Editor | Roman Kuhar, David Paternotte |
---|---|
Authors | Roman Kuhar David Paternotte Stefanie Mayer Birgit Sauer Sarah Bracke Wannes Dupont Amir Hodžić Aleksandar Štulhofer Michael Stambolis-Ruhstorfer Josselin Tricou Paula-Irene Villa Eszter Kováts Andrea Pető Mary McAuliffe Sinéad Kennedy Sara Garbagnoli Agnieszka Graff Elżbieta Korolczuk Kevin Moss Monica Cornejo José Ignacio Pichardo Galán |
Language | English |
Subjects | Anti-gender movement Gender and religion Right-wing populism |
Publisher | Rowman & Littlefield |
Publication date | 2017 |
Media type | |
Pages | 292 |
ISBN | 9781786600004 |
OCLC | 1154685945 |
Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing Against Equality is a book about the anti-gender movement in Europe. It is edited by Roman Kuhar and David Paternotte, who are a sociology professor and associate professor respectively. [1] [2] It was published by Rowman & Littlefield in 2017. [3] According to Social Movement Studies , "each chapter is written by different author(s), with different national and academic backgrounds". [1] Individual chapters focus on a specific country, [4] describing the background context and applications of the anti-gender movement in each. [5]
Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe examines the anti-gender movement as it exists in twelve European countries as "case studies": [1] [6] Austria, Belgium, Croatia, France, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Poland, Russia, Slovenia, and Spain. [6] [7] [5] The book focuses on the movement's development beginning in the period of the mid-1990s. [8] [5] A number of social issues that the movement concerns itself with in its opposition to "gender" or "gender ideology" are identified, including Gay Marriage, reproductive rights, gender studies, sex education, and gender identity. [8] [4] [9] [10] According to the book, "gender ideology" is often characterized by the anti-gender movement as a leftist ideology descended from communism. [6]
The book examines how the anti-gender movement has mobilized similarly across various countries, [4] such as its manifestation into a transnational protest movement. [6] It also describes the co-opting of the "social construction of gender" by the anti-gender movement to argue that "gender" is imposed by elites. Additionally, it describes the reaction to this perceived imposition of "gender" by elites, with the anti-gender movement desiring a return to traditional gender roles. [7] It examines a shared set of "universal truths" within the movement, pertaining to sex, gender, and family values. [5]
It explains the relationship between the Catholic Church, the Eastern Orthodox Church, and the anti-gender movement. [1] [6] [8] It argues that the Catholic Church is a more impactful actor within the anti-gender movement in regions where the Catholic Church has more influence. [1] [5] However, the anti-gender movements in Russia and Germany, where the Catholic Church is less influential, are also examined. [7] Whether the Catholic Church is influential in a particular country is found to be impactful on the rhetorical style of the movement. [8] The transnational relationship between the central authority of the Holy See and local Catholic authorities as pertains to mobilizing the anti-gender movement is also examined. [9]
The authors describe the impact of the anti-gender movement on government policy. [1] [7] They examine alliances between far-right movements and religious authorities within the anti-gender movement. [1] [6] The book identifies the rhetoric of the anti-gender movement as populist. [1] [8] It also says that the movement emphasizes "nature, the nation, and normality". [8] [6] The movement is described as hostile to the social policies of the European Union, particularly cultural and family policy. According to the book, the movement perceives the European Union's social policies as infringing on national independence in a "totalitarian" way. [8] The book says that the perceived threat of "gender ideology" is an "empty signifier" that is able to facilitate coalition-building because it has "populist emptiness". [11] [5] This is referred to as a "symbolic glue", [8] bringing together various groups that may not have cooperated under other circumstances, including right-wing populists, religious organizations, and "anti-gender 'scholars'". [5]
A review in the Journal of Common Market Studies said that the book "provides a superb — and somewhat depressing — tour of anti-gender campaigns in Europe". The review stated that the book is "an important key text for those tackling this research area", but that it "leaves somewhat unanswered the question as to why rather than how". [4]
In a Social Movement Studies review of Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe, Alica Rétiová wrote that it was "without a doubt very engaging reading" but that there was "not much space devoted to the dynamic between anti-gender mobilization and its opposition". [1] In Andragogic Perspectives, the book was called a "a rich analysis of campaigns and movements against equality". [11]
A review in Feminist Dissent called the book a "valuable contribution to understand the ways the Christian right in Europe operates". It also said that "some of the consideration in the conclusion of the co-editors might have been better placed in their introduction to make an easier read, and help to comprehend the patterns evolving across the different and differing country case studies." [6]
Writing for the Journal of the History of Sexuality , Robert A. Nye said that it was "a very important book for historians of contemporary Europe and for Americans, Britons, and others who have not yet put a name to the new populist movements in their own backyards". [8]
