Aguinda v. Texaco, Inc. is a class-action lawsuit against Texaco Petroleum. it was filed in 1993 by Steven Donziger for indigenous collectives in the Ecuadorian Amazon. The lawsuit sought compensation for "alleged environmental and personal injuries arising out of Texaco's oil exploration and extraction operations in the Oriente region between 1964 and 1992." [1] Legal proceedings followed in courts in Ecuador and the United States for about a decade. The case was dismissed on May 30, 2001, on grounds of forum non conveniens (meaning that the case wasn't in the jurisdiction of US courts and should be heard in Ecuadorian or international courts). [2]
Following dismissal of Aguinda v. Texaco in the US, plaintiffs filed Maria Aguinda Salazar v, ChevronTexaco Corp in Ecuador in 2003, which in turn led to other progeny cases including Republic of Ecuador v. ChevronTexaco Corp and Moi Vicente Enomenga Mantohue v. Chevron Corporation and Texaco Petroleum Company. [2]
In the early years of modern oil extraction, the Ecuadorian government and corporations viewed the petroleum-rich Amazon as tierras baldias, or unoccupied lands. [3] Instead, the Ecuadorian Amazon was home to indigenous peoples including the Quichua, Shuar, Achuar, Cofan, Huaorani, Shiwiar, Secoya, and Siona. [4] Texaco Petroleum signed its first contract with the Ecuadorian government in 1964. [3] Oil extraction went completely unregulated through much of the 20th Century. [2] By 1990, nearly 1.5 billion barrels of oil had been extracted from the Oriente alone, one of several Amazonian regions in Ecuador. [4]
Indigenous Amazon groups often center environmental sustainability in their religions, cultures, and community practices. [4] In Cofan cosmology, the crust of Amazonian earth hosts the coancoan, creatures who provide goodwill and healing to their communities and who are damaged by oil extraction. [3]
1970s indigenous resistance actions against oil development originated in Cofan territory. [3]
Randy Borman, who had been raised in the Cofán community of Dureno, was central to the re-articulation of the Cofán as subjects who actively engage political, environmental, and citizenship practices... by 1978 Dureno was recognized by the state as an indigenous collective with a specific use and access rights to a delimited territory and subject to national law
— Dr. Gabriela Valdivia of Michigan State University
Alongside Dureno, Borman established FEINCE, the liaison organization between Cofan peoples and the government. [3] In 1984, Secoya peoples developed OISE, an organization dedicated to indigenous autonomy. [3] OISE's partnered with Danish NGO IBIS in 1987. [3] Él Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas de la Amazonia Ecuatoriana (CONAIE) formed in 1980 as a pan-indigenous coalition of over 900 Amazonian communities pursuing cultural preservation and ancestral land. [3] [4] This organization has supported smaller groups like FEINCE in their pursuits of environmental justice. [3]
Indigenous peoples were protected in the country's pre-2008 constitution from environmental degradation; however, Petroecuador and Texaco violated these restrictions on oil development. [2] [4] A new constitution was ratified in 2008.Though Texaco's petroleum contract in Ecuador ended on June 7, 1992, Petroecuador continued to exploit natural resources in the Amazon. [3]
In 1993, indigenous collectives filed Aguinda v. Texaco, Inc. This class-action lawsuit alleged past negligence. It was filed in United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. [3] [5] Among the indigenous groups involved in this lawsuit were FEINCE (Cofan), OISE (Secoya), and FOISE (Quichua). A related proceeding was filed in the Southern District of Texas and others were filed in Lago Agrio courthouse in Ecuador. [3]
This was the first form of legal resistance against petroleum exploitation in the Amazon. [6] The lawsuit was first dismissed in 1995 by Judge Jed Rakoff, who stated that US courts have no obligation to adjudicate international disputes. [7] Texaco and the Ecuadorian government tried to settle the lawsuit later that year through mediation; however, the Energy Ministry discovered soon after that Texaco had not disclosed two hundred additional waste pits in Ecuador. [6]
In 1997, the government of Ecuador repeated efforts to intervene under the waiver of sovereign immunity, but Judge Rakoff once again denied that request, citing an "untimely and prejudicial" bias against Texaco. [6] : 520 The 1998 election of President Jamil Mahuad spurred another quiet mediation. In combination with other Ecuadorian political issues, this spurred a 2000 military junta to overthrow Mahuad and replace him with a military-citizen triumvirate which included CONAIE (pan-indigenous organization) leader Antonio Vargas. [8] [6] They were quickly removed from power and Gustavo Noboa Bejerano rose to the presidency. [7] This political turmoil prompted Judge Rakoff to re-open the Aguinda case.
