Racial segregation in Atlanta

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Racial segregation in Atlanta has known many phases after the freeing of the slaves in 1865: a period of relative integration of businesses and residences; Jim Crow laws and official residential and de facto business segregation after the Atlanta Race Riot of 1906; blockbusting and black residential expansion starting in the 1950s; and gradual integration from the late 1960s onwards. A 2015 study conducted by Nate Silver of fivethirtyeight.com, found that Atlanta was the second most segregated city in the U.S. and the most segregated in the South. [1]

Contents

Post-Civil War

De facto residential segregation

After the war ended, Atlanta received migrants from surrounding counties, as well as new settlers to the region. Many freedmen moved from plantations to towns or cities for work, including Atlanta; Fulton County went from 20.5 percent black in 1860 to 45.7 percent black in 1870. [2] [3] Many refugees were destitute without even proper clothing or shoes; the American Missionary Association (AMA) helped fill the gap, and the Freedmen's Bureau also offered much help, though erratically. [4]

The destruction of the housing stock by the Union army in the Battle of Atlanta, together with the massive influx of refugees, resulted in a severe housing shortage. 18-acre (510 m2) to 14-acre (1,000 m2) lots with a small house rented for $5 per month, while those with a glass pane rented for $20. High rents rather than laws led to de facto segregation due to simple economics, with most blacks settling into areas at the edge of the city like Jenningstown (pop. 2,490), Shermantown (2,486) and Summerhill (pop. 1,512), where housing was substandard but rented at rates that were regarded as inflated. Shermantown and Summerhill sat in low-lying areas, prone to flooding and sewage overflows, which resulted in outbreaks of disease in the late 19th century. Housing was substandard; an AMA missionary remarked that many houses were "rickety shacks" rented at inflated rates. [4]

The Fifth Ward, now the Fairlie-Poplar district and areas north of it, was home to the greatest number of blacks before the war, but dropped to third place (pop. 2,436) among black neighborhoods by 1870. Mechanicsville would develop as an additional black neighborhood in the 1870s. [4]

Race Riot and aftermath

Jim Crow laws

Sign at entrance to Ponce de Leon amusement park in 1908 indicating "colored persons admitted as servants only" Ponce de leon springs segregation.jpg
Sign at entrance to Ponce de Leon amusement park in 1908 indicating "colored persons admitted as servants only"

Jim Crow laws were passed in swift succession in the years following the Atlanta Race Riot in 1906. The result was in some cases segregated facilities, with nearly always inferior conditions for black customers, but in many cases it resulted in no facilities at all available to blacks, e.g. all parks were designated whites-only (although a private park, Joyland, did open in 1921). In 1910, the city council passed an ordinance requiring that restaurants be designated for one race only, hobbling black restaurant owners who had been attracting both black and white customers. In the same year, Atlanta's streetcars were segregated, with black patrons required to sit in the rear. If not enough seats were available for all white riders, the blacks sitting furthest forward in the trolley were required to stand and give their seats to whites. In 1913, the city created official boundaries for white and black residential areas. And in 1920, the city prohibited black-owned salons from serving white women and children. [5]

Beyond this, blacks were subject to the South's racial protocol, whereby, according to the New Georgia Encyclopedia: [6] The full extent of segregation in Atlanta included schools, neighborhoods, street repair, police and fire services, and politics is evident through the twentieth century. (Source: Ronald H. Bayor, Race and the Shaping of Twentieth Century Atlanta (University of North Carolina Press, 1996)

all blacks were required to pay obeisance to all whites, even those whites of low social standing. And although they were required to address whites by the title "sir," blacks rarely received the same courtesy themselves. Because even minor breaches of racial etiquette often resulted in violent reprisals, the region's codes of deference transformed daily life into a theater of ritual, where every encounter, exchange, and gesture reinforced black inferiority.

Gone with the Wind premiere

On December 15, 1939, Atlanta hosted the premiere of Gone with the Wind , the movie based on Atlanta resident Margaret Mitchell's best-selling novel. Stars Clark Gable, Vivien Leigh, and Olivia de Havilland were in attendance. The premiere was held at Loew's Grand Theatre, at Peachtree and Forsyth Streets, current site of the Georgia-Pacific building. An enormous crowd, numbering 300,000 people according to the Atlanta Constitution , filled the streets on this ice-cold night in Atlanta.

