The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the English-speaking world and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject.(January 2023) |
Digital repatriation is the return of items of cultural heritage in a digital format to the communities from which they originated. The term originated from within anthropology, and typically referred to the creation of digital photographs of ethnographic material, which would then be made available to members of the originating culture. [1] However, the term has also been applied to museum, library, and archives collections, [2] and can refer not only to digital photographs of items, but also digital collections and virtual exhibits including 3D scans and audio recordings. [3] Intangible cultural heritage, which includes traditional skills and knowledge, can also be digitally repatriated to communities. [4]
Digital repatriation is becoming increasingly relevant as more cultural institutions make their collections available online. [5] This increased access is sometimes at odds with the desires of the originating culture, since it limits their ability to curate and define terms of access to their cultural materials. [6] Many cultural institutions are making efforts to involve communities in collection display and description. Recently, some cultural heritage institutions are also making the effort to return control and access of digital materials to original cultures. [7] [8] This has led to the development of digital software and tools to help achieve these goals. [9]
Proponents of digital surrogacy argue that it can offer benefits to originating cultures, scholars, and educators. For originating cultures, digital surrogates can make cultural objects accessible to dispersed populations, reunite collections of physically scattered objects, or provide access to objects for which physical repatriation is challenging. [10] Digital surrogates can provide an interactive experience for community members [11] and inspire new community engagement with cultural objects. [10] [6] High quality digital surrogates can aid with preservation of the original objects, provide documentation for collections management, and give scholars access to the surrogates for continued study regardless of where the original artifacts are located. [12] However, scholars caution that digital surrogates are alternative representations of an object, rather than replacements for the original objects. [6]
Intangible Cultural Heritage includes recordings of songs, ceremonies, and stories. Cultural, esoteric, and traditional ecological knowledge are all forms of intangible cultural heritage, as well as genetic information. [13] Oftentimes, intangible heritage contains culturally sensitive information that Indigenous communities want to personally manage. The digitization of intangible cultural heritage helps preserve the ways of life and traditions of diverse cultures around the world. [4] Digitally repatriating traditional and esoteric knowledge returns this information to Indigenous communities, who can work with cultural heritage institutions to more accurately preserve materials and information. [14] However, some Indigenous communities have concerns regarding the digitization and repatriation of this type of cultural heritage. Many communities believe that non-Native organizations are not respecting their rights and views of how this information is being handled, as having culturally sensitive materials publicly available online opens it up to intellectual misappropriation. [4]
Repatriation is fraught with ethical and legal challenges regarding ownership of artifacts and materials. Communities within originating cultures seeking to assert ownership over artifacts and materials held in outside institutions may lack the types of documentation that would be accepted in international courts of law, [15] and they may have traditions and beliefs which conflict with Western understandings of individual intellectual property rights. [16] While digital repatriation can provide access to objects for which physical repatriation is complicated or unlikely, originating cultures may not be satisfied with this option.
Institutions creating digital surrogates for digital repatriation may retain copies for institutional use, plus digital items can exist in multiple locations. [6] Originating cultures may object to replicating or displaying sacred objects, objections which may extend to digital representations of the objects. [6] [17] This has led to problems surrounding who controls access to these digital materials, as many institutions retain the rights to these items. [18] Some institutions have chosen to resolve this ethical challenge by requesting intellectual property rights clearance from the communities in question before publishing digital materials, [19] and offering control over access permissions and representation of digital materials to members of the originating cultures. [6] [3] While digital repatriation projects can return control to Indigenous communities, this does not always happen. Indigenous peoples' control over their own cultural information is limited when non-Native institutions retain control, which can lead to Indigenous people not having a say in how their culture's knowledge and materials are used for research purposes. [4]
Unequal power dynamics have always existed between museums and Indigenous communities, especially in terms of oral history versus perspectives of colonists. [20] Many cultural heritage institutions have perpetuated the idea that assimilation of Indigenous people was beneficial and peaceful. Historians, researchers, and curators should keep this in mind when discussing access and control with Indigenous communities. [21]
Another consideration is where funds are invested to support digital repatriation projects. Trends show that grants are typically given to non-Native organizations over Indigenous communities that are working to preserve their collections. [22] The Karuk people express that one of the biggest challenges is finding the funding to support their digital archive, Sípnuuk. [23]
Digital repatriation relies heavily on the development of software and technology. These developments can benefit Indigenous communities by returning control to these groups and also by expanding access. [14] Working with communities prior to digitizing materials can help determine digital access from the start. [9] There are still barriers that exist with software and technology, such as the digital divide. Internet access and technology are not always feasible for some Indigenous communities, especially groups in remote locations or those who do not have adequate funds. [18]
Mukurtu CMS is a software specifically designed for managing and sharing digital heritage in culturally relevant and ethically minded ways. [13] Originally designed in 2007 for the Warumungu people in Australia, Mukurtu CMS has become a popular tool for designing digital archives for Indigenous communities worldwide. [9] This software is open sourced, meaning it is free and can be shaped to meet the needs of different communities. [9] Mukurtu CMS places the needs and concerns of Indigenous communities at the forefront of its structure and function. It has options for expanded and multiple sets of metadata that are parallel to one another, meaning there is not a hierarchy or standard type of metadata. [9]
This organization began in 2010 to address intellectual property and cultural heritage within Indigenous communities, particularly in a digital capacity. [18] Through a combination of legal and educational options, Local Contexts helps shift cultural authority back to Indigenous communities. [5] One of this organization's more prominent tools is the Local Contexts Traditional Knowledge Labels, or TK Labels, which institutions can utilize in digital collections to allow communities to designate certain material as restricted for access or use. [18] There are currently eighteen labels that help control access. For example, the TK Secret/Sacred label lets users know that the material contains secret or sacred information. The labels are meant to be customizable to individual communities, allowing each community to define what a label means to them. [24]
The National Museum of the American Indian (USA) and the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa have been particularly active in bicultural co-curation of digital material. [25] There have also been several successful digital repatriation projects that enable Indigenous communities to manage their own digital materials, which helps limit who can access culturally sensitive materials.
