Lily-white movement

Last updated
Norris Wright Cuney, the first African-American chairman of the Republican Party of Texas Norris Wright Cuney.jpg
Norris Wright Cuney, the first African-American chairman of the Republican Party of Texas

The Lily-White Movement was an anti-black political movement within the Republican Party in the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It was a response to the political and socioeconomic gains made by African-Americans following the Civil War and the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which eliminated slavery and involuntary servitude ("except as punishment for a crime"). [1]

Contents

During Reconstruction, Black leaders in the South gained influence in the Republican Party by organizing Black people as an important voting bloc via Union Leagues and the biracial black-and-tan faction of the Republicans. Conservative whites attempted to eliminate this influence and recover white voters who had defected to the Democratic Party. The Lily-White Movement proved successful throughout the South and was a key factor in the growth of the Republican Party in the region. [2]

Terminology

The term Lily-White Movement was coined by Black Texas Republican leader Norris Wright Cuney, who used the term in an 1888 state Republican convention to describe efforts by white conservatives to oust Black people from positions of Texas Republican party leadership and incite riots to divide the party. [3]

The term came to be used nationally to describe this ongoing movement as it further developed in the early 20th century. [4]

Background

Immediately following the war all of the Southern states enacted "Black Codes," laws intended specifically to curtail the rights of the newly freed African Americans. Many Northern states enacted their own "Black Codes" restricting or barring black immigration. [5] The Civil Rights Act of 1866, however, nullified most of these laws, and the federal Freedman's Bureau was able to regulate many of the affairs of Southern black men, who were granted the right to vote in 1867. Groups such as the Union League and the Radical Republicans sought total equality and complete integration of Black People into American society. The Republican Party itself held significant power in the South during Reconstruction because of the federal government's role. [6]

During Reconstruction, Union Leagues were formed across the South after 1867 as all-black working auxiliaries of the Republican Party. They were secret organizations that mobilized freedmen to register to vote and to vote Republican. They discussed political issues, promoted civic projects, and mobilized workers opposed to certain employers. Most branches were segregated, but a few were integrated. The leaders of the all-black units were mostly urban Black People from the North who had never been enslaved. Historian Eric Foner reports: [7]

By the end of 1867 it seemed that virtually every black voter in the south had enrolled in the Union League, the Loyal League, or some equivalent local political organization. Meetings were generally held in a black church or school.

Eric Foner, Black Leaders of the Nineteenth Century

During the 19th century, a small number of African Americans were elected to the United States Congress; all were members of the Republican Party. In the South, the party was a voting coalition of Freedmen (freed slaves), Carpetbaggers (derogatory term used by southern whites for recent arrivals from the north), and Scalawags (derogatory term describing those southern whites who had been loyal to the US during the Civil War). In the South, the Republican Party gradually came to be known as "the party of the Negro." [8] In Texas, Black People comprised 90% of the party members during the 1880s. [9]

The Democratic Party increasingly came to be seen by many in the white community as the party of respectability. [8] The first Ku Klux Klan targeted violence against black Republican leaders and seriously undercut the Union League. [10]

Republican factionalism

Black Republicans increasingly demanded more and more offices at the expense of the Scalawags. The more numerous Black-and-tan element typically won the factional battles; many Scalawags joined the opposing lily-whites or switched to the Democrats. [11] [12]

Following the death of Texas Republican leader Edmund J. Davis in 1883, black civil rights leader Norris Wright Cuney rose to the Republican chairmanship in Texas, becoming a national committeeman in 1889. [13] While black Americans were a minority overall in Texas, Cuney's rise to this position caused a backlash among white conservative Republicans in other areas, leading to the Lily-whites becoming a more organized, nationwide effort. Cuney himself coined the term "Lily-White Movement" to describe rapidly intensifying organized efforts by white conservatives to oust black Republicans from positions of party leadership and incite riots to divide the party. [14] Some authors contend that the effort was coordinated with Democrats as part of a larger movement toward disenfranchisement of Black people in the South by increasing restrictions in voter registration rules. [15]

