Formation | 2012 |
---|---|
Headquarters | Johannesburg, South Africa |
Location | |
Coordinates | 26°11′36″S28°02′10″E / 26.1932645°S 28.0361685°E |
Parent organisation | Transparency International |
Website | www |
Corruption Watch is a South African anti-corruption non-profit organisation that sets out to monitor and expose acts of corruption that involve public resources and donated charitable resources in South Africa. The various focus areas in which the organisation monitors and exposes corruption include corruption in the education sector, police corruption, leadership appointments (mainly in institutions that support democracy), corruption in the mining applications processes and its effects of communities, corruption in land ownership and tenure, beneficial ownership transparency, and public procurement. Whistleblowers are an essential source for the organisation as their whole operational mode is built upon reports received from whistleblowers.
Corruption Watch is the official South African chapter of Transparency International. [1] [2] [3] (It is unrelated to the UK company Corruption Watch Ltd.) [lower-alpha 1]
Corruption Watch (SA) was launched in January 2012 at the initiative of trade union federation COSATU (the Congress of South African Trade Unions). [6] The launch, held at Constitution Hill in Johannesburg, was attended by a range of government officials, including former minister of Justice and Correctional Services of South Africa Jeff Radebe, civil society and business leaders including Jay Naidoo, Mark Haywood, Mary Metcalfe, and Njongonkulu Ndungane, and a range of mainstream media organisations.
In his keynote speech, former COSATU secretary-general Zwelinzima Vavi lauded Corruption Watch as a "Critical intervention of COSATU and civil society that will help empower our people and successfully mobilise them." Radebe also spoke, [7] decrying corruption as a "cancer" in South African society. David Lewis, founding executive director of Corruption Watch, said: "We have formed this organisation to enable citizens to report and confront public and private sector individuals abusing their power and position." [8]
Land and Corruption in Africa is a decade-long Transparency International research project into the connection between land and corruption in Africa. [9] Phase one, rolled out from 2014 to 2019, yielded rich country-by-country research on land corruption risks and the impact on citizens across 10 countries in Africa: Cameroon, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Corruption Watch is the South Africa lead for the project and works with various civil society and private and public sector representatives. A second phase of the project (2021-2025) is currently under way and has resulted in a research report and podcast. [10] [11]
In 2016, Corruption Watch added its voice to calls for the resignation of former President Zuma, stating that he was not doing enough to prevent corruption by public officials. [12]
Corruption Watch monitored the Zondo Commission, a public inquiry established in January 2018 by former President Jacob Zuma to investigate allegations of state capture, corruption, and fraud in the public sector in South Africa. [13] [14] Corruption Watch produced various updates and reports. [15]
Corruption Watch monitored developments arising from the South African Arms Deal, [16] including the work of the Seriti Commission, a challenge to the commission's report brought by Corruption Watch and Right2Know, [17] and the subsequent successful review in 2019 [18] and the setting aside of the report. [19]
Corruption Watch is funded by donations from a range of private philanthropic foundations and businesses. It has a small staff of fewer than 30 people and is located in South Point Central, Braamfontein, Johannesburg.
As of 2022 [update] the Corruption Watch board comprises Karam Singh (executive director), Themba Maseko (chairperson), Gugu McLaren-Ushewokunze, Marianne Giddy, Bridgitte Mdangayi, Zukiswa Kota, and Karabo Rajuili. [20]
Corruption Watch monitors and exposes corruption in areas including corruption in the education sector, police corruption, leadership appointments (mainly in institutions that support democracy), corruption in the mining applications processes and its effects of communities, corruption in land ownership and tenure, beneficial ownership transparency, and public procurement. It operates a reporting system which encourages members of the public to share their experiences of corruption through SMS, fax, e-mail or online through its website, mobi-site, or Facebook page. It is modelled on similar schemes like I Paid A Bribe in India. [21] The organisation uses this information from the public in various ways, [22] including research, preparing contributions to legislative or policy development, undertaking strategic litigation on matters that are in the public interest, investigating a selected number of reports (of necessity this number is limited because of resource constraints), developing campaigns, and more.
Corruption Watch collaborates with various South African institutions that are charged with supporting democracy or dealing with corruption, such as the National Prosecuting Authority, the Public Protector and the Special Investigating Unit. [23] [24]
Current and former representatives of Corruption Watch sit on various national anti-corruption advisory panels, such as the Infrastructure Built Anti-Corruption Forum, [25] the Health Sector Anti-Corruption Forum, [26] and the National Anti-Corruption Advisory Council. [27]
Whistle-blowers are the primary source of information for Corruption Watch but sometimes the organisation conducts its own investigations and reports are created based on those findings. [28] The key reports that Corruption Watch produces are annual reports, the Analysis of Corruption Trends (ACT) report series, sectoral reports - one each year - each focusing on a different sector, the Transparency in Corporate Reporting (TRAC) report series, and various research reports. [29] Corruption Watch also produces public education material, usually related to their campaigns or with current focus areas. [30]
Corruption Watch provides a platform for reporting corruption. Anyone can safely share what they experience and observe and can speak out against corruption. The available communication channels include Corruption Watch's website, a WhatsApp number, social media, e-mail or post. Walk-ins are permitted; however, they are limited to certain days, namely Mondays and Tuesdays as the team mostly works remotely due to COVID-19.
