Gender in security studies

Last updated

Gender in security studies is a subfield of international relations and comparative politics. [1] [2] [3] [4] Feminist security studies and queer security studies have provided a gender lens which shows that the study of wars, conflicts, and the institutions involved in peace and security decision-making cannot be done fully without examining the role of gender and sexuality. [5] [6] [7] Praising of masculine qualities has created a hierarchy of power and gender where femininity is looked down upon. Institutions reflect these power dynamics, creating systemic obstacles where women, who are seen as less capable than men, are prevented from holding high positions. [7] Evolutionary theory and political sociology provides an understanding of how institutions like the patriarchy were created and how perceptions around national security formed between men and women. [8]

Contents

In order to understand gender, one must look at how hierarchies create power dynamics between masculine and feminine qualities. [5] Societal beliefs around gender and its relationship with security can be traced back to the praising of masculine qualities for such positions. [5] This favor has enabled hierarchy of power and gender to form where femininity is looked down upon. Institutions reflect these power dynamics, creating systemic obstacles where women, who are seen as less capable than men, are prevented from holding high positions. [7] In order to obtain such positions, women have had to take on more masculine qualities. [9] Societal expectations of gender and its relationship to security, however, have been found to be erroneous and filled with bias. [10]

Gender plays a role in civil conflicts with who is in battle and who is receiving assistance. Women are sought by groups to fight and are also use as symbols for public audiences. [11] Ideas surrounding victimhood and gender, however, result in protection agencies overlooking men when providing aid. [12]

The international community has taken steps to recognize and improve women's participation in the security and peace sectors. The United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325 to improve women's involvement. [7] However, a sidestreaming phenomenon has formed in which women are kept in certain roles in the security sector while institutions promote inclusion in all aspects. [6] This has raised questions of whether the goal should be to include more women or to restructure existing institutions so that they are truly gender neutral. [6] Nepal has had success in improving women's involvement in their security and peace sectors through the use of civil society organizations. [13]

Evolutionary theory and biology

Evolutionary theory has been used as a means to understand behavior of genders and how society has been structured as a result. [8] When groups began to form, dominance hierarchies were established as a way to keep stability within the group and ensure its safety with outside groups. [8] Evolutionary theory argues that such dominance hierarchies which aim to control women and reinforce violence with other men have evolved into the present patriarchy, regulating women’s reproductive abilities and shaping men's inclination to use violence when settling disputes. [8]

When tied with political sociology, evolutionary theory gains a new meaning to show that those who threaten the patriarchy and the nation are treated with violence. This explains why feminists have been met with such antagonism when trying to change societal structures since it is interpreted as a challenge to the male-created systems and thus the nation. [8] The effects of gender hierarchies can also be seen in the relationship between countries during conflict. States will project a feminine image of their adversaries while promoting a more masculine perception of themselves because of the power connotations created from the oppressive structure. [5]

Gender bias in the security sector

Laura Sjoberg points out questions in feminist scholarship to say that recognizing the role of all genders in conflict (as fighters, victims of sexual violence, soldiers of allied states, journalists, military leaders etc.) is important as it can show how societal ideas about gender affects behavior and influences people's actions. [5] Feminist scholars like Maya Eichler and Susan Willet explain that there are essentialist beliefs about female nature which make women appear more suitable for certain jobs. [6] For example, women peacekeepers are more utilized to help post-conflict communities and victims because ideas about women being nurturers and nonviolent. [6] However, these gender perceptions also cause women peacekeepers to be kept from decision-making negotiations with leaders of feuding states. [7]

Gender bias appears in how positions are perceived as well. Historically in war, soldiers on aircraft were thought to be less masculine because of how far away it was from the battlefield. [5] Aircraft are also constructed solely with male body in mind, further reinforcing the traditionalist ideas that women are interlopers in the military space. [5]

When looking at public perceptions of security, Daniel Stevens and his peers found that contrary to public opinion research, men and women picked relatively similar points when thinking about what is important in terms of security. [10] While there were some differences, both saw "Physical Safety" as their primary concern. Additionally, data showed that stereotypes around women being more fearful about security threats was incorrect. Men were found to be more concerned while women approached scenarios with logic and reason. [10]

