Corruption Watch is a South African anti-corruption non-profit organisation that sets out to monitor and expose acts of corruption that involve public resources and donated charitable resources in South Africa. The various focus areas in which the organisation monitors and exposes corruption include corruption in the education sector, police corruption, leadership appointments (mainly in institutions that support democracy), corruption in the mining applications processes and its effects of communities, corruption in land ownership and tenure, beneficial ownership transparency, and public procurement. Whistle-blowers are an essential source for the organisation as their whole operational mode is built upon reports received from whistle-blowers.
Corruption Watch (SA) was launched in January 2012 at the initiative of trade union federation COSATU (the Congress of South African Trade Unions). The launch, which was held at Constitution Hill in Johannesburg, was attended by a range of government officials, including former minister of Justice and Correctional Services of South Africa Jeff Radebe, civil society and business leaders including Jay Naidoo, Mark Haywood, Mary Metcalfe, and Njongonkulu Ndungane, and a range of mainstream media organisations.
In his keynote speech, former COSATU secretary-general Zwelinzima Vavi lauded Corruption Watch as a "Critical intervention of COSATU and civil society that will help empower our people and successfully mobilise them." Former justice minister Jeff Radebe also took to the podium, decrying corruption as a "cancer" in South African society in his speech. David Lewis, founding executive director of Corruption Watch, said: "We have formed this organisation to enable citizens to report and confront public and private sector individuals abusing their power and position.”
Corruption Watch is funded by donations from a range of private philanthropic foundations and businesses. It has a small staff of fewer than 30 people and is located in South Point Central, Braamfontein, Johannesburg.
As of 2022[update] the Corruption Watch board comprises Karam Singh (executive director), Gugu McLaren-Ushewokunze, Themba Maseko, Marianne Giddy, Bridgitte Mdangayi, Zukiswa Kota, and Karabo Rajuili. [4]
Activities
Corruption Watch operates a reporting system which encourages members of the public to share their experiences of corruption through SMS, fax, e-mail or online through its website, mobi-site, or Facebook page. It is modelled on similar schemes like I paid a Bribe in India. The organisation uses this information from the public in various ways,[5] including research, preparing contributions to legislative or policy development, undertaking strategic litigation on matters that are in the public interest, investigating a selected number of reports (of necessity this number is limited because of resource constraints), developing campaigns, and more.
Current and former representatives of Corruption Watch sit on various national anti-corruption advisory panels, such as the Infrastructure Built Anti-Corruption Forum,[8] the Health Sector Anti-Corruption Forum,[9] and the National Anti-Corruption Advisory Council.[10]
Whistle-blowers are the primary source of information for Corruption Watch but sometimes the organisation conducts its own investigations and reports are created based on those findings.[11] The key reports that Corruption Watch produces are annual reports, the Analysis of Corruption Trends (ACT) report series, sectoral reports - one each year - each focusing on a different sector, the Transparency in Corporate Reporting (TRAC) report series, and various research reports which are all accessible on the organisation's publications page. Corruption Watch also produces public education material, usually related to the campaigns that they are busy with or with current focus areas.
In 2016, Corruption Watch added its voice to calls for the resignation of former President Zuma, stating that he was not doing enough to prevent corruption by public officials.[12]
How work is done
Communication Corruption Watch provides a platform for reporting corruption. Anyone can safely share what they experience and observe and can speak out against corruption. The available communication channels include Corruption Watch's website, a WhatsApp number, social media, e-mail or post. Walk-ins are permitted; however, they are limited to certain days, namely Mondays and Tuesdays as the team mostly works remotely due to Covid-19.
Investigation The organisation investigates selected reports of alleged acts of corruption, in particular those cases that have the most serious impact on society. For instance, these may be cases involving basic health or education services which affect the most disadvantaged South Africans. Corruption Watch hands its findings over to the relevant authorities to take further action, and monitors the progress of each case. The organisation also collaborates with mainstream and community media to make sure that corruption is fully exposed through its investigative work.
Research Corruption Watch gathers and analyses information to identify patterns and hot spots of corruption. The organisation prepares research reports on these hot spots to expose and find solutions to systemic corruption. Using its own communication platforms and the media, Corruption Watch shares its findings with the public, like-minded non-governmental organisations, and public sector bodies, all of which are stakeholders in the fight against corruption.
Mobilisation Corruption Watch builds campaigns that mobilise people to take a stand against corruption. Campaigns involve the public, community groups, and other organisations such as civil society entities.