Launched in 2016, Sípnuuk originally started as a food security archive, with the intention of expanding to cover different topics important to the Karuk people. [23] Even though they have maintained their culture and knowledge orally, the Karuk people recognized the importance of having a digital archive to gain sovereignty over their cultural heritage. [23] Sípnuuk now has additional items pertaining to Karuk language, culture, skills, and traditional knowledge. [7]
There is an effort to gain authority over Karuk cultural heritage both inside and outside of their community. The Sípnuuk staff work with families within their community to make recommendations about how to care for materials and also to get descriptive metadata directly from families donating knowledge or items to the archive. [23] Because the Karuk people have complete control and authority over their digital archive, they can decide what metadata to use and how they want the public to access or use their materials. [26] Having controlled vocabulary specific to their culture lets them include the names of items and places in both Karuk and English. [26] To manage who has access to culturally sensitive materials located in Sípnuuk, a review committee appointed by the Karuk Tribal Council handles the requests of sensitive materials. The person or family requesting access to the material must sign a legal document once they are approved, outlining what they can and cannot do with access to the item or information. [23]
The Passamaquoddy digital archive was created in 2014 and took advantage of the Mukurtu software. [8] The project originally started in the 1980s with the translation of wax cylinder recordings of the Passamaquoddy people made in 1890. [9] By having these recordings digitally repatriated, the Passamaquoddy people were able to reconnect with their ancestors and learn their language, which had almost been completely lost within their community. [9]
The focus of this archive is the transcription and translation of these recordings, but other parts of the Passamaquoddy culture and history are shared as well. The Passamaquoddy people wanted to be the cultural authorities of these recordings, which is why they decided to create an archive that their entire community can contribute to and access. [9] This archive takes full advantage of the Local Contexts TK Labels to prevent the misuse of the Passamaquoddy cultural heritage, as a lot of the recordings are sacred ceremonies, or songs meant only for a certain gender or age group. [26]
The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), Pub. L. 101-601, 25 U.S.C. 3001 et seq., 104 Stat. 3048, is a United States federal law enacted on November 16, 1990.
Digitization is the process of converting information into a digital format. The result is the representation of an object, image, sound, document, or signal obtained by generating a series of numbers that describe a discrete set of points or samples. The result is called digital representation or, more specifically, a digital image, for the object, and digital form, for the signal. In modern practice, the digitized data is in the form of binary numbers, which facilitates processing by digital computers and other operations, but digitizing simply means "the conversion of analog source material into a numerical format"; the decimal or any other number system can be used instead.
Cultural heritage is the heritage of tangible and intangible heritage assets of a group or society that is inherited from past generations. Not all heritages of past generations are "heritage"; rather, heritage is a product of selection by society.
Traditional knowledge (TK), indigenous knowledge (IK), folk knowledge, and local knowledge generally refer to knowledge systems embedded in the cultural traditions of regional, indigenous, or local communities. According to the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) and the United Nations (UN), traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions (TCE) are both types of indigenous knowledge.
An intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is a practice, representation, expression, knowledge, or skill considered by UNESCO to be part of a place's cultural heritage. Buildings, historic places, monuments, and artifacts are cultural property. Intangible heritage consists of nonphysical intellectual wealth, such as folklore, customs, beliefs, traditions, knowledge, and language. Intangible cultural heritage is considered by member states of UNESCO in relation to the tangible World Heritage focusing on intangible aspects of culture. In 2001, UNESCO made a survey among States and NGOs to try to agree on a definition, and the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage was drafted in 2003 for its protection and promotion.
Repatriation is the return of the cultural property, often referring to ancient or looted art, to their country of origin or former owners.
The Center for Folklife & Cultural Heritage (CFCH) is one of three cultural centers within the Smithsonian Institution in the United States. Its motto is "culture of, by, and for the people", and it aims to encourage understanding and cultural sustainability through research, education, and community engagement. The CFCH contains (numerically) the largest collection in the Smithsonian, but is not fully open to the public. Its budget comes primarily from grants, trust monies, federal government appropriations, and gifts, with a small percentage coming from the main Smithsonian budget.