Gender and international conflict

Studies have examined whether the gender of leaders affects war outbreak. A 2015 study of leader characteristics and war outbreak found no significant relationship between the gender of leaders and war outbreak. [14] A 2020 study in Security Studies by Madison Schramm and Alexandra Stark, found that female leaders are more combative in certain institutional contexts: "the effects of a leader’s gender on foreign policy decision making vary with social and institutional context. To gain and maintain status in elite policy in-groups, female leaders are incentivized to perform gender by signaling their toughness and competence through initiating conflict." [9] A 2020 study in the Journal of Political Economy found that European "polities led by queens engaged in war more than polities led by kings. While single queens were more likely to be attacked than single kings, married queens were more likely to attack than married kings." [15]

A 2018 study in the American Journal of Political Science found that women have historically been excluded from senior positions in defense ministries, "particularly in states that are engaged in fatal disputes, governed by military dictators, and large military spenders." [16] A 2020 study in International Organization found that it was not democracy per se that reduces the prospects for conflict, but whether women's suffrage was ensured. The study argued, "women's more pacific preferences generate a dyadic democratic peace (i.e., between democracies), as well as a monadic peace." [17] According to a 2016 study, survey data across 1982–2013 indicated that there were systematic differences in attitudes towards the use of force among men and women. [18]

According to a 2020 study by Joshua A. Schwartz and Christopher W. Blair, gender stereotypes about leaders lead to audience costs, as women leaders are punished more severely for backing down after issuing threats. [19]

Gender and civil conflict

Studies have examined how gender relates to violence in civil wars. According to Reed M. Wood, rebel groups recruit women fighters because they are a resource in the battlefield, as well as serve important propaganda tool for domestic and international audiences. [11] A 2021 study in International Organization found that female suicide attacks were more lethal in countries with regressive gender norms. [20] A 2003 study by Charli Carpenter in International Organization found that discourses around gender and victimhood shaped the behavior by civilian protection agencies towards the victims of civil war violence: even though adult men were at greatest risk of massacre in the Yugoslav Wars, the focus of civilian protection agencies was overwhelmingly on protecting women and children. [12] Research by Dara Kay Cohen has explained rape in civil wars as being rooted in strategic rationales to boost the cohesion of military groups. [21]

The United Nation's Security Council voting at their meeting on Syria in 2015. Secretary Kerry and Foreign Leaders Vote During the UN Security Council Meeting on Syria (23744211832).jpg
The United Nation's Security Council voting at their meeting on Syria in 2015.

Conflict prevention through gender inclusion

A turning point in the international communities’ recognition of gender in the security sector was the passing of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000. [7] This resolution put forth the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda which consists of four points that aims to increase women's participation in the security and peace sector while also improving the support women receive from institutions, considering their needs in conflict zones, military positions, peacekeeping roles, etc. [7] Eight resolutions were passed in the next two decades with ideas about how to advance the WPS Agenda. [7]

Mainstreaming vs. sidestreaming

Vanessa Newby and Clotilde Sebag's definition of "sidestreaming" is: [6]

“...the practice, deliberate or unintentional, of sidelining women and relegating them to specialized spaces in international peace and security while attempting gender mainstreaming or increased gender integration.”

The UNSCR 1325 focuses on gender mainstreaming as it recommends the increased involvement of women in the security and peace sector. [6] However, perceptions of institutions like national militaries being gender-neutral have been confronted with a gender lens, showing that there are systemic factors resulting in a gender gap in the security sector. [7] Newby explains that countries with high numbers of women in their militaries send more women to post-conflict zones as peacekeepers. [6] However, militaries that have a smaller percentage of women serving, are not able to send as many, creating a gender gap. There are multiple factors that may prevent women from serving besides legal obstacles, such as recruitment strategies that advertise assisting or medical jobs to women rather than combat-related services and societal beliefs about motherhood and women’s capabilities. [6]

When thinking about the most progressive way to implement plans that will lead to gender inclusivity, two trains of thought emerge. Liberal feminist see gender inclusion as an opportunity to alter past systems and form more equitable institutions. [6] Minna Lyytikäinen shares that Nepal has been a model country in their implementation of the WPS agenda as they have utilized civil society organizations and women who were victims of conflict to draft a comprehensive and effective National Action Plan. [13] Anti-militarist feminists, however, argue that the addition of women to such institutions will not change their fundamental hegemonic masculine structures. [6]

