Chester Crocker | |
---|---|
9th Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs | |
In office June 9, 1981 –April 21, 1989 | |
President | Ronald Reagan George H. W. Bush |
Preceded by | Richard M. Moose |
Succeeded by | Herman Jay Cohen |
Personal details | |
Born | New York | October 29,1941
Political party | Republican |
Occupation | Diplomat |
Chester Arthur Crocker (born October 29,1941) is an American diplomat and scholar who served as Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs from June 9,1981,to April 21,1989,in the Reagan administration. [1] Crocker,architect of the U.S. policy of "constructive engagement" towards Southern Africa including apartheid-era South Africa,is credited with setting the terms of Namibian independence. [2] [3]
Crocker was born in New York City in 1941. He attended Ohio State University and graduated with distinction in History in 1963. He obtained a master's degree at Johns Hopkins University in 1965,followed by a Ph.D at the School of Advanced International Studies. From 1969 to 1970,Crocker was a lecturer in African government and politics at the American University in Washington,D.C. He was recruited to join the National Security Council by Henry Kissinger [4] in 1970,but returned to academia in 1972 as director of the Master of Science in Foreign Service program at Georgetown University,where he lectured in African politics and international relations. Over the course of the next nine years,Crocker advanced to assistant professor,and finally became associate professor at Georgetown University. [5]
As chairman of Ronald Reagan's 1980 presidential election campaign's "Africa working group",Crocker sought to change US policy on apartheid South Africa away from what he saw as the confrontational approach adopted by the Carter presidency and towards a new policy which he termed "constructive engagement." Shortly after the election,Crocker attracted the attention of the Reagan transition team with an article he wrote in the winter 1980/81 edition of the Foreign Affairs journal. In the article,Crocker was highly critical of the outgoing Carter administration for its apparent hostility to the white minority government in South Africa,by acquiescing in the United Nations Security Council's imposition of a mandatory arms embargo (UNSCR 418/77) and the UN's demand for the end of South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia (UNSCR 435/78). Crocker's policy linked the removal of South African forces from Namibia with the removal of Cuban forces from Angola,which many U.S. diplomats considered to be of vital importance. Without Cuban withdrawal,it was deemed unlikely by diplomats that South Africa would see an incentive to begin the removal of its own troops from Namibia. It was hoped that Cuba would view the withdrawal of its troops as a successful conclusion to their efforts in Africa as it would confirm Cuba's role as a significant player on the diplomatic stage. [6]
On February 7,1981,Crocker formally proposed that the United States should link Namibian independence to the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola,where they had formed a 700 km defensive line to prevent South African assaults similar to the 'Zulu' invasion of 1975. In April 1981,Assistant Secretary of State Crocker was dispatched to Africa on a two-week,eleven-nation tour to lay the groundwork for the new policy. However,Crocker was met with distrust on one side – the black leaders wary of the Reagan administration's friendly approach towards the white-minority government in South Africa – and hostility from the other,with prime minister P. W. Botha refusing to meet with him. Undeterred,Crocker continued to insist that a comprehensive solution was the only way to allay the fears on both sides. In his testimony before the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on February 15,1983,he argued:
Security,of which the Cuban troop issue is an integral part,has always been a prerequisite for agreement on Namibian independence. As a practical diplomatic matter,it will not be possible to obtain a Namibian independence agreement without satisfactory regional security assurances.
