White Paper on El Salvador

Last updated

On February 23, 1981, the U.S. State Department released a document titled "Communist Interference in El Salvador: Documents Demonstrating Communist Support of the Salvadoran Insurgency", [1] [2] also known as "the White Paper". The document was used as justification for U.S. intervention in Nicaragua. Critics charged that the technique deployed by the White Paper was to correlate events in El Salvador into alleged examples of Soviet and Cuban military involvement. The White Paper was claimed to be part of a propaganda effort to divert attention from U.S. support for a repressive regime by creating a false threat of communist insurgency. [3]

Contents

The White Paper was authored by U.S. State Department official Jon D. Glassman.

Reception and subsequent criticism

The basic premise of the White Paper—that El Salvador was a victim of "indirect armed aggression by Communist powers"—was initially accepted by both the American press and congressional leaders. [4] The "White Paper" used a variety of intelligence sources, including captured Salvadoran guerrilla documents, to show a flow of material support to the rebels from Nicaragua, Cuba, and a variety of other Communist countries, including the Soviet Union and Vietnam.

On May 18, 1981, The Washington Star published an op-ed, "Scarcely A Soviet Shadow in Salvador White Paper", by Jerome M. Segal, who worked on foreign aid issues in the U.S. Agency for International Development. Segal compared the claims in the White Paper with respect to the Soviet role with the text of captured documents released by the State Department as the basis for the White Paper. He showed that on the core assertion of Soviet involvement, the documents show a rather different picture. He focused on the trip report by Shafik Handal, Secretary General of the El Salvador Communist Party, relating the distinct lack of enthusiasm and commitment he received when he went to Moscow seeking military and financial support for his insurgency.

Segal's account, which was followed by a similar analysis in The Washington Post on June 9, was cited by independent journalist I.F. Stone when he addressed the National Press Club, and called attention to several important critiques. Stone himself was well known for his critique of the White Paper on Vietnam issued by the State Department in the 1960s.

On June 8, 1981, The Wall Street Journal reporter Jonathan Kwitney published "Apparent Errors Cloud US 'White Paper' on Reds in El Salvador", an article based on a three-hour interview with Glassman. In the article, Glassman admitted "mistakes and guessing" by the government's intelligence analysts who translated and explained the guerrilla documents. The White Paper, based on 19 captured guerrilla documents, was accepted as fact by the American press, with myriad U.S. government follow-up reports of plans for countering the activities alleged in the report. Yet Kwitney noted that a closer reading of the documents in the White Paper indicates that they were not written by guerrilla leaders. In the interview with Kwitney, Glassman admitted that most of the statistics cited in the document were extrapolated, and most of the information put forth in the documents wasn't in the purportedly captured documents at all. Kwitney noted, "A close reading of the white paper indicates ... that its authors probably were making a determined effort to create a 'selling' document, no matter how slim the background material." [5]

After The Wall Street Journal article was released, Mr. Glassman declined further interviews to the press. Other news reports soon followed with negative assessments of the White paper. [6] [7] The State Department countered by defending the conclusions of the report. [8] [9]

Legacy

Despite the criticism and apologetics, the White Paper was subsequently deemed "based on fairly solid intelligence" given the evidence available at the time. [10] While a few journalists found some errors in the paper (e.g. Jonathan Kwitny in the Wall Street Journal), most of the claims have been substantiated, using declassified U.S. government documents, exfiltrated KGB documents, and other sources. [4] In the estimation of historian William LeoGrande, the initial impact was more significant than the subsequent criticism:

"When the White Paper was fully dissected four months later and its core arguments thrown into doubt, it hardly mattered. The White Paper had done its job by helping to smooth the way for a policy change, and once the new policy was established, no after-the-fact debunking of the White Paper could turn back the clock." [11]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Contras</span> 1979–1990 U.S.-supported anti-Marxist rebels of Nicaragua

The Contras were the various U.S.-backed and funded right-wing rebel groups that were active from 1979 to 1990 in opposition to the Marxist Sandinista Junta of National Reconstruction Government in Nicaragua, which had come to power in 1979 following the Nicaraguan Revolution. Among the separate contra groups, the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN) emerged as the largest by far. In 1987, virtually all Contra organizations were united, at least nominally, into the Nicaraguan Resistance.