The Father Sebastian Englert Anthropological Museum is a museum in the town of Hanga Roa on Rapa Nui in Chilean Polynesia. Named for the Bavarian missionary, Fr. Sebastian Englert, OFM Cap., the museum was founded in 1973 and is dedicated to the conservation of the Rapa Nui cultural patrimony.
Metadata is "data that provides information about other data", but not the content of the data itself, such as the text of a message or the image itself. There are many distinct types of metadata, including:
Henrietta Marrie is a Gimuy Walubara Yidinji elder, an Australian Research Council Fellow and Honorary Professor with the University of Queensland.
Europeana is a web portal created by the European Union containing digitised cultural heritage collections of more than 3,000 institutions across Europe. It includes records of over 50 million cultural and scientific artefacts, brought together on a single platform and presented in a variety of ways relevant to modern users. The prototype for Europeana was the European Digital Library Network (EDLnet), launched in 2008.
Categories for the Description of Works of Art (CDWA) describes the content of art databases by articulating a conceptual framework for describing and accessing information about works of art, architecture, other material culture, groups and collections of works, and related images. The CDWA includes 532 categories and subcategories. A small subset of categories are considered core in that they represent the minimum information necessary to identify and describe a work. The CDWA includes discussions, basic guidelines for cataloging, and examples.
The Intellectual Property Issues in Cultural Heritage (IPinCH) Project is a seven-year international research initiative based at Simon Fraser University, in British Columbia, Canada. IPinCH's work explores the rights, values, and responsibilities of material culture, cultural knowledge, and the practice of heritage research. The project is directed by Dr. George P. Nicholas, co-developed with Julie Hollowell and Kelly Bannister and is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada's (SSHRC) major collaborative research initiatives (MCRI) program.
A memory institution is an organization maintaining a repository of public knowledge, a generic term used about institutions such as libraries, archives, heritage institutions, aquaria and arboreta, and zoological and botanical gardens, as well as providers of digital libraries and data aggregation services which serve as memories for given societies or mankind. Memory institutions serve the purpose of documenting, contextualizing, preserving and indexing elements of human culture and collective memory. These institutions allow and enable society to better understand themselves, their past, and how the past impacts their future. These repositories are ultimately preservers of communities, languages, cultures, customs, tribes, and individuality. Memory institutions are repositories of knowledge, while also being actors of the transitions of knowledge and memory to the community. These institutions ultimately remain some form of collective memory. Increasingly such institutions are considered as a part of a unified documentation and information science perspective.
Collections management involves the development, storage, and preservation of cultural property, as well as objects of contemporary culture in museums, libraries, archives and private collections. The primary goal of collections management is to meet the needs of the individual collector or collecting institution's mission statement, while also ensuring the long-term safety and sustainability of the cultural objects within the collector's care. Collections management, which consists primarily of the administrative responsibilities associated with collection development, is closely related to collections care, which is the physical preservation of cultural heritage. The professionals most influenced by collections management include collection managers, registrars, and archivists.
The documentation of cultural property is a critical aspect of collections care. As stewards of cultural property, museums collect and preserve not only objects but the research and documentation connected to those objects, in order to more effectively care for them. Documenting cultural heritage is a collaborative effort. Essentially, registrars, collection managers, conservators, and curators all contribute to the task of recording and preserving information regarding collections. There are two main types of documentation museums are responsible for: records generated in the registration process—accessions, loans, inventories, etc. and information regarding research on objects and their historical significance. Properly maintaining both types of documentation is vital to preserving cultural heritage.
Digital heritage is the use of digital media in the service of understanding and preserving cultural or natural heritage.
The Protocols for Native American Archival Materials (PNAAM) is a set of best professional practices around the care and use of American Indian archival materials that are held in non-tribal libraries, archives, museums, and other cultural institutions.
Indigenous librarianship is a distinct field of librarianship that brings Indigenous approaches to areas such as knowledge organization, collection development, library and information services, language and cultural practices, and education. The Encyclopedia of Library and Information Sciences states that Indigenous librarianship emerged as a "distinct field of practice and an arena for international scholarship in the late twentieth century bolstered by a global recognition of the value and vulnerability of Indigenous knowledge systems, and of the right of Indigenous peoples to control them."
Repatriation is the practice of returning a cultural artifact to its place of origin. Within the context of Canada, this is often associated with institution and collectors returning cultural artifacts to their original Indigenous community. Cultural artifacts may have been appropriated, stolen, sold, or taken from their place of origin. Many of the early collectors of Canadian indigenous cultural items did so with the assumption that the culture was on the brink of destruction. Many scholars considered it imperative to obtain and collect these items before they were destroyed under the guise of salvage ethnography. This was supported by racist ideologies suggesting that indigenous cultures were primitive and therefore inferior to the culture of dominant colonial society.