Resolution 435 already required South Africa to leave Namibia so the incorporation of Cuba and Angola was deemed unnecessary in the eyes of some. The policy's requirement to cooperate with the South African government was viewed unfavorably by politicians and human rights organizations on account of the implicit condoning of apartheid. Author/journalist Christopher Hitchens gives credit for the independence agreement to the South-West Africa People's Organization,rather than to constructive engagement. [7] However,UN diplomat Martti Ahtisaari contended that "South Africa had not the least intention of relinquishing Namibia." [8] Crocker's analysis of the situation from the perspective of the South African government concluded that this delay would never be overcome unless the South Africans felt that the execution of resolution 435 offered them an incentive. [9]
In spite of such criticisms and the initial distrust among black African leaders,Crocker persevered in his pursuit of a negotiated settlement for the related conflicts in Angola and Namibia. With help from skilled subordinates such as Frank G. Wisner and Vernon Walters,he managed to gain the trust of Kenneth Kaunda,the Zambian president. Kaunda visited the White House for talks with Ronald Reagan in March 1983,and agreed to host an international conference in February 1984 which resulted in the Lusaka Accords,a small but significant step forward in the search for peace in southern Africa. [10]
On April 3,1984,Richard Knight of the American Committee on Africa reported to the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid on the effects the new policy was having:
The Reagan administration's policy of constructive engagement has already led to a significant relaxation of the arms embargo. Stressing the goal of regional stability,the American government has now adopted a policy which they see as an 'even-handed' approach to all countries in the region. Thus the Reagan administration seeks to blame all sides equally for the violence in the region,ignoring the fact that the violence stems from apartheid. In reality there is no even-handedness in the US's engagement in southern Africa:a policy which in the last three years has resulted in an increased South African ability to harass and dominate regionally. A study of the easing of the arms embargo reveals that more than $28.3 million worth of military equipment was authorised for sale to South Africa for fiscal years 1981-1984,as compared to $25,000 for 1979. [11]
While the FNLA and UNITA were funded by South Africa and the U.S.,the Soviet Union had provided billions of dollars in military support for the MPLA,which was identified as a socialist group. By the end of the 1970s,Angola had become the focus of the USSR's African policy. [12]
Crocker intensified his mediation efforts in successive years. In May 1988 he headed a U.S. mediation team which brought negotiators from Angola, Cuba and South Africa, and observers from the Soviet Union together in London. Intense diplomatic maneuvering characterized the next seven months so as to implement United Nations Security Council Resolution 435 and secure Namibian independence. At the Reagan/Gorbachev summit in Moscow (May 29-June 1, 1988) it was decided that Cuban troops would be withdrawn from Angola, and Soviet military aid would cease, as soon as South Africa withdrew from Namibia. The Tripartite Accord, which gave effect to these decisions, were signed at UN headquarters in New York on December 22, 1988. [13] Crocker attended the signing ceremony along with George Shultz. UNSR Martti Ahtisaari took over from Crocker in April 1989 and began the implementation of UNSCR 435.
In May 1989 Crocker stepped down as Assistant Secretary of State and returned to academia at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service.
Elections were held from the 7–11 November 1989 and Namibia finally achieved independence from South Africa on 21 March 1990. [14] [15]
Chas. W. Freeman Jr commented at the time that "the emergence of Namibia as a stable, decent society with a well-managed economy would inspire more rapid change away from apartheid in South Africa." [16] He later commented in a 1995 interview with Charles Stuart Kennedy for the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training that "there is no doubt that the South African opening to the outside world, which Crocker's diplomacy ultimately brokered and which produced the Cuban troop withdrawal from Angola and the Namibian independence in 1989, was a fundamental factor in impelling P. W. Botha's successor, F. W. De Klerk, in the direction of releasing Mandela and opening the political process to black South African participation." [17]
Martti Ahtisaari was also of the opinion that the policy of constructive engagement acted as an undeniable catalyst for resolution. He remarked that "those of us close to the matter were aware that if nothing new was put forward we would remain in this situation for the rest of our lives. But we couldn't declare publicly that this was an excellent idea – although in the final analysis it was a bold and adroit move by Crocker." [18]
This section of a biography of a living person needs additional citations for verification .(January 2023) |
From 1969 to 1970 Crocker was professional lecturer in African government and politics at the American University, before he left to join the National Security Council staff. He returned to academia in 1972, as director of the Master of Science in Foreign Service program at Georgetown University, a position he held until 1978. He held several other professorial roles, including director of African studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (1976–80) and James R. Schlesinger Professor in the Practice of Strategic Studies at Georgetown University (1999–present).
Other notable positions held include service at the United States Institute of Peace, which supports research, education and training, as well as operating programs in conflict zones. He held the position of chairman of the board from 1992 to 2004, after which Crocker continued on as a board member until 2011.