Absence of film's black stars at event

Noticeably absent was Hattie McDaniel, who would win the Academy Award for Best Supporting Actress for her role as Mammy, as well as Butterfly McQueen (Prissy). The black actors were barred from attending the premiere, from appearing in the souvenir program, and from all the film's advertising in the South. Director David Selznick had attempted to bring McDaniel to the premiere, but MGM advised him not to. Clark Gable angrily threatened to boycott the premiere, but McDaniel convinced him to attend anyway. [7] McDaniel did attend the Hollywood debut thirteen days later, and was featured prominently in the program. [8]

Controversial participation of Martin Luther King

Martin Luther King Jr. sang at the gala as part of a children's choir of his father's church, Ebenezer Baptist. [9] The boys dressed as pickaninnies and the girls wore "Aunt Jemima"-style bandanas, dress seen by many Black people as humiliating. [10] [11] John Wesley Dobbs tried to dissuade Rev. King Sr. from participating at the whites-only event, and Rev. King Sr. was harshly criticized in the black community.

Blockbusting and racial transition in neighborhoods

In the late 1950s, after forced-housing patterns were outlawed, violence, intimidation and organized political pressure was used in some white neighborhoods to discourage blacks from buying homes there. However, by the late 1950s, such efforts proved futile as blockbusting drove whites to sell their homes in neighborhoods such as Adamsville, Center Hill, Grove Park in northwest Atlanta, and white sections of Edgewood and on the east side. In 1962, the city attempted to thwart blockbusting by erecting road barriers in Cascade Heights, countering the efforts of civic and business leaders to foster Atlanta as the "city too busy to hate." [12] [13] This incident would come to be known as "Atlanta's Berlin Wall" or the "Peyton Road Affair."

But efforts to stop transition in Cascade failed too. Neighborhoods of new black homeowners took root, helping alleviate the enormous strain of the lack of housing available to African Americans. Atlanta's western and southern neighborhoods transitioned to majority black — between 1950 and 1970 the number of census tracts that were at least ninety percent black tripled. East Lake, Kirkwood, Watts West Road, Reynoldstown, Almond Park, Mozley Park, Center Hill and Cascade Heights underwent an almost total transition from white to black. From 1960 to 1970, the black proportion of the city's population rose from 38 to 51 percent. Meanwhile, during the same decade, the city lost sixty thousand white residents, a 20 percent decline. [14]

White flight and the building of malls in the suburbs triggered a slow decline of downtown as a central shopping district; [12] however, it would continue its role as a government center and add the role of lodging and entertainment center for convention traffic.

1956 Sugar Bowl

In January 1956, Bobby Grier became the first black player to participate in the Sugar Bowl. He is also regarded as the first black player to compete at a bowl game in the Deep South, though others such as Wallace Triplett had played in games like the 1948 Cotton Bowl in Dallas. Grier's team, the Pittsburgh Panthers, was set to play against the Georgia Tech Yellow Jackets. However, Georgia's Governor Marvin Griffin beseeched Georgia Tech to not participate in this racially integrated game. Griffin was widely criticized by news media leading up to the game, and protests were held at his mansion by Georgia Tech students. Despite the governor's objections, Georgia Tech upheld the contract and proceeded to compete in the bowl. In the game's first quarter, a pass interference call against Grier ultimately resulted in Yellow Jackets' 7-0 victory. Grier stated that he has mostly positive memories about the experience, including the support from teammates and letters from all over the world. [15]

Civil Rights Movement

Martin Luther King Jr. Martin-Luther-King-1964-leaning-on-a-lectern.jpg
Martin Luther King Jr.

In the wake of the landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education , which helped usher in the Civil Rights Movement, racial tensions in Atlanta erupted in acts of violence. For example, on October 12, 1958, a Reform Jewish temple on Peachtree Street was bombed. The "Confederate Underground" claimed responsibility. Many believed that Jews, especially those from the northeast, were advocates of the Civil Rights Movement.[ citation needed ]

In the 1960s, Atlanta was a major organizing center of the Civil Rights Movement, with Martin Luther King Jr. and students from Atlanta's historically black colleges and universities playing major roles in the movement's leadership. On October 19, 1960, a sit-in at the lunch counters of several Atlanta department stores led to the arrest of Dr. King and several students. This drew attention from the national media and from presidential candidate John F. Kennedy.

