| Political corruption |
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| Forms and concepts |
| Anti-corruption |
| Corruption by country |
Corruption in Switzerland describes the prevention and occurrence of corruption in Switzerland.
| Political corruption |
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| |
| Forms and concepts |
| Anti-corruption |
| Corruption by country |
Corruption in Switzerland describes the prevention and occurrence of corruption in Switzerland.
Switzerland has a legal framework to combat corruption and several authorities are in charge of curbing the levels of it, particularly when it comes to corruption within Swiss financial institutions. [1] Several sources suggest that the country's fight against corruption has been effective. [2] However, efforts to combat corruption, especially with respect to political party financing have been described as unsatisfactory. [3]
The Council of Europe's Group of States Against Corruption (GRECO) noted in its 2017 evaluation the specific features of Switzerland's institutions which inspire public confidence in those institutions. The GRECO report also identified three problem areas: potential conflicts of interest in politicians, a potential lack of objectivity in federal judges, and a lack of transparency in the internal operations of the Office of the Attorney General. Finally, GRECO recommended that formal codes of conduct be adopted in these three areas. [4]
On Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, Switzerland scored 82 on a scale from 0 ("highly corrupt") to 100 ("very clean"). When ranked by score, Switzerland ranked 6th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. [5] For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90 (ranked 1), the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11 (ranked 180). [6] For comparison with regional scores, the highest score among Western European and European Union countries [Note 1] was 90, the average score was 65 and the lowest score was 42. [7]
The Transparency International Global Barometer 2013 showed that political parties were considered the most corrupt institution in Switzerland. On a scale of 1 (not at all corrupt) to 5 (extremely corrupt), the Swiss rated their political parties at 3.3. [8]
Cases of excessive force, lengthy detention and abuse against migrants or asylum seekers have been reported. In some cases police officers have been given suspended sentences or suspended fines for using excessive force while arresting individuals. [3]
Nepotism is considered an issue when dealing with corruption since many people know each other given the close proximity and social, economic and military structures in Switzerland. [9]
The Helsinki Commission of the US Congress has strongly criticized the functioning of the Swiss judiciary and courts in 2023. [10]
Regarding business and corruption, companies do not consider corruption a problem for doing business in Switzerland, and Swiss companies are active in Corporate Social Responsibility that are generally in line with OECD Guidelines for multinational enterprises. [1]
But the Swiss system has also enabled some types of organisation to operate with little or no transparency or oversight such as those linked to commodities trade. [11] [12] [13] [14] According to the OECD: [15] [16]
Switzerland has a leading, and sometimes dominant, position in a number of the economic sectors that not only play a key role in its economy but also expose it to relatively acute risks of foreign bribery
Some recent examples include Novartis paying $729 million to settle bribery cases in the United States and Greece in 2020 or Zurich-based bank Julius Baer admitting to laundering over $36 million in bribes in a FIFA case in 2021. Credit Suisse was prosecuted in a Mozambique “tuna bonds” corruption scandal in the United States. [9] In 2022, Glencore paid up to $1.5 billion in penalties to resolve corruption claims with US, UK and Brazilian authorities. [17]
In 2018, the advocacy group Tax Justice Network ranked Switzerland's banking sector as the "most corrupt" in the world due to a large offshore banking industry and very strict secrecy laws. These laws allow money laundering and hiding illegally obtained wealth. [18] [19] The Tax Justice Network's ranking attempts to measure how much assistance the country's legal systems provide to money laundering, and to protecting corruptly obtained wealth. [20]
The enabling industry refers to lawyers, fiduciaries, notaries, and real estate agents who are helping the criminals invest or hide their ill-gotten monies. Their activity is not covered by the Swiss Anti-Money Laundering Act as long as they are only advising clients to place money in a particular financial institution or country. [9]
Switzerland is at the center of sports corruption because many international sports organizations are headquartered there. For example, international sporting organisations (ISO's) can have the legal status of an international Non Governmental Organisation. Encouraged by the resulting range of legal and fiscal privileges, some 53 international sports organisations have their head office in Switzerland, with 46 of them in the Canton de Vaud alone. These include FIFA and the IOC. [21]
In financial regulation, a politically exposed person (PEP) is one who has been entrusted with a prominent public function. A PEP generally presents a higher risk for potential involvement in bribery and corruption by virtue of their position and the influence they may hold. The terms "politically exposed person" and senior foreign political figure are often used interchangeably, particularly in international forums.
Corruption in Armenia has decreased significantly in modern times, but remains an ongoing problem in the country. Despite this, fighting corruption following the 2018 Armenian revolution has recorded significant progress. Armenia is a member of the Council of Europe's Group of States Against Corruption (GRECO) and the OECD's Anti-Corruption Network and Armenia's anti-corruption measures are regularly evaluated within their monitoring mechanisms.
