their beliefs, identities or behaviors. Privileged individuals, or the majority group members, are the main contributors of placing sexual stigmas on individuals and their minority group. It is those who hold a higher status that determine within a society which groups are deemed unworthy of a higher status by labeling their specific actions or beliefs. Stereotypes are then produced which further the debilitating effects of the label(s) placed on group members with non-heterosexual beliefs or practices.
In social identity theory, an implicit bias or implicit stereotype, is the pre-reflective attribution of particular qualities by an individual to a member of some social out group.
The feminine style of management is a management style generally characterized by more feminine quality soft skills and behaviors such as empathy, effective communication, and a generally more democratic or team-styled work environment. The style is a growing trend within businesses and is characterized by a form of transformational leadership style. The feminine style of management, although characterized by traits commonly labeled as feminine, it is not a style of management that is only used by females; it is also a style which has been found beneficial for particular types of businesses and organizations.
Research has examined whether or not there are sex differences in leadership, and these differences can be seen from a relationship based or task based perspective. Leadership is the process through which an individual guides and motivates a group towards the achievement of common goals. In studies that found a gender difference, women adopted participative styles of leadership and were more transformational leaders than men. Other studies find that no significant gender differences in leadership exist.
Alice H. Eagly is a professor of psychology and of management and organizations at Northwestern University. She currently holds the James Padilla Chair for Arts and Sciences and a Faculty Fellowship for the Institute of Policy Research at Northwestern University. Her primary research contributions have been in the area of social psychology, as well as personality psychology and Industrial Organizational Psychology.
The maternal wall is a term referring to stereotypes and various forms of discrimination encountered by working mothers and mothers seeking employment. Women hit the maternal wall when they encounter workplace discrimination because of past, present, or future pregnancies or because they have taken one or more maternity leaves. Women may also be discriminated against when they opt for part-time or flexible work schedules. Maternal wall discrimination is not limited to childcare responsibilities. Both men and women with caregiving responsibilities, such as taking care of a sick parents or spouse, may also result in maternal wall discrimination. As such, maternal wall discrimination is also described as family responsibilities discrimination. Research suggests that the maternal wall is cemented by employer stereotypes and gender expectations.
An honorary male or honorary man is a woman who is accorded the status of a man without disrupting the patriarchal status quo. Such a woman might be considered "one of the guys" by the men she associates with.
Sexism in American political elections refers to sexism which is discrimination, prejudice, or stereotyping based on sexual characteristics or perceived sexual characteristics. Sexism is inherently a product of culture, as culture instills a certain set of beliefs or expectations for what constitutes as appropriate behavior, appearance, or mannerisms for a sex.
Gender discrimination in health professions refers to the entire culture of bias against female clinicians, expressed verbally through derogatory and aggressive comments, lower pay and other forms of discriminatory actions from predominantly male peers. These women face difficulties in their work environment as a result of a largely male dominated positions of power within the medical field as well as initial biases presented in the hiring process, but not limited to promotions.