Cengiz Aktar | |
---|---|
Born | |
Academic background | |
Alma mater | Sorbonne |
Academic work | |
Institutions | UniversitéGalatasaray, Bahçeşehir University,University of Athens-EKPA |
Main interests | EU integration policies,Politics of memory regarding ethnic and religious minorities,History of political ideas 19th and 20th Centuries Ottoman Empire and Turkey,International refugee law |
Cengiz Aktar (born 1955) is a Turkish political scientist,essayist and columnist. He has published numerous books on the European Union and its relations with Turkey. He was a director at the UNHCR and worked extensively with the European Commission. He initiated a campaign calling for an apology of the Turkish citizens towards the Armenians for the Armenian genocide. [1]
Born in Istanbul in 1955,Cengiz Aktar studied in the Lycée de Galatasaray then went on to study in the Sorbonne in Paris where he obtained a PhD in Economic Epistemology in 1982. [2] [3] He continued to collaborate with his PhD advisor,Alain Caillé [4] within the framework of La Revue du MAUSS. [5]
He is a professor of political science presently invited at the University of Athens [EKPA]. He is a former director at the United Nations,specializing in asylum policies. He is known to be one of the leading advocates of Turkey's integration into the EU. He was the Chair of European Studies at Bahçeşehir University. In 1999,he initiated a civil initiative for Istanbul's candidacy for the title of European Capital of Culture. Istanbul successfully held the title in 2010. He also headed the initiative called "European Movement 2002" [6] [7] which aimed at putting pressure on the lawmaker to speed up political reforms necessary to begin the negotiation phase with the EU. In December 2008,he developed the idea of an online apology campaign addressed to Armenians and supported by a number of Turkish intellectuals as well as over 32.454 citizens of Turkey. In February 2011 he coordinated the participation of Turkish visitors to Auschwitz-Birkenau within Aladdin Project. Upon return he developed the idea of Holocaust education for mid-level college students. The project run for three school years with ENKA schools in Istanbul.
Before Athens Aktar has been the Chair of European Union Studies in the Economic and Administrative Sciences Department of Bahçeşehir University. He also taught in the International Relations Department of Galatasaray University. He extensively wrote,taught and trained about the European Union and its relations with Turkey.
From 1989 to 1994,while working for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees he performed the duties of vice-director of the Informal Consultations consisting of Western countries,the IOM and the UNHCR. Later on the Informal Consultations went independent from the UN and became the International Center for Migration Policy Development, [8] based in Vienna and headed by the late Jonas Widgren. [9] From 1994 to 1999,he was the head of the United Nations's mission in Slovenia. His career within the United Nations spans 22 years. [10]
Back in Turkey in 1999,he befriended the Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink who was running the Armenian-language periodical Agos. After Dink was assassinated on 19 January 2007,Cengiz Aktar,along with other Turkish scholars,decided to launch a petition calling for an apology of the Turks towards the Armenians. [11] Aktar believes that Turkish public must take the responsibility of being further informed about the Armenian genocide. [11] The petition read:
My conscience does not accept the insensitivity showed to and the denial of the Great Catastrophe that the Ottoman Armenians were subjected to in 1915. I reject this injustice and for my share,I empathize with the feelings and pain of my Armenian brothers and sisters. I apologize to them.
The campaign was named the I Apologize campaign and was signed by 32,454 people. [1]
For Aktar the unanswered,unaccounted crime of Armenian Genocide constitutes a fundamental syndrome for the Turkish malaise. As he elaborates in his latest book,ideologically speaking,the regime surfs on the predispositions of the social fabric that date back to the Armenian Genocide and other mass crimes. They grow in the webs of a social fabric poisoned by mass killings and plunders which were shielded by impunity and amnesia. Able to digest the horrors of the past,the social fabric can absorb much more. In a normal country,a regime which has violated countless times the laws and the Constitution,which has created an unprecedented institutional and social wreckage and continue to do so,should have been tried accordingly. Thanks to its culture of impunity,Turkey categorically lacks such modus operandi. Obviously,present day's unlawful political,economic and social practices appear trivial compared to past genocides,pogroms,mass killings and spoliations. Turkey looks like a museum of malicious acts,crimes that has never been questioned,whose perpetrators have always gotten away with what they had done.
Thus,irresponsibility,impunity,and amnesia over past crimes result in a ‘congenital’contempt for the rule of law.
In his 2021 book The Turkish Malaise Aktar attempts to make sense of the present Turkish regime. For him authoritarianism is not sufficient to describe the regime which possesses historically unprecedented mass support. Downstream,at the level of its majoritarian base,the regime enjoys a degree of popular support unmatched in the history of the Republic. In truth,there are in parallels with authoritarian archetypes from the Ottoman Ittihadist era (1908-1918) and the time of the single-party system in the first decades of the Republic (1923-1946). However,for the first time,there is a massive support of the masses,one that the Ittihadists and Kemalists greatly lacked. Any in-depth analyses of this novelty,of its roots and sources of inspiration are still in their early days. They will certainly develop further as long as this regime exists.
