Fadela Amara | |
---|---|
Born | 25 April 1964 60) | (age
Nationality | French |
Fadela Amara (born Fatiha Amara on 25 April 1964) is a French feminist and politician, who began her political life as an advocate for women in the impoverished banlieues . She was the Secretary of State for Urban Policies in the liberal Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) government of French Prime Minister François Fillon. [1] She is a former president of the organisation Ni Putes Ni Soumises .
Amara was born to Algerian Berber Kabyle parents in an emergency housing district of Clermont-Ferrand, Puy-de-Dôme, which she later described as a shanty-town. The neighbourhood was mostly populated by immigrants from the Maghreb. She was born into a family of eleven children, having four sisters and six brothers. Her father worked as a labourer during the week and in the markets on the weekend, while her mother was a housewife. Despite not being well off, Amara's father sent money back to his home village in Algeria and kept some more aside for the poor of the district [ citation needed ]. Regarding the situation there for women she said, "daughters, sisters, cousins, female neighbours must either act like submissive but virtuous vassals, or be treated like cheap whores. Any sign of independence or femininity is viewed as a challenge and provocation." [2] Although she wished to study literature, she ended up taking a qualification as an office employee.
In 1978, when Amara was 14, her brother Malik was run down by a drunk driver. He died of his injuries after a few hours. Amara was appalled to see the police side with the driver at the scene of the incident. [3]
Amara participated in the first demonstration aimed at encouraging electoral registration among the young people of Clermont-Ferrand. When she was 16 years old, the municipal authorities decided to demolish the district she lived in. She went from door to door canvassing support for its retention. At the age of 18, she established the Association des femmes pour l'échange intercommunautaire (Women's Association for Intercommunal Exchange), a fledgling example of Islamic feminism, with the aim of developing women's autonomy and individual thought through meetings between neighbouring communities.
In 1983 she took part in a mass demonstration of the Beurs (French of North African origin), and from 1986 on she was an activist within the civil rights organisation SOS Racisme. In 2000 she was elected president of the Fédération nationale des maisons des potes (FNMP). In 1989 she established the Women's Commission, whose principal objective was to investigate the position of women in urban and suburban areas and register the demands of those communities.
In March 2001 she was elected on the Socialist Party list at the municipal council of Clermont-Ferrand.
After the 2002 murder of 17-year-old Sohanne Benziane, she organised a march from the murder site beneath a banner declaring the women Ni Putes, Ni Soumises (neither whores, nor submissives). The motto stuck and became the name of the resulting organisation, of which she became the president.
In 2002 she organised a "women's parliament" in the Sorbonne with over 250 participants, drew up a petition which gained almost 20,000 signatures, and organised a nationwide tour of Ni Putes Ni Soumises, which finished in Paris on 8 March 2003.
On 19 June 2007, although still a member and a municipal councillor of the Socialist Party, she was appointed Secretary of State for Urban Policies in the 2nd UMP government of French Prime Minister François Fillon. She reported to Housing Minister Christine Boutin. She left the government in 2010, and was named France's inspector general for social affairs in January 2011. [4]
André Gerin, who headed the commission to study the burqa, stated in an interview with The Economist, "We will not accept that a particular religion: Islam or anything else, occupying the public space and dictating its rules over civil society. Thats what's happening with the fundamentalists...It goes against the entire history of Western Civilization." [5] President Nicolas Sarkozy, proposing the burqa legislation, was the first president to address the assembly since Napoleon Bonaparte. [6] Bonaparte is considered to be one of the 'fathers' of french secularism but also allied the state with the Catholic Church and signed the Concordat of 1801. Kaminski, a member of the WSJ editorial board, stated, "A state—a majority Christian state, to boot—is mandating how members of a minority religion should go about practising theirs." [7] [8]
The Guardian stated, "This battle came to a head during the furore surrounding France's controversial 2004 law banning headscarves in schools. Amara's position was clear:," quoting Amara as stating, "The veil is the visible symbol of the subjugation of women," the article goes on to conclude, "and therefore has no place in the mixed, secular spaces of France's public school system." [9] The article and its conclusions were widely plagiarised by major news agencies but never verified for accuracy. [10] [11] The Atlantic claimed that Brian Grim had made exactly the same statements in a Pew Research Center report but he did not. [12] It was plagiarized in a conference paper by a Professor at the University of Pennsylvania. [13] Chenut's Forward to Fadela Amara's book cites Françoise Gaspard's work on the subject, "Women's rights, she argues, are better served by not banning the headscarf. Expelling girls from French public schools deprives them of their right to education and of a path to modernity." On page 94, Amara explains her reasoning for her opposition to the headscarf in public schools, that emancipated educated French Muslim women: 22–24 had apparently made the wrong choice, blaming the public school system for not teaching them to make the right choice, "In the late 1980s...I was among those who said that these young women should not be excluded. Our reasoning was simple: these young women were under pressure from their families; to help them resolve it, it was preferable to keep them at school. We were counting on the republican school system, where they would learn to make their own choice and then to refuse the headscarf." She goes on to argue that any attempt to ban the headscarf will be met with violent: 99 opposition, "The effect will be the reverse of what we hoped for, the peaceful coexistence of different religions within a common secular framework.": 99 The Guardian's misinterpretation of her following statement is evident from the preceding quotations, "it is first of all a means of oppression, of alienation, of discrimination, an instrument of power over women used by men...We must tell young women that they can be Muslims today without wearing the headscarf.": 100 [14] Amara's position was discussed in an English law school doctoral thesis with far greater attention to detail, confirming that Amara was against the ban. [15]
