Women in Asia have been organizing to address workplace issues, such as unequal pay and workplace violence as early as the 1880s. [1] The formation of women's labor unions in South Korea began in the late 1970s with the Minjung movement, as it is based on the mobilization of young female factory workers and martial law suspended labor rights. [2] Women in South Korea are typically irregular workers, who are not protected by labor laws, make up to 35% less in wages than men, and are less likely to be a union member. [3]
The representation of women in leadership positions in unions are also stark with few unions such as the Korean Federation of Trade Unions (KCTU) trying to increase their number of women leaders. [1] The unions that represent women include the Korean Women Workers Association (KWWA) which is under the umbrella organization Korean Women's Associations United (KWAU), Seoul Women's’ Trade union (SWTU), Korean Women's Trade Union (KWTU).
Women in Korea began organizing while still under Japanese occupation in the early 20th century. [1] The first documented women-only union organized a strike at the Kyongsong Rubber factory in Seoul to protest the mistreatment of women workers. [1] After Japanese occupation, Korea was ruled by a military dictatorship that closely monitored union activity. [1]
In 1970, activist Jeon Tae-il (or Chun Tae-il) committed suicide by self-immolation to protest the treatment of women garment workers. This would spark more union activity. [1]
Under the rule of General Park Chung Hee (1961-1979), women who worked in factories dealt with sexual harassment, low wages, poor working conditions, and were targets of police brutality. [2] These women led the union movement and elected the first woman to the position of union president in 1972. [2]
The Garment Makers Union (Chunggye Pibok Union), led by Lee So Sun, a woman, participated in the union movement and represented 200,000 women employed at Seoul's Peace Market. [2]
The YH Union protested the closure of the YH Company, a wig factory, and demanded better working conditions and pay. [3] Women of the union locked themselves in the company building, and the ensuing police raid resulted in the death of Kim Kyoung-sook, who would become a martyr for the movement. [3]
From 1989 to 1991, the Korean Women Workers Association (KWWA) formed groups in various regions in Korea. In 1992, the regional groups came together to form the Korean Women Workers Associations United (KWWAU). [3] The KWWAU is now made up of 33 other organizations and works with the government to promote the welfare of women workers. [3] Organizations that fall under the KWWAU include the Korean Women's Trade Union (KWTU) and the Korean Women Workers Association (KWWA).
The KWWAU has also expanded the issues it deals with. In 2004, they organized the "Women Workers Initiative Challenge Against Globalization." [3]
In 2001, the KWTU and KWWAU launched a campaign to raise the minimum wage which led to a 12.6% increase per month. [3]
The KWTU formed in 1999 under the umbrella of the Korean Women's Associations United. It is Korea's largest women-only union, with nine branches and approximately 5000 members. [1] KWTU's membership is actually continuing to expand. [1] However, the reach of the KWTU is limited because it, along with other women-only unions, are classified as "second" unions, which limits their recruitment in workplaces that already have a union. [1] So, KWTU often organizes in workplaces without unions. Members of the union are mostly irregular workers. [3]
The KWTU conducts collective bargaining on behalf of its members, education activities, and fundraising activities.
The KWTU, along with the SWTU, Korean Congress of Trade Unions (KCTU), and the Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU) joined the council to Reform the Maternity Protection Act in 2002. [1] The KWTU has also worked with these organizations to change labor legislation to protect independent workers. [1]
After the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997, South Korea transitioned to neoliberal policies which has led to large companies, or chae-bols , and an insecure job market. [4] The chae-bol centered economy has undermined unions by creating more competitive work environments, through what they call 'New Management Strategy' (shin geyongyeong jeollyak), and deregulating labor by lobbying for easier hiring and firing processes and outsourcing jobs. [4]
Irregular workers, who are largely women under 20 and over 60, have been the main participants in unions. [4] The pay discrepancies between male and female irregular workers is large, with women making 40% of the men's hourly wage. [4] Unions such as the FKTU and KCTU have been criticized for their lack of female and precarious worker membership. [4]
Various laws have been put into place to protect women from workplace discrimination, including the Gender Equality Law, Gender Discrimination Prevention and Relief Law, and the Public Sector Female Employment Incentive System. [3]
In 2000, the Action Center for the Restoration of Irregular Women Worker's Rights was formed to advocate for irregular women workers. [3]
In 1998, after the Hyundai Motors Union went on strike for 14 days in response to a sweep of lay-offs, the union agreed to their employers offer of dismissing 277 workers, 144 of them being women who worked in the cafeteria. [5] These women were fired then re-hired as subcontracted workers, which meant lower wages and less benefits, under the idea that they would be rehired later on. [5] The Hyundai Motors Union did not support the cafeteria workers, so the women went on a hunger strike for 14 days until the union agreed to their demands for direct employment. [5] The women and the union did not have their demands met, and the women would continue working as subcontracted employees. [5]