In September 2000, the indigenous plaintiffs called for Rakoff to recuse himself due to financial ties with a Texaco subsidiary. [7] He denied this request, and on May 30, 2001, dismissed the lawsuit, once again on the grounds that the United States was not the appropriate forum. [7] [9] On August 16, 2002, the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit affirmed Rakoff's decision. [10] The dismissal set a precedent for indigenous peoples' struggles taking legal action against exploitation. [11]
Some of the Aguinda plaintiffs and other indigenous advocates re-filed in Ecuadorian court in 2003. [6] This case, called Moi Vicente Enomenga Mantohue v. Chevron Corporation and Texaco Petroleum Company (also called Tena because it was filed in Tena court), forced Ecuadorian courts and settlers to view indigenous peoples beyond the stereotypes of eco-primitivism and illegibility. [2] [ clarification needed ]
In the Tena case, the president of the court refused to process the complaint for arbitrary reasons: (1) because the complaint had not been translated into English and defendant ChevronTexaco resides in the United States; and (2) for jurisdictional reasons because the affected lands owned by the plaintiffs' communities include lands beyond the geographic boundaries of the provinces where the court is located".
Ecuador's 2008 constitution granted inalienable rights to nature itself. [13] The new President Rafael Correa publicly supported the indigenous plaintiffs in cases against American petroleum companies, while privately backing some mining efforts in the Amazon. [2] In 2011, a court in Lago Agrio found the company liable for widespread harm of the Amazon and its indigenous people. Chevron was ordered to pay nearly US$19 billion in damages, [12] and, additionally, Chevron had to fund the Amazon Defense Fund, which supports and works alongside indigenous communities. [14] Chevron challenged the validity of this ruling, which prompted intervention from five additional Huaorani groups. [14] The award was later lowered to approximately $9.5 billion, which was affirmed by Ecuador's highest courts. [15]
The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador or, more commonly, CONAIE, is Ecuador's largest indigenous rights organization. The Ecuadorian Indian movement under the leadership of CONAIE is often cited as the best-organized and most influential Indigenous movement in Latin America.
Nueva Loja, also known as Lago Agrio, is the capital of the province of Sucumbíos in Ecuador. It was founded in the 1960s as a base camp of Texaco. The official population as of the 2022 census is 55,627.
The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon or CONFENIAE is the regional organization of indigenous peoples in the Ecuadorian Amazon or Oriente region. Nine indigenous peoples present in the region — Quichua, Shuar, Achuar, Huaorani, Siona, Secoya, Shiwiar, Záparo and Cofán — are represented politically by the Confederation. CONFENIAE is one of three major regional groupings that constitute the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE). It is also part of the Amazon Basin indigenous organization, COICA.
The Cofan people are an indigenous people native to Sucumbíos Province northeast Ecuador and to southern Colombia, between the Guamués River and the Aguarico River. Their total population is now only about 1,500 to 2,100 people, down from approximately 15,000 in the mid-16th century, when the Spanish crushed their ancient civilization, of which there are still some archeological remains. They speak the Cofán language or A'ingae. The ancestral land, community health and social cohesion of Cofan communities in Ecuador has been severely damaged by several decades of oil drilling. However, reorganization, campaigning for land rights, and direct action against encroaching oil installations have provided a modicum of stability. Major settlements include Sinangué, Dovuno, Dureno and Zábalo, the latter of which has retained a much more extensive land base.
The Secoya are an indigenous peoples living in the Ecuadorian and Peruvian Amazon. They speak the Secoya language Pai Coca, which is part of the Western Tucanoan language group. In Ecuador the Secoya number about 400 people who for the most part are located in three settlements, Eno, San Pablo de Katitsiaya and Siecoya Remolino, all found on the banks of the Aguarico river. Their Ecuadorian territory covers 40.000 hectares along the Shushufindi, Aguarico, and Cuyabeno river in the state of Sucumbios. Until recently they shared territory with the Siona people, with whom they are sometimes considered a single population, although both peoples have independent governance. In Peru the Secoya population numbers about 700.
EP Petroecuador is the national oil company of Ecuador. Ecuador who is a member of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and, although it is the smallest member, the country produced 531,000 barrels of crude oil per day in 2019. The oil corporation is a significant part of the Ecuadorian economy. The petroleum industry has expanded to the production of refined commodities such as gasoline, liquefied petroleum, and jet fuel. The government of Ecuador is highly dependent on the revenues from the energy sector to support its budget and finance state projects.
The Oriente is a region of eastern Ecuador, comprising the eastern slopes of the Ecuadorian Andes and the lowland areas of rainforest in the Amazon basin.
Pablo Fajardo Mendoza is an Ecuadorian lawyer and activist. He is the lawyer that has been leading the litigation against Chevron Corporation related to the environmental disaster he alleged was caused by the oil operations of Texaco in the Lago Agrio oil field between 1964 and 1990. In this process, Fajardo represented the over 30,000 local inhabitants affected by the spill of crude oil and toxic waste. Chevron, which instead blames Petroecuador and has not paid the judgement, has had repeated success in arguing against it. The judgement has been validated by further Ecuadorian courts and the Supreme Court of Canada but it has been declared fraudulently obtained by the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York and an arbitration court in The Hague.