Downfall of black Republicans

By 1890, with a few brief exceptions, the Democratic Party had gained control of all state legislatures in the South. From 1890 to 1908, Southern states accomplished disenfranchisement of Black People and—in some states—many poor whites. [16]

During the first three decades of the 20th century, no Black People served in the U.S. Congress due to their disenfranchisement across the South. [17] Black leaders were barred in 1922 from the Virginia Republican Congressional Convention; the state had imposed racial segregation in public places and disenfranchised most Black People by this time. [18]

At the national level, the Republican Party made some attempts to respond to black interests. [19] [20] In 1920, Republicans made opposition to lynching part of their platform at the Republican National Convention. Lynchings of black women and men in the South [21] had increased in the decades around the turn of the 20th century. Leonidas C. Dyer, a white Republican Representative from St. Louis, Missouri, worked with the NAACP to introduce an anti-lynching bill into the House, where he gained strong passage in 1922. [22] One of the black-and-tan partisans who continued to hold appointed office was Walter L. Cohen of New Orleans, the customs inspector and later comptroller of customs. He gained appointments from four Republican presidents and continued in office through the Calvin Coolidge administration. [23]

During the NAACP national convention in 1926, the delegates expressed their disappointment with the party: [24]

Our political salvation and our social survival lie in our absolute independence of party allegiance in politics and the casting of our vote for our friends and against our enemies whoever they may be and whatever party labels they carry.

NAACP, 1926 Convention

Aftermath

Lily-white/black-and-tan factionalism flared up in 1928, [25] when Herbert Hoover tried to appeal to upper-class southern whites; and again in 1932 as the New Deal coalition built by Franklin D. Roosevelt and the pro-civil rights voice of Eleanor Roosevelt began to attract African-American voters to the Democratic Party. [26] Due to Harry Truman's proposal for comprehensive civil rights legislation and his anti-segregationist policies, and for support for the civil rights movement and Congressional passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 under Lyndon Johnson, the shift of African Americans toward Democratic candidates accelerated. [27]

According to author and professor Michael K. Fauntroy, the Lily-White Movement is one of the darkest and most "under-examined [eras] of American Republicanism". [28] [29]

Important figures

Lily-white leaders:

Leading opponents:

Further reading

Primary sources

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Reconstruction era</span> Military occupation of southern US states from 1865 to 1877

The Reconstruction era was a period in United States history following the American Civil War, dominated by the legal, social, and political challenges of abolishing slavery and reintegrating the former Confederate States of America into the United States. During this period, three amendments were added to the United States Constitution to grant equal civil rights to the newly freed slaves. Despite this, former Confederate states often used poll taxes, literacy tests, and intimidation to control people of color.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Dixiecrat</span> 1948 U.S. segregationist political party

The States' Rights Democratic Party was a short-lived segregationist political party in the United States, active primarily in the South. It arose due to a Southern regional split in opposition to the regular Democratic Party. After President Harry S. Truman, the leader of the Democratic Party, ordered integration of the military in 1948 and other actions to address civil rights of African Americans, including the first presidential proposal for comprehensive civil and voting rights, many Southern white politicians who objected to this course organized themselves as a breakaway faction. They wished to protect the ability of states to maintain racial segregation. Its members were referred to as "Dixiecrats", a portmanteau of "Dixie", referring to the Southern United States, and "Democrat".

The Radical Republicans were a faction within the Republican Party originating from the party's founding in 1854—some six years before the Civil War—until the Compromise of 1877, which effectively ended Reconstruction. They called themselves "Radicals" because of their goal of immediate, complete, and permanent eradication of slavery in the United States. They were opposed during the war by the Moderate Republicans, and by the Democratic Party. Radicals led efforts after the war to establish civil rights for former slaves and fully implement emancipation. After unsuccessful measures in 1866 resulted in violence against former slaves in the rebel states, Radicals pushed the Fourteenth Amendment for statutory protections through Congress. They opposed allowing ex-Confederate officers to retake political power in the Southern U.S., and emphasized equality, civil rights and voting rights for the "freedmen", i.e., former slaves who had been freed during or after the Civil War by the Emancipation Proclamation and the Thirteenth Amendment.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">African Americans in the United States Congress</span>