The organisation investigates selected reports of alleged acts of corruption, in particular those cases that have the most serious impact on society. For instance, these may be cases involving basic health or education services which affect the most disadvantaged South Africans. Corruption Watch hands its findings over to the relevant authorities to take further action, and monitors the progress of each case. The organisation also collaborates with mainstream and community media to make sure that corruption is fully exposed through its investigative work.
Corruption Watch gathers and analyses information to identify patterns and hot spots of corruption. The organisation prepares research reports on these hot spots to expose and find solutions to systemic corruption. Using its own communication platforms and the media, Corruption Watch shares its findings with the public, like-minded non-governmental organisations, and public sector bodies, all of which are stakeholders in the fight against corruption.
Corruption Watch builds campaigns that mobilise people to take a stand against corruption. Campaigns involve the public, community groups, and other organisations such as civil society entities.
Corruption Watch contributes to policy and legislation. It was involved in the 2018 People's Tribunal on Economic Crime. [31] It has produced E-books for youth readers. [32]
It has also undertaken strategic litigation that is in the public interest. Recent focus areas have included South African Social Security Agency social grants, [33] [34] [35] [36] Sanral in Cape Town, [37] [38] the Richard Mdluli matter, [39] [40] and the Eskom delinquency case. [41] [42]
The organisation also promotes public involvement in the political process, especially voting in elections, [43] contributing to legislation development, [44] and monitoring appointments [45] to key crime- and corruption-fighting institutions, including Chapter 9 institutions and law enforcement institutions. [46] and lobbies for the development of regulatory processes for transparency in government spending. [47]
Corruption Watch has developed two data tools which focus on corruption.
The Veza tool is an interactive website that equips people with the knowledge and insight to demand better and more accountable policing. [48] Features include a map of corruption hotspots related to policing, information relating to public rights when encountering the police in various situations, [49] and data on all police stations across the country, such as locations, resources, budget and personnel. It also enables users to rate and review police stations based on personal experiences, to compare resources of up to four stations, to commend honest and ethical police officers, and to report incidents of corruption and police misconduct that are immediately geo-located through the tool.
Developed with a view to enhancing transparency in public procurement, Procurement Watch is a data tool that tracks and aggregates certain kinds of national procurement data, otherwise only available in pdfs on the National Treasury’s website, and makes this data easier to search, interpret, and understand. In particular, the tool provides data on deviations (from pre-existing procurement procedures); expansions (of the initial terms of a public contract); and blacklisted suppliers (suppliers that have been barred from doing business with the government). Meant mainly for monitoring and analysis purposes, it is not publicly available, but access is granted via an online form. [50] To date, three reports have been produced from its data. [51] [52] [53]
Eskom Hld SOC Ltd or Eskom (Afrikaans: Elektrisiteitsvoorsieningskommissie) is a South African electricity public utility. Eskom was established in 1923 as the Electricity Supply Commission (ESCOM). Eskom represents South Africa in the Southern African Power Pool. The utility is the largest producer of electricity in Africa, and was among the top utilities in the world in terms of generation capacity and sales. It is the largest of South Africa's state owned enterprises. Eskom operates a number of notable power stations, including Matimba Power Station and Medupi Power Station in Lephalale, Kusile Power Station in Witbank, Kendal Power Station, and Koeberg Nuclear Power Station in the Western Cape Province, the only nuclear power plant in Africa.
The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) is the agency of the South African Government responsible for state prosecutions. Under Section 179 of the South African Constitution and the National Prosecuting Authority Act of 1998, which established the NPA in 1998, the NPA has the power to institute criminal proceedings on behalf of the state and to carry out any necessary functions incidental to institution of criminal proceedings. The NPA is accountable to Parliament, and final responsibility over it lies with the Minister of Justice and Correctional Services.
Knowledge Malusi Nkanyezi Gigaba is a South African politician who served as Minister of Home Affairs of the Republic of South Africa appointed by President Cyril Ramaphosa from 27 February 2018 until his resignation on 13 November 2018. He also held the post from 25 May 2014 to 31 March 2017 as appointed by former President Jacob Zuma. He previously served as Deputy Minister of Home Affairs, Minister of Public Enterprises and Minister of Finance in the government of South Africa. He is currently a member of the National Executive Committee of the African National Congress.