In 1999, the management at the 88 Country Club (88CC) fired gold caddies over the age of 40, claiming it was for the safety of the workers, while the 12 women fired saw it as discrimination, since many of the golf caddies were older women. [6] The KWWAU helped the women form the Chang Po Hoi (Iris Group), who led a 14-day campaign to get their jobs back. [6] The campaign resulted in all 12 women being rehired. In October 1999, the Chang Po Hoi formed an official union under the KWTU. [6] The management at 88CC would not work with the union because the gold caddies were not classified as legitimate workers. [6] In May 2000, the Ministry of Labor classified them as legitimate workers, which would lead to a bargaining agreement between the union and 88CC management. [6]
Janitors, who were mostly women and over the age of 35, at Inha University and Seoul National University were also affected by the outsourcing of jobs. [6]
Inha University outsourced the custodial jobs which placed workers under one year contracts, and monthly wages of about 400,000 won. [6] In February 1999, JH cleaning company, one of the companies with contracts with Inha University, changed the wages so that the workers would be paid less, would not get severance pay, would not get bonuses, and have to work at another site. [6] One janitor, Sun-ho, went to the KWTU's Incheon branch, who helped her form the janitor's union in October 2000. [6] The union would go on to negotiate with the university, and when the university denied their requests five times, the union organized a strike on campus which led to an increase in wages and benefits. [6]
In May 1996, Seoul National University began outsourcing custodial jobs for four years, when all custodial positions, except for those in the main University Administration building were outsourced. [6] Throughout these four years, the workers' wages would gradually get smaller and smaller, and hundreds and thousands of workers were let go. [6] In January 2000, the workers formed the Seoul National University Building Services union.
On July 1, 2007, 800 E-Land unionists took over the Homever store in Seoul for almost three weeks to protest E-land's hiring and firing practices that negatively affected the mostly female workers above the age of thirty. [6] During the occupation of the store, police blocked the entrance and eventually ended the occupation, which resulted in solidarity protests and 30 civic organizations condemning the treatment of the unionists. [6] The union would be on strike for 510 days until Samsung Tesco bought the Homever outlet.
In 2004, KORAIL's KTX bullet train hired 351 female attendants with the promise of job security, when they were actually hired by another sector of the railroad administration on nine month contracts. [7] After hearing of this, almost all of the women joined the Korean Railway Workers Union (KRWU), part of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), to which KORAIL responded to by firing 280 striking attendants. [7] Union members would continue to protest for the next 12 years, until 180 female attendants were rehired in 2018. [7]
A sweatshop or sweat factory is a crowded workplace with very poor, illegal working conditions. The manual workers are poorly paid, work long hours, and experience poor working conditions. Some illegal working conditions include poor ventilation, little to no breaks, inadequate work space, insufficient lighting, or uncomfortably/dangerously high or low temperatures. The work may be difficult, tiresome, dangerous, climatically challenging, or underpaid. Workers in sweatshops may work long hours with unfair wages, regardless of laws mandating overtime pay or a minimum wage; child labor laws may also be violated. Women make up 85 to 90% of sweatshop workers and may be forced by employers to take birth control and routine pregnancy tests to avoid supporting maternity leave or providing health benefits. The Fair Labor Association's "2006 Annual Public Report" inspected factories for FLA compliance in 18 countries including Bangladesh, El Salvador, Colombia, Guatemala, Malaysia, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, China, India, Vietnam, Honduras, Indonesia, Brazil, Mexico, and the US. The U.S. Department of Labor's "2015 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor" found that "18 countries did not meet the International Labour Organization's recommendation for an adequate number of inspectors."
A maquiladora, or maquila, is a word that refers to factories that are largely duty free and tariff-free. These factories take raw materials and assemble, manufacture, or process them and export the finished product. These factories and systems are present throughout Latin America, including Mexico, Paraguay, Nicaragua, and El Salvador. Maquiladoras date back to 1964, when the Mexican government introduced the Programa de Industrialización Fronteriza. Specific programs and laws have made Mexico's maquila industry grow rapidly.
The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), literally translated as National Confederation of Democratic Trade Unions, also known as Minju-nochong, is a national trade union centre in South Korea officially established in 1995. Its predecessor was the National Council of Trade Unions (NCTU), established in 1990 as an independent, democratically operated alternative to the Federation of Korean Trade Unions.
The nature and power of organized labor in the United States is the outcome of historical tensions among counter-acting forces involving workplace rights, wages, working hours, political expression, labor laws, and other working conditions. Organized unions and their umbrella labor federations such as the AFL–CIO and citywide federations have competed, evolved, merged, and split against a backdrop of changing values and priorities, and periodic federal government intervention.