In Politique européenne, Jane Jensen compared and contrasted the book with another title released around the same time about the same topic matter called Varieties of Opposition to Gender Equality in Europe by Mieke Verloo. She says that their definitional differences lead to different research questions, and so, Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe is placed in the "social movement" literature. [9]
A review of the book for Queer Studies in Media & Pop Culture said that it "present[s] diverse case studies" and "reflects the broad spectrum of geographical and political differences". It called the book "a useful resource to advocates of equality not just in Europe but the world over". However, the review also criticized the book, saying that "the attribution of almost exclusive power to traditional broadcast media as a tool of anti-gender politics" was a "major pitfall" and that "little is said of social media... despite current literature suggesting that social media is the new battleground for political opposition". [7]
In Women, Gender & Research , Molly Occhino called the title "an important contribution and very relevant work to read for anyone working with contemporary European populist movements within history and the social sciences, as well as anyone working within feminist/gender studies in Europe". However, she stated that the book left her "with questions about the national and/or regional specificities of anti-gender movements within the Nordic countries (which were not included in this anthology), especially when taking into consideration the uniqueness of the Nordic welfare state models and ties to Lutheranism rather than Catholicism." [5]
Feminism is a range of socio-political movements and ideologies that aim to define and establish the political, economic, personal, and social equality of the sexes. Feminism holds the position that modern societies are patriarchal—they prioritize the male point of view—and that women are treated unjustly in these societies. Efforts to change this include fighting against gender stereotypes and improving educational, professional, and interpersonal opportunities and outcomes for women.
Right-wing politics is the range of political ideologies that view certain social orders and hierarchies as inevitable, natural, normal, or desirable, typically supporting this position based on natural law, economics, authority, property, religion, or tradition. Hierarchy and inequality may be seen as natural results of traditional social differences or competition in market economies.
A political movement is a collective attempt by a group of people to change government policy or social values. Political movements are usually in opposition to an element of the status quo, and are often associated with a certain ideology. Some theories of political movements are the political opportunity theory, which states that political movements stem from mere circumstances, and the resource mobilization theory which states that political movements result from strategic organization and relevant resources. Political movements are also related to political parties in the sense that they both aim to make an impact on the government and that several political parties have emerged from initial political movements. While political parties are engaged with a multitude of issues, political movements tend to focus on only one major issue.
Populism is a range of political stances that emphasize the idea of the common 'people' and often position this group in opposition to a perceived 'elite'. It is frequently associated with anti-establishment and anti-political sentiment. The term developed in the late 19th century and has been applied to various politicians, parties and movements since that time, often as a pejorative. Within political science and other social sciences, several different definitions of populism have been employed, with some scholars proposing that the term be rejected altogether.
Peronism, also known as justicialism, is an Argentine ideology and movement based on the ideas, doctrine and legacy of Juan Perón (1895–1974). It has been an influential movement in 20th- and 21st-century Argentine politics. Since 1946, Peronists have won 10 out of the 14 presidential elections in which they have been allowed to run. Peronism is defined through its three flags, which are: "economic independence", "social justice" and "political sovereignty".
The Catholic Church and politics concerns the interplay of Catholicism with religious, and later secular, politics. The Catholic Church's views and teachings have evolved over its history and have at times been significant political influences within nations.
Antifeminism, also spelled anti-feminism, is opposition to feminism. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, antifeminists opposed particular policy proposals for women's rights, such as the right to vote, educational opportunities, property rights, and access to birth control. In the mid and late 20th century, antifeminists often opposed the abortion-rights movement.
Right-wing populism, also called national populism and right populism, is a political ideology that combines right-wing politics with populist rhetoric and themes. Its rhetoric employs anti-elitist sentiments, opposition to the Establishment, and speaking to or for the common people. Recurring themes of right-wing populists include neo-nationalism, social conservatism, economic nationalism, and fiscal conservatism. Frequently, they aim to defend a national culture, identity, and economy against perceived attacks by outsiders. Right-wing populism has associations with authoritarianism, while some far-right populists draw comparisons to fascism.
