Company type | Private |
---|---|
Industry | Oil industry |
Founded | 1991 |
Headquarters | , |
Key people | Ahsani family |
Unaoil is a Monaco based company which provides "industrial solutions to the energy sector in the Middle East, Central Asia and Africa." [1] [2] Unaoil is incorporated in the British Virgin Islands, a tax haven with an opaque banking system. [3]
The company, which is run by the Ahsani family, was founded in 1991. [2]
In 2010 Unaoil entered into an agreement with Leighton Holdings with the aim of securing a $500 million oil pipeline contract in Iraq. In 2011 Leighton Holdings referred the deal to the police as corruption. [3] In 2014 a High Court of Justice judge queried the corruption claims after Unaoil denied them in a civil litigation matter involving Leighton Holdings. [4] In 2016, the Serious Fraud Office (United Kingdom) (SFO) alleged before the High Court of Justice in a separate case brought by Unaoil that the firm was engaged in "extensive" corruption. [5] Unaoil's litigation, in which it alleged the SFO had acted unlawfully, was dismissed by the High Court. [6]
In March 2016, the SFO began investigating allegations Unaoil acting corruptly in facilitating business deals involving Rolls-Royce, Halliburton-KBR, Petrofac, ABB, Leighton Holdings and Amec Foster Wheeler. [7]
In the United States, KBR, FMC Technologies and Core Laboratories all disclosed in 2016 that they had been contacted by the Department of Justice (DOJ) in connection with a probe of Unaoil. [8]
The SFO and DOJ inquiries followed media reports that Unaoil allegedly facilitated extensive corruption and bribery in the oil industry. [9] A leaked cache of Unaoil internal company emails dating from 2001 to 2012 were the subject of a series of articles published by Fairfax Media investigative reporters Nick McKenzie, Richard Baker and Michael Bachelard in the Australian newspaper The Age , and The Huffington Post in March 2016. Under headlines such as "Unaoil: World's Biggest Bribe Scandal" [9] and "Unaoil: Company that Bribed the World", [9] The Age wrote that "How they make their money is simple. Oil-rich countries often suffer poor governance and high levels of corruption. Unaoil's business plan is to play on the fears of large Western companies that they cannot win contracts without its help. Its operatives then bribe officials in oil-producing nations to help these clients win government-funded projects. The corrupt officials might rig a tender committee. Or leak inside information. Or ensure a contract is awarded without a competitive tender". [9]
In Iraq, Unaoil was alleged to have paid "multi-million dollar lump sums" to senior politicians. Other oil producing countries that Unaoil have operated in include Iran, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Kuwait, and the UAE. [9]
In March 2016 the Sydney Morning Herald published a letter from a legal representative of Unaoil in which the allegations of corruption and bribery are denied. [10]
On 31 March 2016, Monaco authorities announced that they had raided the offices of Unaoil and the homes of some of its executives, following an urgent request for assistance from the SFO. The statement said, "These searches and interviews were carried out in the presence of British officials as part of a vast, international corruption scandal implicating numerous foreign oil industry firms. The information collected is going to be examined by the British authorities as part of their investigation." [11] The UK National Crime Agency carried out their investigation in collaboration with the Australian Federal Police and the Federal Bureau of Investigation. [12]
On 27 February 2017, an article in the News Corp-owned The Australian presented an alternative perspective on the Unaoil bribery scandal. [13] This claimed that the Fairfax Media newspapers had settled claims made against them regarding false allegations and indicated that "within weeks, the publisher will be confronted with yet another legal action, this time from the company at the centre of the allegations that triggered these backdowns. That company is Unaoil, a Monaco-based business that is a player in the international oil industry and is owned by the Ashani family." The article claimed that the leaker of the company emails was an extortionist who had hacked Unaoil, and stated that Unaoil would seek through court to identify the sources for the 2016 articles. The Australian had previously reported Unaoil's denials of the allegations, and accusation that it was the victim of extortion, on 17 May 2016. [14]
In November 2016, the UK Treasury announced it was giving the SFO 'blockbuster funding' to resource the agency's Unaoil probe. That same month, a former Unaoil country manager told the BBC's Panorama programme he had bribed a Libyan government official. The whistleblower, Lindsay Mitchell, said that in 2009 he handed an envelope filled with US dollars to a manager at a subsidiary of the state-owned Libyan National Oil Company. [15]
In January 2017, the DOJ announced in a statement that Rolls-Royce had agreed to pay a $170 million fine to settle corruption allegations involving its use of several facilitators to win contracts, including Unaoil. [16]
Ongoing investigations by the SFO were reported in April 2017. [17] In May 2017, listed UK company Petrofac suspended a top executive in connection to the Unaoil investigation. [18]