He is also a member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an independent, non-profit organisation which lends the expertise of established diplomats and world leaders to current governments. From May 2014 Crocker acted as a distinguished fellow with CIGI's Global Security & Politics Program, leading a project that examines Africa's regional conflict management strategy.
In addition to these, Crocker sits on the board of directors for the International Peace and Security Institute, which offers intensive education and training to young professionals from world leaders in an effort to promote peaceful diplomacy.
In 2020, Crocker, along with over 130 other former Republican national security officials, signed a statement that asserted that President Trump was unfit to serve another term, and "To that end, we are firmly convinced that it is in the best interest of our nation that Vice President Joe Biden be elected as the next President of the United States, and we will vote for him." [19]
Crocker married the South African Saone Barren who had previously been the partner of Roger Jowell. [20] [ better source needed ]
In 1989, Ronald Reagan awarded Crocker with the Presidential Citizen's Medal.
In 1992, Crocker was awarded an honorary doctorate from Rhodes University. [21]
On September 18, 2008, Crocker was appointed to the World Bank's new Independent Advisory Board, (IAB), which will provide advice on anti-corruption measures. [22]
The history of Namibia has passed through several distinct stages from being colonised in the late nineteenth century to Namibia's independence on 21 March 1990.
The Battle of Cuito Cuanavale was fought intermittently between 14 August 1987 and 23 March 1988, south and east of the town of Cuito Cuanavale, Angola, by the People's Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FAPLA) and Cuba against South Africa and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) during the Angolan Civil War and South African Border War. The battle was the largest engagement of the Angolan conflict and the biggest conventional battle on the African continent since World War II. UNITA and its South African allies defeated a major FAPLA offensive towards Mavinga, preserving the former's control of southern Angola. They proceeded to launch a failed counteroffensive on FAPLA defensive positions around the Tumpo River east of Cuito Cuanavale.
The Bicesse Accords, also known as the Estoril Accords, laid out a transition to multi-party democracy in Angola under the supervision of the United Nations' UNAVEM II mission. President José Eduardo dos Santos of the MPLA and Jonas Savimbi of UNITA signed the accord in Lisbon, Portugal on May 31, 1991. UNITA rejected the official results of the 1992 presidential election as rigged and renewed their guerrilla war.
Angola and the United States have maintained cordial diplomatic relations since 1993. Before then, antagonism between the countries hinged on Cold War geopolitics, which led the U.S. to support anti-government rebels during the protracted Angolan Civil War.
The United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) was a United Nations (UN) peacekeeping force deployed from April 1989 to March 1990 in Namibia, known at the time as South West Africa, to monitor the peace process and elections there. Namibia had been occupied by South Africa since 1915, first under a League of Nations mandate and later illegally. Since 1966, South African forces had been combating an insurgency by the People's Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN), the military wing of the Namibian-nationalist South West African People's Organization (SWAPO). The UN Security Council passed Resolution 435 in 1978, which set out a plan for elections administered by South Africa but under UN supervision and control after a ceasefire. However, only in 1988 were the two parties able to agree to a ceasefire. As UNTAG began to deploy peacekeepers, military observers, police, and political workers, hostilities were briefly renewed on the day the transition process was supposed to begin. After a new round of negotiations, a second date was set and the elections process began in earnest. Elections for the constitutional assembly took place in November 1989. They were peaceful and declared free and fair; SWAPO won a majority of the seats. The new constitution was adopted four months later and it was followed by Namibia's official independence and the successful conclusion of UNTAG.
The Alvor Agreement, signed on 15 January 1975 in Alvor, Portugal, granted Angola independence from Portugal on 11 November and formally ended the 13-year-long Angolan War of Independence.
The Agreement among the People's Republic of Angola, the Republic of Cuba, and the Republic of South Africa granted independence to Namibia from South Africa and ended the direct involvement of foreign troops in the Angolan Civil War. The accords were signed on 22 December 1988 at the United Nations Headquarters in New York City by the Foreign Ministers of People's Republic of Angola, Republic of Cuba and Republic of South Africa.
Louis Alexander Pienaar was a South African lawyer and diplomat. He was the last white Administrator of South-West Africa, from 1985 through Namibian independence in 1990. Pienaar later served as a minister in F W de Klerk's government until 1993. He married Isabel Maud van Niekerk on 11 December 1954.