Despite this incident, Atlanta's political and business leaders fostered Atlanta's image as "the city too busy to hate." [16] While the city mostly avoided confrontation, minor race riots did occur in 1965 and in 1968.

Desegregation

Desegregation of the public sphere came in stages, with buses and trolleybuses desegregated in 1959, [17] restaurants at Rich's department store in 1961 [18] (though Lester Maddox's Pickrick restaurant famously remained segregated through 1964), [19] and movie theaters in 1962-3. [20] [21] In 1961, Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. became one of the few Southern white mayors to support desegregation of his city's public schools, although initial compliance was token, and in reality desegregation occurred in stages from 1961 to 1973. [22]

Current state of residential segregation

2000 map of race and ethnicity in Atlanta; whites still live largely in the north side of the metro area; blacks in the south Race and ethnicity Atlanta.png
2000 map of race and ethnicity in Atlanta; whites still live largely in the north side of the metro area; blacks in the south

There is no one definitive method for measuring residential segregation, and differing methods reveal different results. In general, the metro area is more integrated than the city of Atlanta. According to the 2000 Census Bureau study, among the fifty largest U.S. cities, Atlanta ranks just below average, with 8.8 percent of residents living on integrated blocks vs. 9.4 percent on average. However, among the twenty cities with the highest proportion of blacks in their populations (Atlanta having the fifth highest percentage), Atlanta ranks second to last, with only Chicago having fewer residents (5.7 percent) living on integrated blocks. [23]

Metro Atlanta ranked high in a 2000 measure of residents living on integrated blocks, at 18.4 percent ranking 14th among the 100 largest U.S. metropolitan areas. However measured by a longstanding "dissimilarity index", Metro Atlanta ranked 63rd out of 100. In a study that measured how many Metro Atlanta blacks lived on blocks that were at least 20 percent black and 20 percent white, Metro Atlanta ranked at the lower end of the group of more heavily black metro areas, at 25.8 percent. Nevertheless, Metro Atlanta had one of the highest proportions of whites living on blocks that were at least 20 percent black and 20 percent white, with its tally of 14.1 percent ranking eleventh out of 100. [23]

Within metropolitan Atlanta, racial residential segregation tends to be more prominent in highly urbanized counties in comparison to more suburban counties. DeKalb county and Fulton county, which are the most urban counties in metro Atlanta are the most segregated of the ten counties that constitute the metro area according to the Atlanta Regional Commission. [24] Atlanta's Black population continues to be centralized in older urban neighborhoods and isolated from the growing number of employment opportunities that are becoming increasingly available in the suburban regions of the city as urban sprawl in the metro area increases. [25] The continued racial residential segregation in Atlanta is also affected by racial stereotyping and race-based perceptions. In regards to prejudice and racial segregation, negative racial stereotypes and the fear of group threat from Black residents contribute to white resistance to integration while negative racial stereotypes and the perception of whites as being discriminatory contribute to black resistance to integrate. [26] Racial residential segregation in metro Atlanta is also highly correlated to economic residential segregation. For census tract groups within Clayton, Cobb, DeKalb, Fulton, and Gwinnett counties, 22.14% of the population is below the poverty level for the block groups that are 81-90% black whereas, for block groups that are 81-90% white, only 1.40% of the population is below the poverty level. For the Hispanic and Asian populations, block groups that are around 31-40% Asian or 41-50% Hispanic tend to have higher poverty rates than blocks with a higher or lower percentage of Hispanic or Asian residents. [27]

Nevertheless, in some ways metro Atlanta has become increasingly more integrated as the dissimilarity index for blacks or African Americans has decreased by 12.5% from 1980 to 2000 and the isolation index has decreased by 4.5%. On the other hand, the dissimilarity index and isolation index increased for Hispanics or Latinos as Atlanta had the second largest increase in residential segregation for Hispanics and Latinos out of the metropolitan statistical areas studied by the US Census Bureau. While Atlanta still maintains a dissimilarity and isolation index for African Americans and a dissimilarity index for Latinos that is higher than average for metropolitan areas in the US, the city's dissimilarity index for black residents is also decreasing at a higher than average rate which reflects the city's growing rate of integration. [28]

Certain areas of the city are predominantly black or white (See also Demographics of Atlanta:Neighborhoods): [29]

Federal complaint filed with Dept of Education , after a Mother learnt her child's principal (Principal Sharyn Briscoe) was segregating children based upon their skin color. [30]