On March 25, 2019, CEO Cyrus Ahsani and COO Saman Ahsani pled guilty for their roles in a scheme to corruptly facilitate millions of dollars in bribe payments to officials in multiple countries. [19]
On 17 November 2017, the Serious Fraud Office charged two former Unaoil Iraq managers with conspiring to pay bribes to win Dutch company SBM Offshore contracts in Iraq. [20] The Iraq officials allegedly bribed were not named. The SFO also issued extradition proceedings against Unaoil Chief Operations Officer Saman Ahsani. [20]
On 30 July 2020 Stephen Whiteley, the company's former territory manager for Iraq was sentenced to 3 years in prison. Ziad Akle, another former Iraq territory manager, received 5 years in prison. [21] In December 2021 the UK Court of Appeal overturned the bribery conviction of a Ziad Akle after finding that the U.K.'s Serious Fraud Office committed a "serious failure" [22] in refusing to turn over evidence [23] that would have helped him at trial. [24]
In December 2021, the Court of Appeal quashed the conviction of Unaoil’s former territory manager for Iraq Ziad Akle after the SFO disclosed evidence of ‘wholly inappropriate’ contacts with David Tinsley, a former US Drug Enforcement Administration agent who acted on behalf of the Ahsanis. [25]
In March 2022 a second man convicted in Britain over the Unaoil case had his conviction overturned on the same basis as Ziad Akle. [26] [27] The ruling piles more pressure on SFO director Lisa Osofsky one month after UK Attorney General Suella Braverman appointed former Director of Public Prosecutions and High Court judge David Calvert-Smith to lead a "forensic and robust" review into SFO failings in the case. [28]
In June 2022 it was reported that Stephen Whiteley, another former Unaoil Manager also had launched an appeal against his conviction, based on the two quashed convictions in the same matter. [29] This was commented as a further blow to the SFO’s investigation. [30] [31]
On 21 July 2022 the Review led by Sir David Calvert Smith was published. The review was criticizing the conduct of SFO's head in leading the Unaoil Investigation: "It is clear that [Lisa] Osofsky was faced with a difficult situation very early in her tenure and made a number of mistakes and misjudgements which, with the benefit of hindsight, she now accepts." [32] Calvert-Smith said further that Osofsky "was not supposed to be personally involved in contact" with a fixer, who had no recognised legal role in the so called Unaoil case. Labour Shadow Attorney General Emily Thornberry MP stated that the report "lays bare a catalogue of woeful mismanagement and inexplicable misjudgements at the top of the SFO". [33]
The Serious Fraud Office (SFO) is a non-ministerial government department of the Government of the United Kingdom that investigates and prosecutes serious or complex fraud and corruption in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. The SFO is accountable to the Attorney General for England and Wales, and was established by the Criminal Justice Act 1987, an Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom.
Al Yamamah is the name of a series of record arms sales by the United Kingdom to Saudi Arabia, paid for by the delivery of up to 600,000 barrels (95,000 m3) of crude oil per day to the British government. The prime contractor has been BAE Systems and its predecessor British Aerospace. The first sales occurred in September 1985 and the most recent contract for 72 Eurofighter Typhoon multirole fighters was signed in August 2006.
The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act of 1977 (FCPA) is a United States federal law that prohibits U.S. citizens and entities from bribing foreign government officials to benefit their business interests.
The Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) is a UK-based campaigning organisation working towards the abolition of the international arms trade. It was founded in 1974 by a coalition of peace groups. It has been involved in several high-profile campaigns, including a legal challenge against the Serious Fraud Office's decision to suspend a corruption investigation into BAE Systems in 2007. On 27 September 2012, it was honoured with a Right Livelihood Award for its "innovative and effective campaigning".
The Alaska political corruption probe refers to a 2003 to 2010 widespread investigation by the Public Integrity Section of the U.S. Department of Justice, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the Internal Revenue Service into political corruption of nine then-current or former Alaskan state lawmakers, as well as Republican US Representative Don Young and then-US Senator, Republican Ted Stevens. Sometimes referred to as "The Corrupt Bastards Club" or the "Operation Polar Pen", the investigation focused on the oil industry, fisheries and for-profit prison industries.
Glencore plc is a Swiss multinational commodity trading and mining company with headquarters in Baar, Switzerland. Glencore's oil and gas head office is in London and its registered office is in Saint Helier, Jersey. The current company was created through a merger of Glencore with Xstrata on 2 May 2013. As of 2015, it ranked tenth in the Fortune Global 500 list of the world's largest companies. In the 2020 Forbes Global 2000, Glencore International was ranked as the 484th-largest public company in the world. As of July 2022, it was the world's largest commodity trader. In 2023, the company was ranked 59th in the Forbes Global 2000.