<i>Nicaragua v. United States</i> 1986 International Court of Justice legal case

The Republic of Nicaragua v. The United States of America (1986) was a case where the International Court of Justice (ICJ) held that the U.S. had violated international law by supporting the Contras in their rebellion against the Sandinistas and by mining Nicaragua's harbors. The case was decided in favor of Nicaragua and against the United States with the awarding of reparations to Nicaragua.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">El Mozote massacre</span> Event during the Salvadoran Civil War (1981)

The El Mozote massacre took place both in and around the village of El Mozote, in the Morazán Department, El Salvador, on December 11 and 12, 1981, when the Salvadoran Army killed more than 811 civilians during the Salvadoran Civil War. The army had arrived in the village on the 10th, following clashes with guerrillas in the area. The Salvadoran Army's Atlácatl Battalion, under the orders of Domingo Monterrosa was responsible for the massacre.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">José Napoleón Duarte</span> Salvadoran politician

José Napoleón Duarte Fuentes was a Salvadoran politician who served as President of El Salvador from 1 June 1984 to 1 June 1989. He was mayor of San Salvador before running for president in 1972. He lost, but the election is widely viewed as fraudulent. Following a coup d'état in 1979, Duarte led the subsequent civil-military Junta from 1980 to 1982. He was then elected president in 1984, defeating ARENA party leader Roberto D'Aubuisson.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Active measures</span> Term for the actions of political warfare conducted by the Soviet and Russian security services

Active measures is a term used to describe political warfare conducted by the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation. The term, which dates back to the 1920s, includes operations such as espionage, propaganda, sabotage and assassination, based on foreign policy objectives of the Soviet and Russian governments. Active measures have continued to be used by the administration of Vladimir Putin.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Roberto D'Aubuisson</span> Salvadoran politician

Roberto D'Aubuisson Arrieta was a Salvadoran military officer, neo-fascist politician, and death squad leader. In 1981, he co-founded and became the first leader of the far-right Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) and served as president of the Legislative Assembly from 1982 to 1983. He was a presidential candidate for 1984 presidential election, losing in the second round to José Napoleón Duarte, the former president of the Revolutionary Government Junta. After ARENA's loss in the 1985 legislative elections, D'Aubuisson stepped down in favor of Alfredo Cristiani and was designated as the party's honorary president for life. D'Aubuisson was named by the United Nations' Truth Commission for El Salvador as having ordered the assassination of Óscar Romero, the archbishop of San Salvador in 1980.

The Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador, based in Washington, D.C., is a national activist organization with chapters in various cities in the United States. CISPES supports the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) and the progressive social movement in El Salvador.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Salvadoran Civil War</span> 1979–1992 conflict in El Salvador

The Salvadoran Civil War was a twelve-year period of civil war in El Salvador that was fought between the government of El Salvador and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), a coalition or "umbrella organization" of left-wing groups backed by the Cuban regime of Fidel Castro as well as the Soviet Union. A coup on 15 October 1979 followed by government killings of anti-coup protesters is widely seen as the start of civil war. The war did not formally end until 16 January 1992 with the signing of the Chapultepec Peace Accords in Mexico City.

The main goal of the US foreign policy during the presidency of Ronald Reagan (1981–1989) was ending the Cold War and the rollback of communism—which was achieved in the Revolutions of 1989 in Eastern Europe during 1989; in the German reunification in 1990; and in the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Historians debate whom to credit, and how much. They agree that victory in the Cold War made the U.S. the world's only superpower, one with good relations with former communist regimes in Russia and Eastern Europe.

The Central American crisis began in the late 1970s, when major civil wars and communist revolutions erupted in various countries in Central America, causing it to become the world's most volatile region in terms of socioeconomic change. In particular, the United States feared that victories by communist forces would cause South America to become isolated from the United States if the governments of the Central American countries were overthrown and pro-Soviet communist governments were installed in their place. During these civil wars, the United States pursued its interests by supporting right-wing governments against left-wing guerrillas.

Operation Charly, was allegedly the code-name given to a program during the 1970s and 1980s undertaken by the junta in Argentina with the objective of providing military and counterinsurgency assistance to right-wing dictatorships and insurgents in Central America. According to Noam Chomsky, the operation was either headed by the Argentine military with the agreement of the United States Department of Defense, or was led by the US and used the Argentinians as a proxy.

The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has a history of interference in the government of Guatemala over the course of several decades. Guatemala is bordered by the North Pacific Ocean and the Gulf of Honduras. The four bordering countries are Mexico, El Salvador, Honduras and Belize. Due to the proximity of Guatemala to the United States, the fear of the Soviet Union creating a beachhead in Guatemala created panic in the United States government during the Cold War. The CIA undertook Operation PBSuccess to overthrow the democratically elected Jacobo Árbenz in the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état. Carlos Castillo Armas replaced him as a military dictator. Guatemala was subsequently ruled by a series of military dictatorships for decades. Between 1962 and 1996, Left-wing guerrillas fought the U.S. backed military governments during the Guatemalan Civil War.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">CIA activities in Nicaragua</span> Overview of the CIA activities in Nicaragua

CIA activities in Nicaragua have been ongoing since the 1980s. The increasing influence gained by the Sandinista National Liberation Front, a left-wing and anti-imperialist political party in Nicaragua, led to a sharp decrease in Nicaragua–United States relations, particularly after the Nicaraguan Revolution. In 1981, President Ronald Reagan authorized the Central Intelligence Agency to support the Contras, a right-wing Nicaraguan political group to combat the influence held by the Sandinistas in the Nicaraguan government. Various anti-government rebels in Nicaragua were organized into the Nicaraguan Democratic Force, the first Contra group, at the behest of the CIA. The CIA also supplied the Contras with training and equipment, including materials related to torture and assassination. There have also been allegations that the CIA engaged in drug trafficking in Nicaragua.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Salvador Sánchez Cerén</span> President of El Salvador from 2014 to 2019