Corruption is perceived as a significant problem in Russia, impacting various aspects of life, including the economy, business, public administration, law enforcement, healthcare, and education. The phenomenon of corruption is strongly established in the historical model of public governance, and attributed to general weakness of rule of law in the country. Transparency International stated in 2022, "Corruption is endemic in Russia" and assigned it the lowest score of any European country in their Corruption Perceptions Index for 2021. It has, under the regime of Vladimir Putin, been variously characterized as a kleptocracy, an oligarchy, and a plutocracy; owing to its crony capitalism economic system.
In Transparency International's 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index, which scored 180 countries on a scale from 0 to 100, Bahrain scored 44. When ranked by score, Bahrain ranked 69th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison, the best score was 90, the worst score was 12, and the average score was 43.
Corruption in Italy is a major problem. In Transparency International's annual surveys, Italy has consistently been regarded as one of the most corrupt countries in the Eurozone. Political corruption remains a major problem particularly in Lombardy, Campania and Sicily where corruption perception is at a high level. Political parties are ranked the most corrupt institution in Italy, closely followed by public officials and Parliament, according to Transparency International. But in the 2013 Global Corruption Barometer report, Italy is in 17th position in front of the United Kingdom (18th), Switzerland (21st) and the United States (22nd).
Corruption in France describes the prevention and occurrence of corruption in France.
Corruption in Turkey is an issue affecting the accession of Turkey to the European Union. Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index scores 180 countries according to their perceived level of public sector corruption on a scale of 0 to 100. Since the current scale was introduced in 2012, Turkey's score has fallen from its highest score of 50 (2013) to its lowest, current score of 36 (2022). When the 180 countries in the Index were ranked by their score, Turkey ranked 101 in 2022.
Corruption in Poland is below the world average but not insignificant. Within Poland, surveys of Polish citizens reveal that it is perceived to be a major problem.
Corruption in Lithuania describes the prevention and occurrence of corruption in Lithuania.
Corruption in Sweden has been defined as "the abuse of power" by Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (Brå). By receiving bribes, bribe takers abuse their position of power, which is consistent with how the National Anti-Corruption Unit of the Swedish Prosecution Authority specifies the term. Although bribes and improper rewards are central in the definition of corruption in Sweden, corruption in the sense of "abuse of power" can also manifest itself in other crimes such as misuse of office, embezzlement, fraud and breach of trust against a principal.
Corruption in Denmark is amongst the lowest in the world. According to the 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index from Transparency International, Denmark scored 90 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Denmark held first place among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first are perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison, the worst score was 12 and the average was 43. The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists reported in 2014 that Denmark has consistently been in the top-4 since the publication of the first Corruption Perceptions Index report in 1995.
Corruption in Latvia is examined on this page.
In 2013, a report by Transparency International revealed that political parties, Parliament, the judiciary and the military are the most corrupt institutions in Portugal. Transparency International's 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index ranks the country in 33rd place out of 180 countries in the Index.
Transparency International's 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index scored Germany at 79 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Germany ranked 9th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison, the best score was 90, the worst score was 12, and the average score was 43.
Corruption in Slovenia is examined on this page.
Petty and grand corruption is a growing problem within Morocco. A leaked report by a US diplomat stated in 2009 that corruption had become much more institutionalized under King Mohammed VI, and that the royal family had been using public institutions to coerce and solicit bribes.
Corruption in Uzbekistan is a serious problem. There are laws in place to prevent corruption, but enforcement in terms of laws regarding corruption is very weak. Low prosecution rates of corrupt officials is another contributing factor to the rampant corruption in Uzbekistan. It is not a criminal offense for a non-public official to influence the discretion of a public official. The judicial system faces severe functional deficits due to limited resources and corruption.
Corruption in Tajikistan is a widespread phenomenon that is found in all spheres of Tajik society. The situation is essentially similar to that in the other former Soviet republics of Central Asia. Reliable specifics about corruption can be difficult to come by, however, as can hard information about the effectiveness of supposed anti-corruption initiatives.
Corruption in Guinea-Bissau occurs at among the highest levels in the world. In Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index for 2022, Guinea-Bissau scored 21 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Guinea-Bissau ranked 164th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked 180th is perceived to have the most corrupt public sector. For comparison, the best score in 2022 was 90, and the worst score was 12. Guinea-Bissau's score has either improved or remained steady every year since its low point in 2018, when it scored 16. In 2013, Guinea-Bissau scored below the averages for both Africa and West Africa on the Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s Index of African Governance.
Anti-corruption comprises activities that oppose or inhibit corruption. Just as corruption takes many forms, anti-corruption efforts vary in scope and in strategy. A general distinction between preventive and reactive measures is sometimes drawn. In such framework, investigative authorities and their attempts to unveil corrupt practices would be considered reactive, while education on the negative impact of corruption, or firm-internal compliance programs are classified as the former.
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