Related Research Articles

Desegregation is the process of ending the separation of two groups, usually referring to races. Desegregation is typically measured by the index of dissimilarity, allowing researchers to determine whether desegregation efforts are having impact on the settlement patterns of various groups. This is most commonly used in reference to the United States. Desegregation was long a focus of the American civil rights movement, both before and after the US Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education, particularly desegregation of the school systems and the military. Racial integration of society was a closely related goal.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ghetto</span> Neighborhood inhabited by a minority group, usually when poor

A ghetto is a part of a city in which members of a minority group are concentrated, especially as a result of political, social, legal, religious, environmental or economic pressure. Ghettos are often known for being more impoverished than other areas of the city. Versions of such restricted areas have been found across the world, each with their own names, classifications, and groupings of people.

Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974), was a significant United States Supreme Court case dealing with the planned desegregation busing of public school students across district lines among 53 school districts in metropolitan Detroit. It concerned the plans to integrate public schools in the United States following the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Desegregation busing</span> Failed attempt to racially diversify American public schools

Race-integration busing was a failed attempt to diversify the racial make-up of schools in the United States by sending students to school districts other than their own. While the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court landmark decision in Brown v. Board of Education declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional, many American schools continued to remain largely uni-racial. In an effort to address the ongoing de facto segregation in schools, the 1971 Supreme Court decision, Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, ruled that the federal courts could use busing as a further integration tool to achieve racial balance.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">History of Atlanta</span>

The history of Atlanta dates back to 1836, when Georgia decided to build a railroad to the U.S. Midwest and a location was chosen to be the line's terminus. The stake marking the founding of "Terminus" was driven into the ground in 1837. In 1839, homes and a store were built there and the settlement grew. Between 1845 and 1854, rail lines arrived from four different directions, and the rapidly growing town quickly became the rail hub for the entire Southern United States. During the American Civil War, Atlanta, as a distribution hub, became the target of a major Union campaign, and in 1864, Union William Sherman's troops set on fire and destroyed the city's assets and buildings, save churches and hospitals. After the war, the population grew rapidly, as did manufacturing, while the city retained its role as a rail hub. Coca-Cola was launched here in 1886 and grew into an Atlanta-based world empire. Electric streetcars arrived in 1889, and the city added new "streetcar suburbs".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">White flight</span> Mass exodus of white people from areas becoming more diverse

White flight or white exodus is the sudden or gradual large-scale migration of white people from areas becoming more racially or ethnoculturally diverse. Starting in the 1950s and 1960s, the terms became popular in the United States. They referred to the large-scale migration of people of various European ancestries from racially mixed urban regions to more racially homogeneous suburban or exurban regions. The term has more recently been applied to other migrations by whites, from older, inner suburbs to rural areas, as well as from the American Northeast and Midwest to the milder climate in the Southeast and Southwest. The term 'white flight' has also been used for large-scale post-colonial emigration of whites from Africa, or parts of that continent, driven by levels of violent crime and anti-colonial or anti-white state policies.

Geographical segregation exists whenever the proportions of population rates of two or more populations are not homogeneous throughout a defined space. Populations can be considered any plant or animal species, human genders, followers of a certain religion, people of different nationalities, ethnic groups, etc.

Blockbusting is a business practice in the United States in which real estate agents and building developers convinced residents in a particular area to sell their property at below-market prices. This was achieved by fearmongering the homeowners, telling them that racial minorities would soon be moving into their neighborhoods. The blockbusters would then sell those same houses at inflated prices to black families seeking upward mobility. Blockbusting became prominent after post-World War II bans on explicitly segregationist real estate practices. By the 1980s it had mostly disappeared in the United States after changes to the law and real estate market.

Racial steering refers to the practice in which real estate brokers guide prospective home buyers towards or away from certain neighborhoods based on their race. The term is used in the context of de facto residential segregation in the United States, and is often divided into two broad classes of conduct:

  1. Advising customers to purchase homes in particular neighborhoods on the basis of race.
  2. Failing, on the basis of race, to show, or to inform buyers of homes that meet their specifications.
<span class="mw-page-title-main">Racial segregation in the United States</span> De jure and de facto separation of whites and non-whites

Facilities and services such as housing, healthcare, education, employment, and transportation have been systematically separated in the United States based on racial categorizations. Segregation was the legally or socially enforced separation of African Americans from whites, as well as the separation of other ethnic minorities from majority and mainstream communities. While mainly referring to the physical separation and provision of separate facilities, it can also refer to other manifestations such as prohibitions against interracial marriage, and the separation of roles within an institution. The U.S. Armed Forces were formally segregated until 1948, as black units were separated from white units but were still typically led by white officers.