In 2013 she gave a speech at the University of Chicago [15] in which she stated that she was in favour of a complete ban on the burqa before 2004. The English translator did not possess dual proficiency and misinterpreted most technical concepts. Amara claimed that Islamic fundamentalists paid women to wear veils to make it seem like it was more normal. She claims a vast conspiracy of "Islamic fundamentalists", "trying to install islam everywhere, just like you've seen on the TV." She states that she respects women who choose to wear veils and that they should be allowed to wear them. She states that women should be free to choose to wear a veil. She states that she would prefer legislation that protects women who wear the veil and for them to choose not to wear it, describing her opponents as fascists. This position was criticised on a french lawyers blog where he cited already enacted laws which provide this desired protection: Articles 222-18 [16] and Article 222-13, [17] the author of the blog argues that the current laws are already effective but that the burqa ban would be inadequate to protect women from domestic violence. [18] Amara, in the Chicago speech, criticised the Levy sisters, who wore hijab not burqa, [19] for "flaunting" the french principle of secularism and blamed all instances of girls wearing veils to school on the sisters. [20] Amara's position was very unclear as she both advocated for an act that strictly prohibited the practice under penalty of law and for women to maintain the freedom to choose.
In 2009, the day after the commission into the burqa was tabled in the National Assembly, [21] Amara showed her support for the parliamentary commission to investigate the burqa [22]
"I am in favour of a complete prohibition of the burqa throughout the country. I want it to be banned, this coffin of fundamental freedoms. I want a debate that leads to a law that protects women."
The commissioners bragged about interviewing 200 people but didn't interview any women who wear full veils regularly so it has been suggested that it was a waste of six months. Only two sociologists turned up in niqabs and later went on to fight an international human rights case on the subject. [23] The laws passed by the National Assembly were what Amara had warned about in her 2004 book. Instead of a complete ban, it was only banned in public further serving to marginalise women and it was probably illegal to make up those laws anyway. [24] Some people said the whole thing was pretty dumb to argue about. [25]
In modern usage, hijab generally refers to variety of head coverings conventionally worn by many Muslim women as an expression of faith. Similar to the tichel or snood worn by Orthodox Jewish women, certain headcoverings worn by some Christian women, such as the mantilla, apostolnik and wimple, and the dupatta favored by many Hindu and Sikh women, the hijab comes in various forms. Often, it specifically describes a scarf that is wrapped around the head, covering the hair, neck, and ears while leaving the face visible. The use of the hijab has grown globally since the 1970s, with many Muslims viewing it as a symbol of modesty and faith; it is also worn as a form of adornment. There is consensus among Islamic religious scholars that covering the head is either required or preferred. In practice, most Muslim women choose to wear it.
A burqa or a burka is an enveloping outer garment worn by some Muslim women which fully covers the body and the face. Also known as a chadaree or chaadar in Afghanistan, or a paranja in Central Asia, the Arab version of the burqa is called the boshiya and is usually black. The term burqa is sometimes conflated with the niqāb even though, in more precise usage, the niqab is a face veil that leaves the eyes uncovered, while a burqa covers the entire body from the top of the head to the ground, with a mesh screen which only allows the wearer to see in front of her.
The French law on secularity and conspicuous religious symbols in schools bans wearing conspicuous religious symbols in French public primary and secondary schools. The law is an amendment to the French Code of Education that expands principles founded in existing French law, especially the constitutional requirement of laïcité: the separation of state and religious activities.
Ni Putes Ni Soumises is a French feminist movement, founded in 2002, which has secured the recognition of the French press and the National Assembly of France. It is generally dependent on public funding. It is also the name of a book written by Fadela Amara, one of the leaders of the movement, with the help of Le Monde journalist Sylvia Zappi.
Pardah or purdah is a religious and social practice of gender partition prevalent among some Muslim and Hindu communities. It takes two forms: social partition of the sexes and the requirement that women cover their bodies so as to cover their skin and conceal their form. A woman who practices purdah can be referred to as pardanashin or purdahnishan. The term purdah is also used to describe related practices, such as the pre-election period of sensitivity occurring in the weeks leading up to a general election or referendum.
Islamic clothing is clothing that is interpreted as being in accordance with the teachings of Islam. Muslims wear a wide variety of clothing, which is influenced not only by religious considerations, but also by practical, cultural, social, and political factors. In modern times, some Muslims have adopted clothing based on Western traditions, while others wear modern forms of traditional Muslim dress, which over the centuries has typically included long, flowing garments. Besides its practical advantages in the climate of the Middle East, loose-fitting clothing is also generally regarded as conforming to Islamic teachings, which stipulate that body areas which are sexual in nature must be hidden from public view. Traditional dress for Muslim men has typically covered at least the head and the area between the waist and the knees, while women's islamic dress is to conceal the hair and the body from the ankles to the neck. Some Muslim women also cover their face. However, other Muslims believe that the Quran strictly mandate that women need to wear a hijab or a burqa.