Far-left politics, also known as extreme left politics or left-wing extremism, are politics further to the left on the left–right political spectrum than the standard political left. The term does not have a single, coherent definition; some scholars consider it to be the left of communist parties, while others broaden it to include the left of social democracy. In certain instances—especially in the news media—far left has been associated with some forms of authoritarianism, anarchism, communism, and Marxism, or are characterized as groups that advocate for revolutionary socialism and related communist ideologies, or anti-capitalism and anti-globalization. Far-left terrorism consists of extremist, militant, or insurgent groups that attempt to realize their ideals through political violence rather than using democratic processes.
Masculism or masculinism may variously refer to ideologies and socio-political movements that seek to eliminate discrimination against men, or increase adherence to or promotion of attributes regarded as typical of males. The terms may also refer to the men's rights movement or men's movement, as well as a type of antifeminism.
State feminism is feminism created or approved by the government of a state or nation. It usually specifies a particular program. The term was coined by Helga Hernes with particular reference to the situation in Norway, which had a tradition of government-supported liberal feminism dating back to the 1880s, and is often used when discussing the government-supported gender equality policies of the Nordic countries, that are linked to the Nordic model. The term has also been used in the context of developing countries where the government may prescribe its form of feminism and at the same time prohibit non-governmental organizations from advocating for any other feminist program. In this sense it is possible to distinguish between a liberal state feminism found in Western democracies such as the Nordic countries, and a somewhat more authoritarian state feminism that is often also linked to secularism, found e.g. in certain Middle Eastern countries.
The socio-political movements and ideologies of feminism have found expression in various media. These media include newspaper, literature, radio, television, social media, film, and video games. They have been essential to the success of many feminist movements.
Techno-populism is either a populism in favor of technocracy or a populism concerning certain technology – usually information technology – or any populist ideology conversed using digital media. It can be employed by single politicians or whole political movements respectively. Neighboring terms used in a similar way are technocratic populism, technological populism, and cyber-populism. Italy's Five Star Movement and France's La République En Marche! have been described as technopopulist political movements.
Socialism in Greece has a significant history, with various activists, politicians and political parties identifying as socialist. Socialist movements in Greece began to form around the early 20th century, including the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) (1920–present), the Socialist Party of Greece (1920-1953) and the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK). Socialist ideology is present in ΚΚΕ also known as the Communist party of Greece.
The anti-gender movement is a global phenomenon that opposes concepts often referred to as "gender ideology" or "gender theory." These terms lack a clear, consistent definition but are commonly used by the movement to critique a range of issues related to gender equality, LGBT rights, and gender studies. Originating in the late 20th century, the movement has drawn support from far-right and right-wing populist groups, conservative religious organizations, and social conservatives worldwide. It views advances in gender inclusion and LGBT rights as threats to traditional family structures, religious values, and established social norms.
Feminism and racism are highly intertwined concepts in intersectional theory, focusing on the ways in which women of color in the Western World experience both sexism and racism.
Gender-critical feminism, also known as trans-exclusionary radical feminism or TERFism, is an ideology or movement that opposes what it refers to as "gender ideology". Gender-critical feminists reject transgender identities and consider the concepts of gender identity and gender self-identification to be inherently oppressive constructs tied to gender roles. They believe that sex is biological, immutable, and binary, and that people should only be identified based on their biological sex rather than their gender identity.
Hande Eslen-Ziya is a Turkish-born, Norway-based sociologist and psychologist. She is Professor of Sociology and Director of the Populism, Anti-Gender and Democracy Research Group at the University of Stavanger in Norway. She has an established interest in gender and social inequalities, transnational organizations and social activism, and has a substantial portfolio of research in this field. Her research has been published in Gender, Work and Organisation, Emotion, Space and Society, Social Movement Studies, European Journal of Women’s Studies, Culture, Health and Sexuality, Leadership, Men and Masculinities, and Social Politics, as well as in other internationally recognized journals. She is known for her work on the concept of "troll science," that she describes as an alternative discourse created by right-wing populist ideologies such as the anti-gender movement in opposition to established scholarly discourse.
Roman Kuhar is a Slovenian sociologist and a Professor of Sociology at the University of Ljubljana. His research fields are gender equality, discrimination, homophobia, citizenship and human rights, and he is described as "one of the world's foremost experts on the anti-gender movement." His works include the widely cited book Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe, co-authored with David Paternotte.
David Paternotte is a Belgian sociologist and gender studies academic, who is associate professor of sociology at the Université libre de Bruxelles. He is known for his research on the anti-gender movement, and has collaborated with Roman Kuhar. Their works include the book Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe (2017). He has also researched same-sex marriage and LGBT+ activism.