Political corruption in Ghana has been common since independence. Since 2017, Ghana's score on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index has improved slightly from its low point that year, a score of 40 on a scale from 0 to 100. Ghana's score rose to 43 by 2020 and has remained there until the present, 2023. When ranked by score among the 180 countries in the 2023 Index, Ghana ranked 70th, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11.
The Strategic Defence Package, popularly known as the Arms Deal, was a major defence procurement programme undertaken to re-equip the South African armed forces for the post-apartheid era. It is commonly associated with the large-scale corruption that is alleged to have taken place during and after the procurement process. Some critics have said that the Arms Deal was a defining moment or turning point for the African National Congress (ANC) government, less than five years into its tenure.
The Cockerham bribery case involved the investigation and subsequent trials of United States Army contracting officers and their family members who were accused of accepting bribes in return for steering multimillion-dollar contracts to companies providing services for the US Army in Iraq and Kuwait between 2004 and 2007. The alleged ringleader of the accused officers was US Army Major John L. Cockerham, who was sentenced to 17 and 1/2 years in prison for accepting bribes from Army contractors. The contracts, mainly for bottled water, involved at least three US Army contracting officers, two of their family members, six companies from India, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United States, and up to $15 million in bribe money.
The Mabey Group is a British-based group of engineering companies, which specialises in steel fabrication, plant hire and construction products. It was initially established by Guy Mabey as a building supplies business in 1923, and expanded into engineering work, particularly bridging, under the leadership of his son, Bevil Mabey, after World War II. In the early 21st century, it was implicated in bribery scandals over corrupt payments to win contracts in countries including Iraq, Jamaica and Ghana. It sold its bridge business in May 2019 to US-based Acrow Bridge.
Innospec Inc., formerly known as Octel Corporation and Associated Octel Company, Ltd., is an American specialty chemical company. It comprises three business units:
Vincent Tchenguiz is an Iranian-British entrepreneur born in Tehran. Robert Tchenguiz is his younger brother. Tchenguiz is known as a major donor to the Conservative Party (UK) and an investor in the controversial company SCL Group, known for the Facebook–Cambridge Analytica data scandal involving its subsidiary.
This article discusses the responsibilities of the various agencies involved in combating corruption in New Zealand. New Zealand is regarded as having one of the lowest levels of corruption in the world.
Ayman Asfari is a Syrian-British billionaire businessman. He was the chief executive (CEO) of Petrofac, a Jersey-registered multinational oilfield services company serving the oil, gas and energy production and processing industries, from 2002 to 2020, and became a non-executive director.
The Simandou mine is a large iron ore mine which is tied to one of the biggest mining corruptions in modern history. The mine is located in the Simandou mountain range of southern Guinea's Nzérékoré Region. Simandou represents one of the largest iron ore reserves in the world, having estimated reserves of 2.4 billion tonnes of ore grading 65% iron metal.
Sir David John Mark Green is a British lawyer and prosecutor, who served from 2012 until 2018 as the Director of the Serious Fraud Office.
The Ahsani family are a prominent Monaco-based business family of Iranian origin. The family is headed by Ata Ahsani. Ata and his two sons Cyrus and Saman run the energy industry consultancy Unaoil; his third son, Sassan, heads the British property company Lumina Real Estate Capital.
Lisa Marie Osofsky is an American-British lawyer who served as Director of the UK's Serious Fraud Office (SFO) from September 2018 until August 2023. She was succeeded by Nick Ephgrave.
The GSK China scandal unfolded when the China division of the global drugmaker GlaxoSmithKline (GSK) admitted to engaging in bribery to promote its products within the Chinese market. The scandal originated with the discovery of sex tapes featuring Mark Reilly, the head of GSK's operations in China, and his Chinese girlfriend, circulated among senior company executives. This revelation prompted internal investigations by GSK, which in turn led to the imprisonment of investigator Peter Humphrey and his wife, Yu Yingzeng, in China. The opaque judicial system in China, notorious for its high conviction rate, saw the couple facing charges of violating privacy laws. Humphrey and his wife assert their innocence, with Humphrey alleging torture and denial of medical treatment as a consequence of his refusal to confess to what he deems fabricated accusations.
Marwan Lahoud, born March 6, 1966, in Lebanon, is a naturalized French-Lebanese weapons engineer, living in France. He was deputy chief executive officer for strategy and marketing for the Airbus group until February 2017. In May 2017, he was appointed chairman of the supervisory board of OT-Morpho, a position he only held for a short time, even if he remained director for two years of different entities of this group, renamed from IDEMIA.