The ‘masses’aspect of Hannah Arendt's theory is,in fact,fundamental to the understanding of contemporary Turkish totalitarianism. To grasp the ‘Erdoğan phenomenon’and the regime he has built brick by brick,one must consider the support of the masses alongside other factors such as his personality,his party,his wielding and dealing aficionados,the political history of Turkey,the fatal errors of the former elite as well as the current theoretical categorizations of authoritarian regimes.
The source of Erdoğan's and his regime's legitimacy is the majoritarian constituency made up of disparate masses which he likes to call the ‘national will’and the ‘blessed nation’. These masses present totalitarian characteristics subsumed in a harmonious trilogy between themselves,their leader,and ideology. The opposition,with the notorious exception of the left-wing Kurds,is an integral part of the masses as the ‘national opposition’. One need only to note its elation at the regime's military adventures,its silence in the face of support for jihadism,its endorsement of the promiscuity with the Russian regime and its congenital Kurdophobia,which the regime happily relies on.”
Regarding the future of the EU-Turkey relations,according to Aktar it is safe to say that in the history of the EU's enlargement,starting in 1973 with the accession of Denmark,Ireland,and the UK,the first spectacular failure is the candidacy of the Republic of Turkey. It is also safe to say that this missed opportunity is the making of a coalition of unwilling between the parties concerned. Finally,the consequences of the failure,although a tad early to conclude,could be likened to a lose–lose situation which goes well beyond the parties’interests per se,to encompass Islam's synergy and coexistence with the rest of the world. As for Turkey,implications of the post-candidacy go beyond the simple consequences of a failed EU candidacy. By diverging from the EU path,the country consolidates and seals its de-Westernization drive to start sailing toward uncharted waters”. ± [12]
As for the conceptual incompatibility between the EU and Turkey he underlines that from now on,it is inappropriate to bet on Turkey's EU (and eventually NATO) commitments to,for instance,ease tensions with neighbors as the failure of the EU membership bid cancels the achievements of last twenty years in terms of good neighborly relations with member states,particularly Greece. The bellicose rhetoric and actions of last years against a number of EU countries,politicians,and citizens are strong signals of this centrifugal drive.
All things considered,Ankara's modus operandi contradicts EU's norms,standards,values and principles which simply constitute obstacles to the “smooth”functioning of the regime. Likewise this is why Ankara regime can never be reformed. [13]
Akdamar Island, also known as Aghtamar or Akhtamar, is the second largest of the four main islands in Lake Van, in eastern Turkey. About 0.7 km2 in size, it is situated approximately 3 km from the shoreline. At the western end of the island, a hard, grey, limestone cliff rises 80 m above the lake's level. The island declines to the east to a level site where a spring provides ample water.
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Cengiz Çandar is a Turkish politician, journalist, senior columnist, and a Middle East expert. He is the author of Turkey's Neo-Ottomanist Moment - A Eurasianist Odyssey (2021); Turkey's Mission Impossible: War and Peace with the Kurds (2020) and Mezopotamya Ekspresi- Bir Tarih Yolculugu (2012), which has been translated into various languages, including Kurdish (Sorani) and Arabic.
Armenians in Turkey, one of the indigenous peoples of Turkey, have an estimated population of 50,000 to 70,000, down from a population of over 2 million Armenians between the years 1914 and 1921. Today, the overwhelming majority of Turkish Armenians are concentrated in Istanbul. They support their own newspapers, churches and schools, and the majority belong to the Armenian Apostolic faith and a minority of Armenians in Turkey belong to the Armenian Catholic Church or to the Armenian Evangelical Church. They are not considered part of the Armenian Diaspora, since they have been living in their historical homeland for more than four thousand years.
The Special Organization was an intelligence, paramilitary, and secret police organization in the Ottoman Empire known for its key role in the commission of the Armenian genocide. Originally organized under the Ministry of War, the organization was shifted to answer directly to the ruling party Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) in February 1915. Led by Bahaeddin Şakir and Nazım Bey and formed in early 1914 of tribesmen as well as more than 10,000 convicted criminals—offered a chance to redeem themselves if they served the state—as a force independent of the regular army.
Anti-Armenian sentiment, also known as anti-Armenianism and Armenophobia, is a diverse spectrum of negative feelings, dislikes, fears, aversion, racism, derision and/or prejudice towards Armenians, Armenia, and Armenian culture.
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Hrant Dink was a Turkish-Armenian intellectual, editor-in-chief of Agos, journalist, and columnist. As editor-in-chief of the bilingual Turkish-Armenian newspaper Agos, Dink was a prominent member of the Armenian minority in Turkey best known for advocating Turkish–Armenian reconciliation and human and minority rights in Turkey. He was often critical of both Turkey's denial of the Armenian genocide and of the Armenian diaspora's campaign for its international recognition. Dink was prosecuted three times for denigrating Turkishness, while receiving numerous death threats from Turkish nationalists.
Armenian genocide recognition is the formal acceptance that the systematic massacres and forced deportation of Armenians committed by the Ottoman Empire from 1915 to 1923, during and after the First World War, constituted genocide.
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Holy See–Turkey relations are foreign relations between the Holy See and Turkey. Both countries established diplomatic relations in 1868, originally between the Holy See and the Ottoman Empire. The Holy See has a nunciature in Ankara. Turkey has an embassy in Rome.
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