A list of major projects
Land and Corruption in Africa - this is a decade-long Transparency International research project into the connection between land and corruption in Africa. Phase one of Land and Corruption in Africa was successfully rolled out from 2014 to 2019 and yielded rich country-by-country research on land corruption risks and the impact on citizens across 10 countries in Africa: Cameroon, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Corruption Watch is the South Africa lead for the project and works with various civil society and private and public sector representatives. A second phase of the project (2021-2025) is currently under way and has resulted in a research report and podcast series.
The daily coverage of the erstwhile Zondo commission, and the analysis of the reports and the president's response to the reports.
Strategic litigation that is in the public interest. Recent main focus areas have included the Sassa/social grants saga[13][14][15][16], Sanral in Cape Town[17][18], the Richard Mdluli matter[19][20], the Eskom delinquency case[21][22], and the Seriti commission report (see below for further developments).
The organisation also promotes public involvement in the political process, especially voting in elections,[23] contributing to legislation development,[24] and monitoring appointments[25] to key crime- and corruption-fighting institutions, including Chapter 9 institutions and law enforcement institutions. [26] and lobbies for the development of regulatory processes for transparency in government spending. [27]
Use of technology
Corruption Watch has two main data tools which focus on corruption in two different areas - police and public procurement. They are the Veza tool and Procurement Watch, respectively.
The Veza tool is an interactive website that equips people with the knowledge and insight to demand better and more accountable policing. Features include a map of corruption hotspots related to policing, information relating to the public’s rights when encountering the police in various situations, and data on all police stations across the country, such as locations, resources, budget and personnel. It also enables users to rate and review police stations based on personal experiences, to compare resources of up to four stations, to commend honest and ethical police officers, and to report incidents of corruption and police misconduct that are immediately geo-located through the tool.
Developed with a view to enhancing transparency in public procurement, Procurement Watch is a data tool that tracks and aggregates certain kinds of national procurement data, otherwise only available in pdfs on the National Treasury’s website, and makes this data easier to search, interpret, and understand. In particular, the tool provides data on deviations (from pre-existing procurement procedures); expansions (of the initial terms of a public contract); and blacklisted suppliers (suppliers that have been barred from doing business with the government). Meant mainly for monitoring and analysis purposes, it is not publicly available, but access is granted via an application. To date, three reports[28][29][30] have been produced from its data.
Police corruption is a form of police misconduct in which law enforcement officers end up breaking their political contract and abusing their power for personal gain. This type of corruption may involve one or a group of officers. Internal police corruption is a challenge to public trust, cohesion of departmental policies, human rights and legal violations involving serious consequences. Police corruption can take many forms, such as bribery.
Eskom Hld SOC Ltd or Eskom (Afrikaans: Elektrisiteitsvoorsieningskommissie) is a South African electricity public utility. Eskom was established in 1923 as the Electricity Supply Commission (ESCOM). Eskom represents South Africa in the Southern African Power Pool. The utility is the largest producer of electricity in Africa, and was among the top utilities in the world in terms of generation capacity and sales. It is the largest of South Africa's state owned enterprises. Eskom operates a number of notable power stations, including Matimba Power Station and Medupi Power Station in Lephalale, Kusile Power Station in Witbank, Kendal Power Station, and Koeberg Nuclear Power Station in the Western Cape Province, the only nuclear power plant in Africa.
Knowledge Malusi Nkanyezi Gigaba is a South African politician who served as Minister of Home Affairs of the Republic of South Africa appointed by President Cyril Ramaphosa from 27 February 2018 until his resignation on 13 November 2018. He also held the post from 25 May 2014 to 31 March 2017 as appointed by former President Jacob Zuma. He previously served as Deputy Minister of Home Affairs, Minister of Public Enterprises and Minister of Finance in the government of South Africa. He is currently a member of the National Executive Committee of the African National Congress.
Political corruption in Ghana has been common since independence. Since 2017, Ghana's score on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index has improved slightly from its low point that year, a score of 40 on a scale from 0 to 100. In the succeeding years, Ghana's score has either risen or remained steady: in the year 2022, Ghana scored 43. When ranked by score among the 180 countries in the 2022 Index, Ghana ranked 72nd, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison, the best score in 2022 was 90 and the worst score was 12.
Corruption in South Africa includes the improper use of public resources for private ends, including bribery and improper favouritism. Corruption was at its highest during the period of state capture under the presidency of Jacob Zuma and has remained widespread, negatively "affecting criminal justice, service provision, economic opportunity, social cohesion and political integrity" in South Africa.