From the first United States Congress in 1789 through the 116th Congress in 2020, 162 African Americans served in Congress. Meanwhile, the total number of all individuals who have served in Congress over that period is 12,348. Between 1789 and 2020, 152 have served in the House of Representatives, 9 have served in the Senate, and 1 has served in both chambers. Voting members have totaled 156, with 6 serving as delegates. Party membership has been 131 Democrats and 31 Republicans. While 13 members founded the Congressional Black Caucus in 1971 during the 92nd Congress, in the 116th Congress (2019-2020), 56 served, with 54 Democrats and 2 Republicans.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Scalawag</span> 1860s American term describing White Southerners who backed Reconstruction

In United States history, the pejorative scalawag referred to white Southerners who supported Reconstruction policies and efforts after the conclusion of the American Civil War.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Southern strategy</span> 20th century Republican electoral strategy for the Southern US

In American politics, the Southern strategy was a Republican Party electoral strategy to increase political support among white voters in the South by appealing to racism against African Americans. As the civil rights movement and dismantling of Jim Crow laws in the 1950s and 1960s visibly deepened existing racial tensions in much of the Southern United States, Republican politicians such as presidential candidate Richard Nixon and Senator Barry Goldwater developed strategies that successfully contributed to the political realignment of many white, conservative voters in the South who had traditionally supported the Democratic Party. It also helped to push the Republican Party much more to the right relative to the 1950s. By winning all of the South a presidential candidate could obtain the presidency with minimal support elsewhere.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Carpetbagger</span> Pejorative term for opportunistic Northerner

In the history of the United States, carpetbagger is a largely historical pejorative used by Southerners to describe allegedly opportunistic or disruptive Northerners who came to the Southern states after the American Civil War, and were perceived to be exploiting the local populace for their own financial, political, and/or social gain. The term broadly included both individuals who sought to promote Republican politics, and individuals who saw business and political opportunities because of the chaotic state of the local economies following the war. In practice, the term carpetbagger often was applied to any Northerners who were present in the South during the Reconstruction Era (1865–1877). The word is closely associated with scalawag, a similarly pejorative word used to describe native white Southerners who supported the Republican Party-led Reconstruction.

Following the end of Reconstruction, African Americans created a broad-based independent political movement in the South: Black Populism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Politics of Texas</span> Politics of a U.S. state

For about a hundred years, from after Reconstruction until the 1990s, the Democratic Party dominated Texas politics, making part of the Solid South. In a reversal of alignments, since the late 1960s, the Republican Party has grown more prominent. By the 1990s, it became the state's dominant political party and remains so to this day, as Democrats have not won a statewide race since the 1994 Lieutenant gubernatorial election.

The Redeemers were a political coalition in the Southern United States during the Reconstruction Era that followed the American Civil War. Redeemers were the Southern wing of the Democratic Party. They sought to regain their political power and enforce White supremacy. Their policy of Redemption was intended to oust the Radical Republicans, a coalition of freedmen, "carpetbaggers", and "scalawags". They were typically led by White yeomen and dominated Southern politics in most areas from the 1870s to 1910.

The civil rights movement (1896–1954) was a long, primarily nonviolent action to bring full civil rights and equality under the law to all Americans. The era has had a lasting impact on American society – in its tactics, the increased social and legal acceptance of civil rights, and in its exposure of the prevalence and cost of racism.