The Lago Agrio oil field is an oil-rich area near the city of Nueva Loja in the province of Sucumbíos, Ecuador. It is located in the Western Oriente Basin. The site's hydrocarbon-bearing formations are the Cretaceous Napo and Hollin formations. Oil was discovered in the area in 1960s. The Lago Agrio field is known internationally for the serious ecological problems that oil development has created there, including water pollution, soil contamination, deforestation and cultural upheaval. Located in Cofan territory near the Colombian border, it is one of twelve production areas that developed when Ecuador began to export petroleum.
Luis Yanza is an environmental activist from Ecuador, of Cofán descent. He serves as president of the Frente de Defensa de la Amazonia, an NGO representing the interests of the campesinos and indigenous peoples in Ecuador.
Amazon Watch is a nonprofit organization founded in 1996, and based in Oakland, California, it works to protect the rainforest and advance the rights of indigenous peoples in the Amazon Basin. It partners with indigenous and environmental organizations in Ecuador, Peru, Colombia and Brazil in campaigns for human rights, corporate accountability and the preservation of the Amazon's ecological systems.
Crude is a 2009 American documentary film directed and produced by Joe Berlinger. It follows a two-year portion of an ongoing class action lawsuit against the Chevron Corporation in Ecuador.
The Amazon Defense Coalition is an Ecuadorian non-governmental organization created on May 16, 1994, and approved by the Ecuadorian Ministry of Social Welfare on June 4, 1998, under ministerial reference #535. It is led by the environmental and human rights activist Luis Yanza.
The Yasuní-ITT Initiative was a project that attempted to keep over a billion barrels of oil in the ground under the Yasuni National Park in the Ecuadorian Amazon. The initiative was launched in 2007 by Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa and offered a perpetual suspension of oil extraction from the Ishpingo-Tambococha-Tiputini oil field (ITT) in return for $3.6 billion from the international community.
Steven Robert Donziger is an American attorney known for his legal battles with Chevron, particularly Aguinda v. Texaco, Inc. and other cases in which he represented over 30,000 farmers and indigenous people who suffered environmental damage and health problems caused by oil drilling in the Lago Agrio oil field of Ecuador. The Ecuadorian court awarded the plaintiffs $9.5 billion in damages, which led Chevron to withdraw its assets from Ecuador and launch legal action against Donziger in the US. In 2011, Chevron filed a RICO (anti-corruption) suit against Donziger in New York City. The case was heard by US District Judge Lewis A. Kaplan, who determined that the ruling of the Ecuadorian court could not be enforced in the US because it was procured by fraud, bribery, and racketeering activities. As a result of this case, Donziger was disbarred from practicing law in New York in 2018.
Alicia Cawiya or Cahuiya is the vice-president of the Huaorani Nation of Ecuador and one of the leaders of the movement against oil exploitation in her region. In 2013, she made a speech in Ecuador's parliament to protect the Amazon basin from oil companies.
Nemonte Nenquimo is an Indigenous activist and member of the Waorani Nation from the Amazonian Region of Ecuador. She is the first female president of the Waorani of Pastaza (CONCONAWEP) and co-founder of the Indigenous-led nonprofit organization Ceibo Alliance. In 2020, she was named in the Time 100 list of the 100 most influential people in the world, the only Indigenous woman on the list and the second Ecuadorian to ever be named in its history. In recognition of her work, in 2020 the United Nations Environment Programme gave her the "Champions of the Earth" award in the category Inspiration and Action.
Waorani of Pastaza vs. Ecuadorian State was a 2019 court case filed against the Ecuadorian State by indigenous communities of the Amazon rainforest regions. The CONCONAWEP filed a suit in the Pastaza Provincial Court alleging that the Ecuadorian government was selling Waorani indigenous land for oil drilling without proper informed consent or consultation. The judges ruled in favor of the Waorani people, stopping projects on their land and setting precedent for informed consent and indigenous participation.
Chevron Corporation has been one of the most widely-criticized companies in the world, mostly stemming from its activities and involving climate change. Chevron's most widely-known scandal involves Texaco's activities in the Lago Agrio oil field, which Chevron is deemed responsible for due to its acquisition of Texaco in 2001. Chevron has been most widely criticized for its handling of litigation against it filed by residents of the Lago Agrio region, which included what activists see as the "jailing" of Lago Agrio lawyer Steven Donziger.
Alexandra Narváez Trujillo is an Ecuadorian scientist and Indigenous leader who advocates for the protection of her community's lands and cultures. She is a professor at the School of Biological Sciences at the Pontifical Catholic University of Ecuador, where she has conducted research on the bioactivity of Ecuadorian fungal endophytes. In addition to her scientific career, Narváez is an Indigenous leader and activist in Ecuador, and has played a crucial role in her community's efforts to defend their rights to land and cultural survival in the Amazon rainforest. She has received numerous awards and honors for her contributions to science and Indigenous activism, including the 2022 Goldman Environmental Prize.