A niqāb or niqaab, also known as a ruband, is a long garment worn by some Muslim women in order to cover their entire body and face, excluding their eyes. It is an interpretation in Islam of the concept of hijab, and is worn in public and in all other places where a woman may encounter non-mahram men. Most prevalent in the Arabian Peninsula, the niqab is a controversial clothing item in many parts of the world, including in some Muslim-majority countries.
Islamic feminism is a form of feminism concerned with the role of women in Islam. It aims for the full equality of all Muslims, regardless of gender, in public and private life. Islamic feminists advocate for women's rights, gender equality, and social justice grounded in an Islamic framework. Although rooted in Islam, the movement's pioneers have also utilized secular, Western, or otherwise non-Muslim feminist discourses, and have recognized the role of Islamic feminism as part of an integrated global feminist movement.
Sohane Benziane was a French girl of Algerian ancestry who was killed at the age of 17.
In France, there is an ongoing social, political, and legal debate concerning the wearing of the hijab and other forms of Islamic coverings in public. The cultural framework of the controversy can be traced to France's history of colonization in North Africa, but escalated into a significant public debate in 1989 when three girls were suspended from school for refusing to remove their headscarves. That incident, referred to in France as l'affaire du foulard or l'affaire du voile, initially focused the controversy on the wearing of the hijab in French public schools. Because of the wide-ranging social debates caused by the controversy, l'affaire du foulard has been compared to the Dreyfus affair in its impact on French culture.
The British debate over veils began in October 2006 when the MP and government minister Jack Straw wrote in his local newspaper, the Lancashire Evening Telegraph, that, while he did not want to be "prescriptive", he preferred talking to women who did not wear a niqab as he could see their face, and asked women who were wearing such items to remove them when they spoke to him, making clear that they could decline his request and that a female member of staff was in the room.
Hijab and burka controversies in Europe revolve around the variety of headdresses worn by Muslim women, which have become prominent symbols of the presence of Islam in especially Western Europe. In several countries, the adherence to hijab has led to political controversies and proposals for a legal partial or full ban in some or all circumstances. Some countries already have laws banning the wearing of masks in public, which can be applied to veils that conceal the face. Other countries are debating similar legislation, or have more limited prohibitions. Some of them apply only to face-covering clothing such as the burqa, boushiya, or niqab; some apply to any clothing with an Islamic religious symbolism such as the khimar, a type of headscarf. The issue has different names in different countries, and "the veil" or hijab may be used as general terms for the debate, representing more than just the veil itself, or the concept of modesty embodied in Hijab.
Leyla Şahin v. Turkey was a 2004 European Court of Human Rights case brought against Turkey by a medical student challenging a Turkish law which bans wearing the Islamic headscarf at universities and other educational and state institutions. The Court upheld the Turkish law by 16 votes to 1.
Various styles of head coverings, most notably the khimar, hijab, chador, niqab, paranja, yashmak, tudong, shayla, safseri, carşaf, haik, dupatta, boshiya and burqa, are worn by Muslim women around the world, where the practice varies from mandatory to optional or restricted in different majority Muslim and non-Muslim countries.
Sihem Habchi has been the presiding president of Ni Putes Ni Soumises since June 2007, and is a member of the High Authority of the Battle against Discrimination and for Equality (HALDE).
The French ban on face covering is the result of an act of parliament passed in 2010 banning the wearing of face-covering headgear, including masks, helmets, balaclavas, niqābs and other veils covering the face, and full body costumes and zentais in public places, except under specified circumstances. This ban does not apply to the hijab, as it does not cover the face. The ban does apply to the burqa, a full-body covering, if it covers the face. In April 2011, France became the first European country to impose a ban on full-face veils in public areas.
In Australia, there is an ongoing debate over the possibility of a ban on the wearing of burqa and niqab, conservative forms of dress for Islamic women. There are currently 14 nations that have banned the burqa and niqab, including Austria, France, Belgium, Denmark, Switzerland, Netherlands, Latvia, Bulgaria, Cameroon, Chad, Congo, Gabon, China and Morocco.
Hijabophobia is a type of religious and cultural discrimination against Muslim women who wear the hijab. The discrimination has had manifestations in public, working and educational places, although most people against the Hijab are in favor of women's freedom.
Islamic feminist views on dress codes include views on issues surrounding women's dress codes in Islam, especially on the hijab and niqāb.
The burqa is worn by women in various countries. Some countries have banned it in government offices, schools, or in public places and streets.
The Fifth Republic has taken a stance against their rebellion with an almost Napoleonic brutality
Despite the large number of auditions, the Commission only heard testimony from two "veiled" women: Saïda Kada, a Lyon‐based activist and coauthorof the book L'une voilée, l'autre pas (2003) ("One Veiled, the Other Not"), and Fatiha Ajbli who accompanied her.
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