White primaries were primary elections held in the Southern United States in which only white voters were permitted to participate. Statewide white primaries were established by the state Democratic Party units or by state legislatures in South Carolina (1896), Florida (1902), Mississippi and Alabama, Texas (1905), Louisiana and Arkansas (1906), and Georgia (1900). Since winning the Democratic primary in the South almost always meant winning the general election, barring black and other minority voters meant they were in essence disenfranchised. Southern states also passed laws and constitutions with provisions to raise barriers to voter registration, completing disenfranchisement from 1890 to 1908 in all states of the former Confederacy.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Disfranchisement after the Reconstruction era</span> Post-civil war voter suppression efforts in the United States

Disfranchisement after the Reconstruction era in the United States, especially in the Southern United States, was based on a series of laws, new constitutions, and practices in the South that were deliberately used to prevent black citizens from registering to vote and voting. These measures were enacted by the former Confederate states at the turn of the 20th century. Efforts were also made in Maryland, Kentucky, and Oklahoma. Their actions were designed to thwart the objective of the Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1870, which prohibited states from depriving voters of their voting rights on the basis of race. The laws were frequently written in ways to be ostensibly non-racial on paper, but were implemented in ways that selectively suppressed black voters apart from other voters.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Bibliography of the Reconstruction era</span> Eras main scholarly literature (1863–1877)

This is a selected bibliography of the main scholarly books and articles of Reconstruction, the period after the American Civil War, 1863–1877.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Norris Wright Cuney</span>

Norris Wright Cuney, or simply Wright Cuney, was an American politician, businessman, union leader, and advocate for the rights of African-Americans in Texas. Following the American Civil War, he became active in Galveston politics, serving as an alderman and a national Republican delegate. He was appointed as United States Collector of Customs in 1889 in Galveston. Cuney had the highest-ranking appointed position of any African American in the late 19th-century South. He was a member of the Union League and helped attract black voters to the Republican Party; in the 1890s, more than 100,000 blacks were voting in Texas.

The civil rights movement (1865–1896) aimed to eliminate racial discrimination against African Americans, improve their educational and employment opportunities, and establish their electoral power, just after the abolition of slavery in the United States. The period from 1865 to 1895 saw a tremendous change in the fortunes of the Black community following the elimination of slavery in the South.

The Negro Republican Party was one name used, in the period before the end of the civil rights movement, for a branch of the Republican Party in the Southern United States, particularly Kentucky, that was predominantly made up of African Americans.

The black-and-tan faction was a biracial faction in the Republican Party in the South from the 1870s to the 1960s. It replaced the Negro Republican Party faction's name after the 1890s.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">1904 United States presidential election in Louisiana</span> Election in Louisiana

The 1904 United States presidential election in Louisiana took place on November 8, 1904. All contemporary 45 states were part of the 1904 United States presidential election. State voters chose nine electors to the Electoral College, which selected the president and vice president.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">African American founding fathers of the United States</span> Activists for legal equality and human liberty

The African American founding fathers of the United States are the African Americans who worked to include the equality of all races as a fundamental principle of the United States. Beginning in the abolition movement of the 19th century, they worked for the abolition of slavery, and also for the abolition of second class status for free blacks. Their goals were temporarily realized in the late 1860s, with the passage of the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments to the United States Constitution. However, after Reconstruction ended in 1877, the gains were partly lost and an era of Jim Crow gave blacks reduced social, economic and political status. The recovery was achieved in the Civil Rights Movement, especially in the 1950s and 1960s, under the leadership of blacks, such as Martin Luther King and James Bevel, as well as whites that included Supreme Court justices and Presidents. In the 21st century scholars have studied the African American founding fathers in depth.