African-American neighborhoods or black neighborhoods are types of ethnic enclaves found in many cities in the United States. Generally, an African American neighborhood is one where the majority of the people who live there are African American. Some of the earliest African-American neighborhoods were in New Orleans, Mobile, Atlanta, and other cities throughout the American South, as well as in New York City. In 1830, there were 14,000 "Free negroes" living in New York City.

Mozley Park is a typical early 20th-century residential neighborhood, located approximately three miles west of downtown Atlanta. The community is named after the original landowner, Dr. Hiram Mozley, whose heirs inherited the land after his death in 1902.

Residential segregation is the physical separation of two or more groups into different neighborhoods—a form of segregation that "sorts population groups into various neighborhood contexts and shapes the living environment at the neighborhood level". While it has traditionally been associated with racial segregation, it generally refers to the separation of populations based on some criteria.

In the United States, housing segregation is the practice of denying African Americans and other minority groups equal access to housing through the process of misinformation, denial of realty and financing services, and racial steering. Housing policy in the United States has influenced housing segregation trends throughout history. Key legislation include the National Housing Act of 1934, the G.I. Bill, and the Fair Housing Act. Factors such as socioeconomic status, spatial assimilation, and immigration contribute to perpetuating housing segregation. The effects of housing segregation include relocation, unequal living standards, and poverty. However, there have been initiatives to combat housing segregation, such as the Section 8 housing program.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">School segregation in the United States</span> Racial separation in schools

School segregation in the United States was the segregation of students based on their ethnicity. While not prohibited from having schools, various minorities were barred from most schools, schools for whites. Segregation was enforced by formal legal systems in U.S. States primarily in the Southern United States, although elsewhere segregation could be informal or customary. Segregation laws were dismantled in 1954 by the U.S. Supreme Court because of the successes being attained during the Civil Rights Movement. Segregation continued longstanding exclusionary policies in much of the Southern United States after the Civil War. School integration in the United States took place at different times in different areas and often met resistance. Jim Crow laws codified segregation. These laws were influenced by the history of slavery and discrimination in the US. Secondary schools for African Americans in the South were called training schools instead of high schools in order to appease racist whites and focused on vocational education. After the ruling of Brown v. Board of Education, which banned segregated school laws, school segregation took de facto form. School segregation declined rapidly during the late 1960s and early 1970s as the government became strict on schools' plans to combat segregation more effectively as a result of Green v. County School Board of New Kent County. Voluntary segregation by income appears to have increased since 1990. Racial segregation has either increased or stayed constant since 1990, depending on which definition of segregation is used. In general, definitions based on the amount of interaction between black and white students show increased racial segregation, while definitions based on the proportion of black and white students in different schools show racial segregation remaining approximately constant.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">History of African Americans in Detroit</span>

Black Detroiters are black or African American residents of Detroit. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, Black or African Americans living in Detroit accounted for 79.1% of the total population, or approximately 532,425 people as of 2017 estimates. According to the 2000 U.S. Census, of all U.S. cities with 100,000 or more people, Detroit had the second-highest percentage of Black people.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">School integration in the United States</span> Racial desegregation process

In the United States, school integration is the process of ending race-based segregation within American public and private schools. Racial segregation in schools existed throughout most of American history and remains an issue in contemporary education. During the Civil Rights Movement school integration became a priority, but since then de facto segregation has again become prevalent.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Delmar Divide</span> Socioeconomic and racial divide along Delmar Boulevard in St. Louis, Missouri

The Delmar Divide refers to Delmar Boulevard as a socioeconomic and racial dividing line in St. Louis, Missouri. The term was popularized outside Greater St. Louis by a four-minute documentary from the BBC. Delmar Blvd. is an east–west street with its western terminus in the municipality of Olivette, Missouri extending into the City of St. Louis. There is a dense concentration of eclectic commerce on Delmar Blvd. near the municipal borders of University City and St. Louis. This area is known as the Delmar Loop. Delmar Blvd. is referred to as a “divide” in reference to the dramatic difference in racial populations in the neighborhoods to its immediate north and south: as of 2012, residents south of Delmar are 73% white, while residents north of Delmar are 98% black, and because of corresponding distinct socioeconomic, cultural, and public policy differences.

