Attributional ambiguity

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Attributional ambiguity is a psychological attribution concept describing the difficulty that members of stigmatized or negatively stereotyped groups may have in interpreting feedback. According to this concept, a person who perceives themselves as stigmatized can attribute negative feedback to prejudice. [1] This can lead stigmatized group members to feel uncertainty about whether negative outcomes are due to discrimination against them or their own behavior. In comparison, they might discredit positive feedback as a form of sympathy rather than seeing it as the result of their ability and achievement. [2] The term was coined by Melvin Snyder, Robert E. Kleck, Angelo Strenta, and Steven J. Mentzer in 1979 [3] before being popularized by Jennifer Crocker, Brenda Major and their colleagues in the 1990s. [4]

Contents

Implications

Attributional ambiguity can have unfortunate repercussions for members of stigmatized groups. [4] Members of groups that are ‘stereotype-vulnerable’ or are often stereotyped are at greater risk of having less self-worth through the lens of attributional ambiguity. With this concept, when people of an often stigmatized group receive feedback, they are unsure what the basis is for that feedback and believe it could have been attributed to things other than performance alone. Whether it is positive or negative feedback they face uncertainty about how accurate that feedback was and thus feeling uncertain about how to interpret the responses.

In the absence of true feedback one cannot totally rely on that evaluation and thus cannot adjust their behavior or performance accordingly. Attributional ambiguity can be applied in a very broad sense, considering how often people seek feedback. In academics, athletics, relationships, etc. are all areas in which feedback can be pivotal. For example, if it is known that a manager is very sensitive to his/her subordinates’ feelings, and he/she gives positive feedback, it is unclear if that feedback was true or simply an action of sensitivity.

Empirical support

In an experiment conducted by Jennifer Crocker, Brenda Major and colleagues, women who were evaluated unfavorably by a blatantly prejudiced evaluator experienced less negative affect than women who were rated unfavorably by an unbiased evaluator. With African American participants, it was found that when reviewed negatively African Americans were more likely to attribute the evaluator's negativity to prejudice than were white participants. Furthermore, African Americans were likely to attribute both negative and positive reviews to prejudice if they could be seen by the evaluator. Being visible (and thus vulnerable to being stereotyped based on race) helped African Americans cope with negative reviews, but also made them more likely to discredit positive reviews. [4]

The same concept can be applied not only to race, ethnicity, gender, etc., but appearance as well. The extent to which one views his/herself as attractive can affect how they perceive feedback. A study by Major, Carrington & Carnevale (1984) found that, as described above, the attractive participants were less likely to believe positive feedback given to them, believing that the observer had an ulterior motive. When the observer could see the attractive participant, they doubted the true motive behind their positive feedback. Unattractive participants were more likely to believe positive feedback than were attractive participants. When an ulterior motive is possible, it is easier to discount the feedback whether it is positive or negative. (See also Lookism.)

C. L. Hoyt and colleagues examined attributional ambiguity in Latino subjects as compared to white subjects. They found that when given a negative review Latino subjects were more likely to attribute this negativity to the prejudice of the examiner than white subjects. They also found that when given a positive review, Latino subjects were more likely to discredit the positivity of the reviewer and experience a lower sense of well being than their white counterparts. This research suggests that while attributional ambiguity can be used as a buffer to protect the self from negative reviews and biased thoughts, it can also prevent stigmatized groups from embracing reviews. [5]

See also

Related Research Articles

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Social stigma is the disapproval of, or discrimination against, an individual or group based on perceived characteristics that serve to distinguish them from other members of a society. Social stigmas are commonly related to culture, gender, race, socioeconomic class, age, sexual orientation, body image, physical disability, intelligence or lack thereof, and health. Some stigma may be obvious, while others are known as concealable stigmas that must be revealed through disclosure. Stigma can also be against oneself, stemming from negatively viewed personal attributes in a way that can result in a "spoiled identity".

Self-enhancement is a type of motivation that works to make people feel good about themselves and to maintain self-esteem. This motive becomes especially prominent in situations of threat, failure or blows to one's self-esteem. Self-enhancement involves a preference for positive over negative self-views. It is one of the three self-evaluation motives along with self-assessment and self-verification . Self-evaluation motives drive the process of self-regulation, that is, how people control and direct their own actions.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Stereotype</span> Generalized but fixed and oversimplified image or idea of a particular type of person or thing

In social psychology, a stereotype is a generalized belief about a particular category of people. It is an expectation that people might have about every person of a particular group. The type of expectation can vary; it can be, for example, an expectation about the group's personality, preferences, appearance or ability. Stereotypes are sometimes overgeneralized, inaccurate, and resistant to new information, but can sometimes be accurate.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Negative affectivity</span>

Negative affectivity (NA), or negative affect, is a personality variable that involves the experience of negative emotions and poor self-concept. Negative affectivity subsumes a variety of negative emotions, including anger, contempt, disgust, guilt, fear, and nervousness. Low negative affectivity is characterized by frequent states of calmness and serenity, along with states of confidence, activeness, and great enthusiasm.