Community unionism, also known as reciprocal unionism, refers to the formation of alliances between unions and non-labour groups in order to achieve common goals. These unions seek to organize the employed, unemployed, and underemployed. They press for change in the workplace and beyond, organizing around issues such as welfare reform, health care, jobs, housing, and immigration. Individual issues at work are seen as being a part of broader societal problems which they seek to address. Unlike trade unions, community union membership is not based on the workplace- it is based on common identities and issues. Alliances forged between unions and other groups may have a primary identity based on affiliations of religion, ethnic group, gender, disability, environmentalism, neighborhood residence, or sexuality.
In December 1996 and January 1997, South Korea experienced the largest organized strike in its history, when workers in the automotive and shipbuilding industries refused to work in protest against a law which was to make firing employees easier for employers and curtail labor organizing rights.
The Ministry of Employment and Labor announced on December 30, 2021, that as of 2020, 14.2% of workers were in trade unions in South Korea, a 1.7% increase from 12.5% in 2019. Korea's unionization rate peaked in 1989 at 19.8% and fell to 10% 2004.
Mary Anderson was a Swedish-born American labor activist and an advocate for women in the workplace. A feminist, she rallied support to ratify many new laws to support women and equal rights. Throughout her lifetime, Anderson held a large range of roles, rising from a factory worker to the Director of the Women's Bureau in the United States Department of Labor. Anderson's work to protect the rights of women in the workplace made no small impact on the lives of working women across the country.
The Daughters of St. Crispin was an American labor union of women shoemakers, founded in Lynn, Massachusetts on July 28, 1869, and was the first national women's labor union in the United States.
The University of Miami Justice for Janitors campaign was a nine-week strike by custodial workers at the University of Miami in Coral Gables, Florida, which lasted from February 28, 2006 to May 3, 2006.
Export-oriented employment refers to employment in multinational corporations' international industrial factories, usually located in developing countries. Such factories produce goods and services for sale in other countries. While these multinational producers have globally expanded women's access to employment, evidence suggests they do so by reinforcing traditional gender roles or creating new gender inequalities. Such gender inequities allow multinational firms to greater exploit profits per worker than they would otherwise due to the decreased labor cost. This decrease in the cost of labor comes as a result of the relegation of women to certain occupations. Studies show that in the quest for lower unit labor costs, export-oriented facilities create poor working conditions.
Feminism in South Korea is the origin and history of feminism or women's rights in South Korea.
The Korean Women Workers Association is an organization in South Korea dedicated to advancing the human rights for working women and promoting gender equality. KWWA offers leadership training and monitors the effects of government policies on women workers.
The E-Land strike was a strike of South Korean workers waged by the E-Land labor union against the mass-downsizing initiated by New Core Co. and Homever Outlet, affiliated retail organizations of the E-Land Group. The strike, which lasted for 510 days from June 10, 2007, to November 13, 2008, called for the end of the discriminatory system of irregular employment and the reinstatement of dismissed unionized workers.
Women in labor unions have participated in labor organizing and activity throughout United States history. These workers have organized to address issues within the workplace, such as promoting gender equality, better working conditions, and higher wages. Women have participated in unions including the Collar Laundry Union, the WTUL, the IWW, the ILGWU, and the UAW.
Women Factory Workers in South Korea In the late 1920s, it was the time when women entered the manufacturing industries and factories. In Korea, we call factory women workers as Yo Gong (여공) which letters came from a Chinese character (女工). Specifically, "yo" means and "gong" means. Most of the South Korean female factory workers were unmarried single and were mostly very young. Also, their derogatory name was Gongsuni (공순이) which is a combination of the word common woman's name (Gongdori) and factory.
The South Korean KTX Train Attendant Union Strike was a strike conducted by the KTX female train attendants that began on March 1, 2006 in order to protest against the hiring practices of irregular workers. This was the beginning of the longest struggle in South Korea thus far, lasting over 1,000 days.
The labor movement of South Korea includes multiple labor movements and organizations that advocate for the rights and well-being of workers. Organizations have emerged with differing political ideologies and methods on how to achieve their goals. South Korean organized labor is also active in other movements, allowing for solidarity between organizations. The movement originated in the 19th century while under Japanese rule as a way to organize workers.
The 1995 Myeong-Dong Migrant Labor Protest occurred in front of the Myeong-Dong Catholic Church in Seoul, South Korea. The nine day sit-in protest by 14 Nepalese migrant workers, which started on New Year's Day and lasted until January 9, was a demonstration against the Industrial Trainee System and the inhumane working conditions that stem from this guest worker program. Several events that led up to the 1995 sit-in includes Jeon Tae-Il's death, as well as rising anti-foreign worker sentiment and activism from the Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU) and the Korean Trade Unions Council (KTUC). The 1995 demonstration is notable for sparking the migrant labor rights movement, including the creation of the Migrant Worker Support Movement (MWSM) and the Joint Committee for Migrant Workers in Korea (JCMK).
The 2021 Korean Confederation of Trade Unions strike was a general strike organised by the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions in October 2021.