From 1974 to 1976, the court-ordered busing of students to achieve school desegregation led to sporadic outbreaks of violence in Boston's schools and in the city's largely segregated neighborhoods. Although Boston was by no means the only American city to undertake a plan of school desegregation, the forced busing of students from some of the city's most impoverished and racially segregated neighborhoods led to an unprecedented level of violence and turmoil in the city's streets and classrooms and made national headlines.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">American ghettos</span> Poor racially segregated urban neighborhoods in the United States

Ghettos in the United States are typically urban neighborhoods perceived as being high in crime and poverty. The origins of these areas are specific to the United States and its laws, which created ghettos through both legislation and private efforts to segregate America for political, economic, social, and ideological reasons: de jure and de facto segregation. De facto segregation continues today in ways such as residential segregation and school segregation because of contemporary behavior and the historical legacy of de jure segregation.

References

  1. Silver, Nate; ‘The Most Diverse Cities Are Often The Most Segregated’; FiveThirtyEight; May 1, 2015 at 8:28 AM
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  5. Lawrence Otis Graham, Our Kind of People: inside America's Black upper class, p. 335
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  8. Watts, Jill. Hattie McDaniel: Black Ambition, White Hollywood, 2005, page 172 - ISBN   0-06-051490-6
  9. Atlanta Premiere of Gone With The Wind
  10. John Egerton, Speak now against the day, p.240
  11. "The little known story of MLK's 'drum major for justice'", Atlanta Journal-Constitution, October 16, 2011
  12. 1 2 Kruse, Kevin Michael (February 1, 2008). White flight: Atlanta and the making of modern conservatism By Kevin Michael Kruse. ISBN   978-0691092607 . Retrieved June 27, 2011.
  13. "The South: Divided City". Time magazine . January 18, 1963. Archived from the original on December 20, 2008. Retrieved June 27, 2011.
  14. David Andrew Harmon, Beneath the image of the Civil Rights Movement and race relations, p. 177ff.
  15. Thamel, Pete (2006-01-01). "Grier Integrated a Game and Earned the World's Respect". New York Times. Retrieved 2009-04-15.
  16. Allen, Ivan; Hemphill, Paul (1971). Mayor: Notes on the Sixties. Simon and Schuster. ISBN   978-0-671-20889-9.
  17. "Bus desegregation in Atlanta", Digital Library of Georgia
  18. "Rich's Department Store" New Georgia Encyclopedia
  19. "Lester Maddox", New Georgia Encyclopedia
  20. “Negroes Attend Atlanta Theaters,” Atlanta Journal, 15 May 1962
  21. Daily Report Archived 2014-12-18 at the Wayback Machine
  22. ""APS Timeline", Atlanta Regional Council for Higher Education". Archived from the original on 2016-01-13. Retrieved 2012-01-28.
  23. 1 2 Lois M. Quinn et al., "Racial Integration in Urban America: A Block Level Analysis of African American and White Housing Patterns", University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee
  24. Dawkins, Casey J. (September 2003). "Measuring the Spatial Pattern of Residential Segregation". Urban Studies. 41 (4): 833–851. doi:10.1080/0042098042000194133. S2CID   154287942.
  25. The Black metropolis in the twenty-first century : race, power, and politics of place. Bullard, Robert D. (Robert Doyle), 1946-. Lanham. 10 May 2007. ISBN   9780742571778. OCLC   857769803.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) CS1 maint: others (link)
  26. Charles, Camille Zubrinsky (2003). "The dynamics of racial residential segregation". Annual Review of Sociology. 29: 167–207. doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.29.010202.100002.
  27. Hayes, Melissa Mae (August 2006). "The Building Blocks of Atlanta: Racial Residential Segregation and Neighborhood Inequity".
  28. "Racial and Ethnic Residential Segregation in the United States: 1980-2000" (PDF).
  29. U. S. Census Bureau data as tabulated on Demographics of Atlanta:Neighborhoods
  30. "'It Was Just Disbelief': Parent Files Complaint Against Atlanta Elementary School After Learning the Principal Segregated Students Based on Race". 10 August 2021.