Salvador Sánchez Cerén, also known by his nom de guerre Leonel González, is a Salvadoran politician who served as the 42nd President of El Salvador between 1 June 2014 and 1 June 2019. He took office on 1 June 2014, after winning the 2014 presidential election as the candidate of the left-wing Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN). He previously served as Vice President under President Mauricio Funes from 2009 to 2014. He was also a guerrilla leader in the Civil War and is the first and only ex-rebel to serve as president.

Sandy (Alexandra) Pollack (1948–1985) was an American Communist activist. She is best known for her involvement in the founding of the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES), which was the focus of two highly controversial FBI investigations. One addressed possible violations of the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), in which her personal contact with Farid Handal, brother of Salvadoran Communist leader Shafik, was called into question. The other concerned alleged tangible support of terrorist activities perpetrated by or on behalf of the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, FMLN and Frente Democrático Revolucionario FDR under the guise of international solidarity. The first case was dropped for lack of evidence. She was killed in a plane crash before the second case was settled.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Jon D. Glassman</span> American diplomat (born 1944)

Jon David Glassman is a former U.S. State Department official. He is best known for having authored the "White Paper" on Communist intervention in El Salvador published by the U.S. State Department in 1981. Glassman also served as Deputy National Security Advisor for former Vice President Dan Quayle.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Final offensive of 1989</span>

The final offensive of 1989, also known as the ofensiva hasta el tope, was the major engagement of the Salvadoran Civil War. The battle, fought between the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front Marxist guerrilla and the Salvadoran government, lasted from 11 November to early December 1989. Sometimes referred to as "Ofensiva fuera los fascistas. Febe Elizabeth vive", in honor of an assassinated union leader, it was the most brutal confrontation in the entire conflict, amounting for seventeen percent of the total casualties in ten years of warfare.

The 1979 Salvadoran coup d'état was a military coup d'état that occurred in El Salvador on 15 October 1979. The coup, led by young military officers, bloodlessly overthrew military President Carlos Humberto Romero and sent him into exile. The National Conciliation Party's firm grasp on power was cut, and in its place, the military established the Revolutionary Government Junta of El Salvador (JRG). The junta was composed of two military officers and three civilians.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Santa Rita massacre</span> Massacre in El Salvador in 1982

The Santa Rita massacre occurred near the municipality of Santa Rita in Chalatenango, El Salvador, on 17 March 1982. During the massacre, soldiers from the Atonal Battalion attacked and killed four Dutch journalists and a disputed number of guerrillas from the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN).

The final offensive of 1981, also known as the general offensive of 1981, was the unsuccessful first military offensive conducted by the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) during the Salvadoran Civil War. The objective of the offensive was to initiate a popular revolution to overthrow the Revolutionary Government Junta (JRG), which had been ruling the country since the 1979 Salvadoran coup d'état. The FMLN hoped that the government would be overthrown by 20 January 1981; the date Ronald Reagan was to be inaugurated as president of the United States.

References

  1. United States Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs (February 23, 1981). "Communist interference in El Salvador". cia.gov. Archived from the original on January 23, 2017. Retrieved 21 August 2017.
  2. Communist interference in El Salvador. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Dept. of State, 1981 (OCoLC)659392619
  3. Sklar, Holly (1998) Washington's War on Nicaragua, South End Press
  4. 1 2 LeoGrande, William M. (1998). Our Own Backyard: The United States in Central America, 1977-1992. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. p.  87. ISBN   0807848573.
  5. Jonathan Kwitney (June 8, 1981). "Apparent Errors Cloud US 'White Paper' on Reds in El Salvador". The Wall Street Journal.
  6. Robert G. Kaiser (June 9, 1981). "White Paper on El Salvador is Faulty". The Washington Post. Retrieved 21 August 2017.
  7. Juan de Onis (June 10, 1981). "U.S. Officials Concede Flaws in Salvador White Paper But Defend Its Conclusion". The New York Times. Retrieved March 19, 2013.
  8. James Nelson Goodsell (June 25, 1981). "US defends report on communist arms in El Salvador". The Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved March 19, 2013.
  9. "Administration Defends Challenged White Paper". Sarasota Herald-Tribune. Associated Press. June 9, 1981. Retrieved March 19, 2013.
  10. "Soviet Bloc Involvement in the Salvadoran Civil War: The US State Departments 1981 'White Letter' Reconsidered" Communist and Post-Communist Studies Vol. 28, No. 4, pp. 437-470, 1995
  11. LeoGrande, William M. (1998). Our Own Backyard: The United States in Central America, 1977-1992. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. p.  89. ISBN   0807848573.

Further reading