See also

Related Research Articles

In international relations, the liberal international order (LIO), also known as the rules-based international order (RBIO), or the rules-based order (RBO), describes a set of global, rule-based, structured relationships based on political liberalism, economic liberalism and liberal internationalism since the late 1940s. More specifically, it entails international cooperation through multilateral institutions and is constituted by human equality, open markets, security cooperation, promotion of liberal democracy, and monetary cooperation. The order was established in the aftermath of World War II, led in large part by the United States.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Democratic peace theory</span> International relations theory; posits that democracies are reluctant to go to war

Proponents of "democratic peace theory" argue that both liberal and republican forms of democracy are hesitant to engage in armed conflict with other identified democracies. Different advocates of this theory suggest that several factors are responsible for motivating peace between democratic states. Individual theorists maintain "monadic" forms of this theory ; "dyadic" forms of this theory ; and "systemic" forms of this theory.

International political economy (IPE) is the study of how politics shapes the global economy and how the global economy shapes politics. A key focus in IPE is on the distributive consequences of global economic exchange. It has been described as the study of "the political battle between the winners and losers of global economic exchange."

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (S/RES/1325), on women, peace, and security, was adopted unanimously by the UN Security Council on 31 October 2000, after recalling resolutions 1261 (1999), 1265 (1999), 1296 (2000), and 1314 (2000). The resolution acknowledged the disproportionate and unique impact of armed conflict on women and girls. It calls for the adoption of a gender perspective to consider the special needs of women and girls during conflict, repatriation and resettlement, rehabilitation, reintegration, and post-conflict reconstruction.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cynthia Enloe</span> American feminist writer, theorist, and professor (born 1938)

Cynthia Holden Enloe is an American political theorist, feminist writer, and professor. She is best known for her work on gender and militarism and for her contributions to the field of feminist international relations. She has also influenced the field of feminist political geography, with feminist geopolitics in particular.

In international relations theory, the concept of anarchy is the idea that the world lacks any supreme authority or sovereignty. In an anarchic state, there is no hierarchically superior, coercive power that can resolve disputes, enforce law, or order the system of international politics. In international relations, anarchy is widely accepted as the starting point for international relations theory.

In gender studies, hegemonic masculinity is part of R. W. Connell's gender order theory, which recognizes multiple masculinities that vary across time, society, culture, and the individual. Hegemonic masculinity is defined as a practice that legitimizes men's dominant position in society and justifies the subordination of the common male population and women, and other marginalized ways of being a man. Conceptually, hegemonic masculinity proposes to explain how and why men maintain dominant social roles over women, and other gender identities, which are perceived as "feminine" in a given society.

Feminism is a broad term given to works of those scholars who have sought to bring gender concerns into the academic study of international politics and who have used feminist theory and sometimes queer theory to better understand global politics and international relations as a whole.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Security studies</span>

Security studies, also known as international security studies, is an academic sub-field within the wider discipline of international relations that studies organized violence, military conflict, national security, and international security.

The capitalist peace, or capitalist peace theory, or commercial peace, posits that market openness contributes to more peaceful behavior among states, and that developed market-oriented economies are less likely to engage in conflict with one another. Along with the democratic peace theory and institutionalist arguments for peace, the commercial peace forms part of the Kantian tripod for peace. Prominent mechanisms for the commercial peace revolve around how capitalism, trade interdependence, and capital interdependence raise the costs of warfare, incentivize groups to lobby against war, make it harder for leaders to go to war, and reduce the economic benefits of conquest.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminist security studies</span>

Feminist security studies is a subdiscipline of security studies that draws attention to gendered dimensions of security.

Gender and security sector reform is an emerging subfield of security sector reform (SSR) that is both practical and conceptual. SSR generally is a comprehensive framework within which all or part of a state's security sector undergoes a process of transformation in order to bring it more into line with principles such as democratic oversight, good governance and the rule of law. The overall objectives of SSR programmes – as defined both by the state in question and any international donors supporting the process – tend to include improving service delivery, enhancing local ownership and ensuring the sustainability of security sector institutions. As gender-specific approaches take into account the specific needs of men, women, boys and girls through gender mainstreaming and by promoting the equal participation of people of all genders in decision-making processes, states and international organisations increasingly consider them to be a necessary component of SSR programmes.