References

  1. "U.S. Constitution – Thirteenth Amendment | Resources | Constitution Annotated | Congress.gov | Library of Congress". constitution.congress.gov. Retrieved 2 February 2022.
  2. Heersink, Boris; Jenkins, Jeffery A. (April 2020). "Whiteness and the Emergence of the Republican Party in the Early Twentieth-Century South". Studies in American Political Development. 34 (1): 71–90. doi:10.1017/S0898588X19000208. ISSN   0898-588X. S2CID   213551748.
  3. "TSHA | Lily-White Movement". www.tshaonline.org. Retrieved 2021-11-18.
  4. "Negroes Lose Fight in North Carolina; Pritchard's "Lilly Whites" Recognized by the President. Politicians in Washington Are Puzzled by Contradictory Aspects of Mr. Roosevelt's Policy in the South". New York Times. 17 February 1903.
  5. "African American History". MSN Encarta. Archived from the original on 28 October 2009. Retrieved 10 October 2009.
  6. Brady (2008), p. 154
  7. Leon F. Litwack and August Meier, ed. (1991). Black Leaders of the Nineteenth Century. University of Illinois Press. p. 221. ISBN   978-0252062131.
  8. 1 2 Masson, David; Masson, George; Morley, John; Morris, Mowbray Walter (1900). "The Future of the Negro". Macmillan's Magazine. Macmillan and Company: 449.
  9. AFRICAN AMERICANS AND POLITICS from the Handbook of Texas Online
  10. Steven Hahn, A nation under our feet: Black political struggles in the rural South, from slavery to the great migration (2003). pp 165–205
  11. Sarah Woolfolk Wiggins, The Scalawag in Alabama Politics, 1865–1881 (University of Alabama Press, 1977).
  12. Frank J. Wetta, The Louisiana Scalawags: Politics, Race, and Terrorism during the Civil War and Reconstruction (2012)
  13. LATE NINETEENTH-CENTURY TEXAS from the Handbook of Texas Online
  14. Myrdal, Gunnar; Bok, Sissela (1944). An American dilemma: the Negro problem and modern democracy. Transaction Publishers. p. 478. ISBN   978-1412815109.
  15. Fauntroy, Michael K. (2007). Republicans and the Black Vote. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 43. ISBN   978-1588264701. ... lily whites worked with Democrats to disenfranchise African Americans.
  16. Michael Perman, Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888–1908 (2001)
  17. "The Negroes' Temporary Farewell: Jim Crow and the Exclusion of African Americans from Congress, 1887–1929". Black Americans in Congress (House of Representatives). Archived from the original on 4 November 2009. Retrieved 9 October 2009.
  18. "Virginia Party Politics". Virginia Center for Digital History (University of Virginia). Retrieved 9 October 2009.
    "Negroes Again Barred From G.O.P. Convention". Daily Progress. July 23, 1922.
  19. Lewis L. Gould, The Republicans: A History of the Grand Old Party (2014)
  20. Vincent P. De Santis, Republicans face the southern question: The new departure years, 1877–1897 (1959).
  21. https://www.qualitativecriminology.com/pub/v8i1p5/release/1
  22. George C. Rable, "The South and the Politics of Antilynching Legislation, 1920–1940." Journal of Southern History 51.2 (1985): 201–220. in JSTOR
  23. Louisiana Historical Association. "A Dictionary of Louisiana Biography". lahistory.org. Archived from the original on October 19, 2017. Retrieved December 21, 2010.
  24. Wasniewski, Matthew; Office of History; Preservation House (2008). Black Americans in Congress, 1870–2007. Government Printing Office. p. 183. ISBN   978-0160801945.
  25. Lisio, Donald J. (2012). Hoover, Blacks, and Lily-Whites: A Study of Southern Strategies. U North Carolina Press. p. 37ff. ISBN   978-0807874219.
  26. Marty Cohen; et al. (2009). The Party Decides: Presidential Nominations Before and After Reform. University of Chicago Press. p. 118. ISBN   978-0226112381.
  27. Robert David Johnson (2009). All the Way with LBJ: The 1964 Presidential Election. Cambridge University Press. p. 84. ISBN   978-0521737524.
  28. Michael K. Fauntroy (4 January 2007). "Republicans and the Black Vote". The Huffington Post .
  29. Michael K. Fauntroy (2007). Republicans and the Black Vote. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 164. ISBN   978-1588264701.
  30. Hales (2003), p. 40
  31. Spragens (1988), pp. 196–198
  32. Myrdal, Gunnar; Bok, Sissela (1944). An American dilemma: the Negro problem and modern democracy. Transaction Publishers. ISBN   978-1560008569.
  33. Donald J. Lisio, Hoover, Blacks, & Lily-Whites: A Study of Southern Strategies (1985)
  34. Kevern J. Verney, The Art of the Possible: Booker T. Washington and Black Leadership in the United States, 1881–1925 (2013).

Further reading