The ultimate attribution error is a type of attribution error which proposed to explain why attributions of outgroup behavior is more negative than ingroup behavior. Ultimate attribution error itself described as a cognitive bias where negative outgroup behavior is more likely attributed to factors internal and specific to the actor, such as personality. The second component of the bias is a higher chance of attributing negative ingroup behavior to external factors such as luck or circumstance. This bias is said to reinforce a negative stereotype and prejudice about the outgroup, and favouritism of the ingroup through positive stereotypes. The theory was later extended to the bias that positive acts performed by ingroup members are more likely a result of their personality, whereas, if an ingroup member behaves negatively, it is more likely a result of situational factors.

Implicit attitudes are evaluations that occur without conscious awareness towards an attitude object or the self. These evaluations are generally either favorable or unfavorable and come about from various influences in the individual experience. The commonly used definition of implicit attitude within cognitive and social psychology comes from Anthony Greenwald and Mahzarin Banaji's template for definitions of terms related to implicit cognition: "Implicit attitudes are introspectively unidentified traces of past experience that mediate favorable or unfavorable feeling, thought, or action toward social objects". These thoughts, feelings or actions have an influence on behavior that the individual may not be aware of.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Self-image</span> Mental picture of self that comes from different sources

Self-image is the mental picture, generally of a kind that is quite resistant to change, that depicts not only details that are potentially available to an objective investigation by others, but also items that have been learned by persons about themselves, either from personal experiences or by internalizing the judgments of others.

Ambivalent prejudice is a social psychological theory that states that, when people become aware that they have conflicting beliefs about an outgroup, they experience an unpleasant mental feeling generally referred to as cognitive dissonance. These feelings are brought about because the individual on one hand believes in humanitarian virtues such as helping those in need, but on the other hand also believes in individualistic virtues such as working hard to improve one's life.

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sexual stigma</span> Form of social stigma

Sexual stigma is a form of social stigma against people who are perceived to be non-heterosexual because of their beliefs, identities or behaviors. Privileged individuals, or the majority group members, are the main contributors of placing sexual stigmas on individuals and their minority group. It is those who hold a higher status that determine within a society which groups are deemed unworthy of a higher status by labeling their specific actions or beliefs. Stereotypes are then produced which further the debilitating effects of the label(s) placed on group members with non-heterosexual beliefs or practices.

Social tuning, the process whereby people adopt other people's attitudes, is cited by social psychologists to demonstrate an important lack of people's conscious control over their actions.

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Dr. Jennifer Crocker is a professor and Ohio Eminent Scholar in Social Psychology at Ohio State University. She is also a former president of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology. Her publications are on the subject of self-esteem and the contingencies and interpersonal goals that individuals have that are a clear reflection of their level of self-esteem.

There is a great deal of research on the factors that lead to the formation of prejudiced attitudes and beliefs. There is also a lot of research on the consequences of holding prejudiced beliefs and being the target of such beliefs. It is true that advances have been made in understanding the nature of prejudice. A consensus on how to end prejudice has yet to be established, but there are a number of scientifically examined strategies that have been developed in attempt to solve this social issue.

Praise as a form of social interaction expresses recognition, reassurance or admiration. Praise is expressed verbally as well as by body language.

In social psychology, a positive stereotype refers to a subjectively favourable belief held about a social group. Common examples of positive stereotypes are Asians with better math ability, African Americans with greater athletic ability, and women with being warmer and more communal. As opposed to negative stereotypes, positive stereotypes represent a "positive" evaluation of a group that typically signals an advantage over another group. As such, positive stereotypes may be considered a form of compliment or praise. However, positive stereotypes can have a positive or negative effect on targets of positive stereotypes. The positive or negative influence of positive stereotypes on targets depends on three factors: (1) how the positive stereotype is stated, (2) who is stating the positive stereotype, (3) in what culture the positive stereotype is presented.

References

  1. Crocker, Jennifer; Major, Brenda; Stelle, Claude (1998). "Social Stigma". In Gilbert, Daniel T.; Fiske, Susan T.; Lindzey, Gardner (eds.). The Handbook of Social Psychology. Vol. Two (4th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 519–521. ISBN   978-0-19-521376-8.
  2. Whiteley, Bernard E.; Kite, Mary E. (2010). The Psychology of Prejudice and Discrimination (2nd ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning. pp. 428–435. ISBN   978-0-495-59964-7.
  3. Snyder, Melvin L.; Kleck, Robert E.; Strenta, Angelo; Mentzer, Steven J. (1979). "Avoidance of the handicapped: An attributional ambiguity analysis". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 37 (12): 2297–2306. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.37.12.2297. ISSN   1939-1315.
  4. 1 2 3 Crocker, Jennifer; Voelkl, Kristin; Testa, Maria; Major, Brenda (1991). "Social stigma: The affective consequences of attributional ambiguity". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology . 60 (2): 218–228. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.60.2.218.
  5. Hoyt, C.L.; Aguilar, L.; Kaiser, C. R.; Blascovich, J.; Lee, K. (2007). "The self-protective and undermining effects of attributional ambiguity" (PDF). Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. 43 (6): 884–893. doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2006.10.013.