An audience cost, in international relations theory, is the domestic political cost that leaders incur from their constituency if they escalate a foreign policy crisis and are then seen as backing down. It is considered to be one of the potential mechanisms for democratic peace theory. It is associated with rational choice scholarship in international relations.

In international relations theory, the bargaining model of war is a method of representing the potential gains and losses and ultimate outcome of war between two actors as a bargaining interaction. A central puzzle that motivates research in this vein is the "inefficiency puzzle of war": why do wars occur when it would be better for all parties involved to reach an agreement that goes short of war? In the bargaining model, war between rational actors is possible due to uncertainty and commitment problems. As a result, provision of reliable information and steps to alleviate commitment problems make war less likely. It is an influential strand of rational choice scholarship in the field of international relations.

Compellence is a form of coercion that attempts to get an actor to change its behavior through threats to use force or the actual use of limited force. Compellence can be more clearly described as "a political-diplomatic strategy that aims to influence an adversary's will or incentive structure. It is a strategy that combines threats of force, and, if necessary, the limited and selective use of force in discrete and controlled increments, in a bargaining strategy that includes positive inducements. The aim is to induce an adversary to comply with one's demands, or to negotiate the most favorable compromise possible, while simultaneously managing the crisis to prevent unwanted military escalation."

In international relations, international order refers to patterned or structured relationships between actors on the international level.

Rational choice is a prominent framework in international relations scholarship. Rational choice is not a substantive theory of international politics, but rather a methodological approach that focuses on certain types of social explanation for phenomena. In that sense, it is similar to constructivism, and differs from liberalism and realism, which are substantive theories of world politics. Rationalist analyses have been used to substantiate realist theories, as well as liberal theories of international relations.

In international relations, credibility is the perceived likelihood that a leader or a state follows through on threats and promises that have been made. Credibility is a key component of coercion, as well as the functioning of military alliances. Credibility is related to concepts such as reputation and resolve. Reputation for resolve may be a key component of credibility, but credibility is also highly context-dependent.

In international relations, coercion refers to the imposition of costs by a state on other states and non-state actors to prevent them from taking an action (deterrence) or to compel them to take an action (compellence). Coercion frequently takes the form of threats or the use of limited military force. It is commonly seen as analytically distinct from persuasion, brute force, or full-on war.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminist peace research</span>

Feminist peace research uses a feminist framework to expand on conventional peace research practices, examining the roles of gender and other power structures to conceptualize and actively build peace with justice. Feminist peace research understands peace and violence to be interwoven and ongoing processes that occur at many scales, and points to how these scales are interconnected. While gender is the dominant lens through which processes of peace and violence are analyzed, this research seeks to address the ways in which other intersecting systems of power, such as race, class, sexuality, and disability, among many others, further complicate these dynamics.