The Western Contact Group (WCG), representing three of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council - France, United Kingdom and United States - and including Canada and West Germany, launched a joint diplomatic effort in 1977 to bring an internationally acceptable transition to independence for Namibia, after a decade of illegal occupation by apartheid of South Africa.
In the 1980s in Angola, fighting spread outward from the southeast, where most of the fighting had taken place in the 1970s, as the African National Congress (ANC) and SWAPO increased their activity. The South African government responded by sending troops back into Angola, intervening in the war from 1981 to 1987, prompting the Soviet Union to deliver massive amounts of military aid from 1981 to 1986. The USSR gave the Angolan government over US$2 billion in aid in 1984. In 1981, newly elected United States President Ronald Reagan's U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs, Chester Crocker, developed a linkage policy, tying Namibian independence to Cuban withdrawal and peace in Angola.
The Brazzaville Protocol mandated the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, paving the way for Namibia's independence through the New York Accords. Representatives from the governments of Angola, Cuba, and South Africa signed the protocol on December 13, 1988 in Brazzaville, Congo.
The People's Republic of Angola was the self-declared socialist state which governed Angola from its independence in 1975 until 25 August 1992, during the Angolan Civil War.
Constructive engagement was the name given to the conciliatory foreign policy of the Reagan administration towards the apartheid regime in South Africa. Devised by Chester Crocker, Reagan's U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, the policy was promoted as an alternative to the economic sanctions and divestment from South Africa demanded by the UN General Assembly and the international anti-apartheid movement. Among other objectives, it sought to advance regional peace in Southern Africa by linking the end of South Africa's occupation of Namibia to the end of the Cuban presence in Angola.
Namibia – United States relations are bilateral relations between Namibia and the United States.
United Nations Security Council resolution 727, adopted unanimously on 8 January 1992, after reaffirming resolutions 713 (1991), 721 (1991), 724 (1991) and considering a report by the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the council welcomed the recent signing of an agreement in Sarajevo regarding a ceasefire to the conflicts in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
United Nations Security Council resolution 997, adopted unanimously on 9 June 1995, after reaffirming all resolutions on the situation in Rwanda, particularly resolutions 872 (1993), 912 (1994), 918 (1994), 925 (1994), 955 (1994) and 965 (1994), the Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) until 8 December 1995 and adjusted its operations from peacekeeping to confidence-building.
United Nations Security Council resolution 1446, adopted unanimously on 4 December 2002, after recalling all previous resolutions on the situation in Sierra Leone, particularly resolutions 1132 (1997), 1171 (1998), 1299 (2000), 1306 (2000) and 1385 (2001), the Council extended prohibitions relating to the import of rough diamonds not under the control of the Sierra Leonean government until 5 June 2003.
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1574, adopted unanimously at a meeting in Nairobi, Kenya, on 19 November 2004, after recalling resolutions 1547 (2004), 1556 (2004) and 1564 (2004), the council welcomed political efforts to resolve the conflicts in Sudan and reiterated its readiness to establish a mission to support the implementation of a Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
Fen Osler Hampson is Chancellor's Professor and Professor of International Affairs at Carleton University and President of the World Refugee & Migration Council. He was a Visiting Fellow at The New Institute and a Distinguished Fellow and Director of Global Security Research at The Centre for International Governance Innovation. He was Co-Director of the Global Commission on Internet Governance. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada.
Operation Merlyn was a military operation by the South African Defence Force (SADF), South West African Territorial Force (SWATF) and South West African Police (SWAPOL) during the South African Border War and Angolan Civil War in April 1989. The aim of the operation was to prevent the incursion of PLAN (SWAPO) insurgents into South West Africa/Namibia from bases in Angola. These incursions were in violation of a ceasefire which came into effect on 1 April 1989 via the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 435 and the Tripartite Accord. Initially, these PLAN incursions were tackled by South West African police units and eventually by SADF and SWATF units, released to assist the police having been confined to their bases by the peace agreements. These incursions and the conflict that occurred ended after hastily arranged talks resulted in the Mount Etjo Declaration and an eventual ceasefire.