Political corruption in Ghana has been common since independence. Since 2017, Ghana's score on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index has improved slightly from its low point that year, a score of 40 on a scale from 0 to 100. Ghana's score rose to 43 by 2020 and has remained there until the present, 2023. When ranked by score among the 180 countries in the 2023 Index, Ghana ranked 70th, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11.
Samson Gwede Mantashe is a South African politician and former trade unionist who is currently serving as the Minister of Mineral Resources and Energy. He was Minister of Mineral Resources from February 2018 to May 2019, when his current portfolio was created. He is also serving his second term as the national chairperson of the African National Congress (ANC).
The Strategic Defence Package, popularly known as the Arms Deal, was a major defence procurement programme undertaken to re-equip the South African armed forces for the post-apartheid era. It is commonly associated with the large-scale corruption that is alleged to have taken place during and after the procurement process. Some critics have said that the Arms Deal was a defining moment or turning point for the African National Congress (ANC) government, less than five years into its tenure.
Corruption in South Africa includes the improper use of public resources for private ends, including bribery and improper favouritism. Corruption was at its highest during the period of state capture under the presidency of Jacob Zuma and has remained widespread, negatively "affecting criminal justice, service provision, economic opportunity, social cohesion and political integrity" in South Africa.
Cassel Mathale is a South African politician who was the third Premier of Limpopo between March 2009 and July 2013. He is currently the Deputy Minister of Police in the South African government and before that was Deputy Minister of Small Business Development from February 2018 to May 2019.
South Africa is the only country in Africa with a commercial nuclear power plant.
Corruption in Somalia pertains to purported levels of corruption within Somalia's public and private sectors according to official metrics, anti-graft measures aimed at addressing those issues, as well as political dispensations and structural changes in government affecting transparency. Owing to a reported lack of accountability in the receipt and expenditure of public funds by the Transitional Federal Government, a federal Anti-Corruption Commission was put into place in 2011 so as to deter and eliminate graft. On Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, Somalia scored 11 on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Somalia ranked last among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was Somalia's, 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was Somalia's, 11.
Corruption in Kuwait is a problem resulting in political tensions in society.
The private residence of former South African President Jacob Zuma is situated about 24 km (15 mi) south of the rural town of Nkandla in KwaZulu-Natal and is commonly referred to as the Nkandla homestead. During Zuma's presidency, the homestead was the subject of a major public controversy, sometimes referred to as Nkandlagate, concerning what were ostensibly security upgrades to Zuma's compound, at a cost of over R246 million. The use of public funds to make these improvements received significant media coverage and political opposition.
Corruption is endemic at every level of Liberian society, making Liberia one of the most politically corrupt nations in the world. As such, corruption is not specifically a punishable crime under Liberian law, which further exacerbates the nature of corruption present in the country. When President Sirleaf took office in 2006, she announced that corruption was “the major public enemy.”
The Gupta family is a wealthy and influential business family from India, with close ties to former South African President Jacob Zuma and his administration. The family's most notable members are the brothers Ajay, Atul, and Rajesh "Tony" Gupta—as well as Atul's nephews Varun, and US-based Ashish and Amol.
Nomgcobo Jibawas the Deputy National Director of Public Prosecutions in South Africa.
In South Africa the Department of Public Enterprises is the shareholder representative of the South African Government with oversight responsibility for state-owned enterprises in key sectors. Some companies are not directly controlled by the Department of Public Enterprises, but by various other departments. Further, not all state owned entities are registered as companies.
Corruption in Chad is characterized by nepotism and cronyism. Chad received a score of 20 in the 2023 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Chad ranked 162nd among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90, the average score was 43, and the worst score was 11. For comparison with regional scores, the average score among sub-Saharan African countries was 33. The highest score in sub-Saharan Africa was 71 and the lowest score was 11.
The Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture, Corruption and Fraud in the Public Sector including Organs of State, better known as the Zondo Commission or State Capture Commission, was a public inquiry established in January 2018 by former President Jacob Zuma to investigate allegations of state capture, corruption, and fraud in the public sector in South Africa.
Fikile Zachariah "Slovo" Majola is a South African politician and former trade unionist who is currently serving as the Deputy Minister of Trade and Industry since May 2019. He has represented the African National Congress (ANC) in the National Assembly since 2014, and before that he was the general secretary of the National Education, Health and Allied Workers' Union (Nehawu) from 1998 to 2014.
Legoabe Willie Seriti is a South African retired judge who served in the Supreme Court of Appeal between 2010 and 2019. Before his elevation to that court, he was a judge of the Gauteng High Court from 2003 to 2010. He is best known for his role in the Seriti Commission of Inquiry into the Arms Deal, which he chaired between 2011 and 2015. He was formerly an attorney in his hometown of Pretoria.