Integrity Watch Afghanistan (IWA) is an Afghan non-governmental organization that works to increase transparency (social), integrity and accountability in Afghanistan through the provision of policy-oriented research, monitoring, capacity building and advocacy on political corruption and aid effectiveness.
South Africa is the only country in Africa with a commercial nuclear power plant.
The nation of Botswana has been ranked as one of the least corrupt countries in Africa by many large, well-known international organizations. However, corruption is not eradicated, and can still be seen in a wide majority of different governmental sectors and in differing forms. To combat this corruption, Botswana has passed many legal acts and policies with the aim of stopping its growth.
Corruption is rife in Papua New Guinea (PNG). According to The Economist, "PNG's governments are notorious for corruption, and ever run the risk of turning the state into a fully-fledged kleptocracy".
Corruption in Bangladesh has been a continuing problem. According to all major ranking institutions, Bangladesh routinely finds itself among the most corrupt countries in the world.
The Risk & Compliance Portal is a powerhouse for business anti-corruption information offering tools on how to alleviate or reduce risks and costs of corruption when doing business abroad. All the information on the Portal is produced by GAN Integrity Solutions, a Denmark-based IT & Professional Services firm. The Portal was created in 2006 and is aided by the European Commission and a number of European governments.
Corruption can take many forms, and can distort how public policy is made or implemented. This article discusses the responsibilities of the various agencies involved in combating corruption in Australia. While Australia is a wealthy democracy, over the decade since 2012, Australia's ranking in the Corruption Perceptions Index from Transparency International has slipped from 7th place in 2012 to 13th in 2022, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. Additionally, there is a public perception that corruption in Australia is increasing. All states have broad-based anti-corruption agencies, and a national anti-corruption commission has been operational since July 2023.
Corruption in Romania has decreased in recent years. In particular since 2014, Romania undertook a significant anti-corruption effort that included the investigation and prosecution of medium- and high-level political, judicial and administrative officials by the National Anticorruption Directorate. The National Anticorruption Directorate was established in 2002 by the Romanian government to investigate and prosecute medium and high-level corruption related offenses, using a model of organization inspired by similar structures in Norway, Belgium and Spain. Adrian Zuckerman, the US Ambassador in Romania, has stated in 2021 that "the rule of law has been strengthened in Romania". Since 2022, the effectiveness of the investigation and sanctioning of high-level corruption further improved, including by advancing on cases that had been pending for years for procedural reasons.
Corruption in Georgia had been an issue in the post-Soviet decades. Before the 2003 Rose Revolution, according to Foreign Policy, Georgia was among the most corrupt nations in Eurasia. The level of corruption abated dramatically, however, after the revolution. In 2010, Transparency International (TI) said that Georgia was "the best corruption-buster in the world." While low-level corruption had earlier been largely eliminated, Transparency International Georgia since 2020 has also documented dozens of cases of high-level corruption that remain to be prosecuted.
Corruption is endemic at every level of Liberian society, making Liberia one of the most politically corrupt nations in the world. As such, corruption is not specifically a punishable crime under Liberian law, which further exacerbates the nature of corruption present in the country. When President Sirleaf took office in 2006, she announced that corruption was “the major public enemy.”
Corruption in Bolivia is a major problem that has been called an accepted part of life in the country. It can be found at all levels of Bolivian society. Citizens of the country perceive the judiciary, police and public administration generally as the country's most corrupt. Corruption is also widespread among officials who are supposed to control the illegal drug trade and among those working in and with extractive industries.
Corruption in Chad is characterized by nepotism and cronyism. Chad received a score of 19 in the 2022 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index on a scale from 0 to 100. When ranked by score, Chad ranked 164th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector. For comparison, the best score was 90, and the worst score was 12.
Anti-corruption comprises activities that oppose or inhibit corruption. Just as corruption takes many forms, anti-corruption efforts vary in scope and in strategy. A general distinction between preventive and reactive measures is sometimes drawn. In such framework, investigative authorities and their attempts to unveil corrupt practices would be considered reactive, while education on the negative impact of corruption, or firm-internal compliance programs are classified as the former.
The Basel Institute on Governance is an independent, international non-profit organisation dedicated to preventing and combating corruption and other financial crimes and to strengthening governance around the world. The organisation was established in Basel, Switzerland in 2003 by Professor Mark Pieth.
Organisation Undoing Tax Abuse (OUTA) is a registered non-profit Civil Action Organisation, located in Johannesburg, South Africa. The anti-corruption advocacy organisation focuses on tackling government corruption and misappropriation of public funds. It is crowd funded by the public and businesses within the Republic of South Africa.
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