References

  1. ↑ Hudson, Valerie; Carpenter, R. Charli; Caprioli, Mary (2010). "Gender and Global Security". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.441. ISBN   978-0-19-084662-6.
  2. ↑ Gizelis, Theodora-Ismene (2018). "Systematic Study of Gender, Conflict, and Peace". Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy. 24 (4). doi: 10.1515/peps-2018-0038 . ISSN   1554-8597. S2CID   158554966.
  3. ↑ Sjoberg, Laura (2009). Gender and International Security: Feminist Perspectives. Routledge. ISBN   978-1-135-24026-4.
  4. ↑ Thomas, Jakana L. (2018). Reveron, Derek S; Gvosdev, Nikolas K; Cloud, John A (eds.). "Women's Participation in Political Violence". The Oxford Handbook of U.S. National Security. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190680015.013.8. ISBN   978-0-19-068001-5.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Sjoberg, Laura (2015). "Seeing sex, gender, and sexuality in international security". International Journal. 70 (3): 434–453. doi:10.1177/0020702015584590. ISSN   0020-7020. JSTOR   24709442. S2CID   145054130.
  6. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Newby, Vanessa F.; Sebag, Clotilde (2020-12-22). "Gender sidestreaming? Analysing gender mainstreaming in national militaries and international peacekeeping". European Journal of International Security. 6 (2): 148–170. doi: 10.1017/eis.2020.20 . ISSN   2057-5637.
  7. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 "Applying a Gender Lens to Security Studies". THE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS REVIEW. Retrieved 2023-04-24.
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 Hudson, Valerie M.; Caprioli, Mary; Ballif-Spanvill, Bonnie; McDermott, Rose; Emmett, Chad F. (January 2009). "The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and the Security of States". International Security. 33 (3): 7–45. doi:10.1162/isec.2009.33.3.7. ISSN   0162-2889. S2CID   9317559.
  9. 1 2 Schramm, Madison; Stark, Alexandra (2020). "Peacemakers or Iron Ladies? A Cross-National Study of Gender and International Conflict". Security Studies. 29 (3): 515–548. doi:10.1080/09636412.2020.1763450. ISSN   0963-6412. S2CID   219524039.
  10. 1 2 3 Stevens, Daniel; Bulmer, Sarah; Banducci, Susan; Vaughan-Williams, Nick (2020-10-19). "Male warriors and worried women? Understanding gender and perceptions of security threats". European Journal of International Security. 6 (1): 44–65. doi: 10.1017/eis.2020.14 . ISSN   2057-5637. S2CID   226334766.
  11. 1 2 Wood, Reed M. (2019). Female Fighters: Why Rebel Groups Recruit Women for War. Columbia University Press. ISBN   978-0-231-19299-6.
  12. 1 2 Carpenter, R. Charli (2003). "'Women and Children First': Gender, Norms, and Humanitarian Evacuation in the Balkans 1991-95". International Organization. 57 (4): 661–694. doi:10.1017/S002081830357401X. ISSN   0020-8183. JSTOR   3594843. S2CID   127524481.
  13. 1 2 Lyytikäinen, Minna; Yadav, Punam (2021-05-31). "Capitalising on UNSCR 1325: The Construction of Best Practices for the Women, Peace and Security Agenda". Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding. 16 (2): 123–141. doi:10.1080/17502977.2021.1913566. hdl: 10138/342363 . ISSN   1750-2977. S2CID   236423468.
  14. ↑ Horowitz, Michael C.; Stam, Allan C.; Ellis, Cali M. (2015). Why Leaders Fight. Cambridge University Press. ISBN   978-1-316-41208-4.
  15. ↑ Dube, Oeindrila; Harish, S. P. (2020). "Queens". Journal of Political Economy. 128 (7): 2579–2652. doi:10.1086/707011. ISSN   0022-3808. S2CID   222436815.
  16. ↑ Barnes, Tiffany D.; O'Brien, Diana Z. (2018). "Defending the Realm: The Appointment of Female Defense Ministers Worldwide". American Journal of Political Science. 62 (2): 355–368. doi:10.1111/ajps.12337. ISSN   1540-5907.
  17. ↑ Barnhart, Joslyn N.; Trager, Robert F.; Saunders, Elizabeth N.; Dafoe, Allan (2020). "The Suffragist Peace". International Organization. 74 (4): 633–670. doi:10.1017/S0020818320000508. ISSN   0020-8183. S2CID   221130902.
  18. ↑ Eichenberg, Richard C. (2016). "Gender Difference in American Public Opinion on the Use of Military Force, 1982–2013". International Studies Quarterly. 60 (1): 138–148. doi:10.1093/isq/sqv019. ISSN   0020-8833.
  19. ↑ Schwartz, Joshua A.; Blair, Christopher W. (2020). "Do Women Make More Credible Threats? Gender Stereotypes, Audience Costs, and Crisis Bargaining". International Organization. 74 (4): 872–895. doi:10.1017/S0020818320000223. ISSN   0020-8183. S2CID   225735033.
  20. ↑ Thomas, Jakana L. (2021). "Wolves in Sheep's Clothing: Assessing the Effect of Gender Norms on the Lethality of Female Suicide Terrorism". International Organization. 75 (3): 769–802. doi:10.1017/S0020818321000035. ISSN   0020-8183. S2CID   233710309.
  21. ↑ Cohen, Dara Kay (2016). Rape during Civil War. Cornell University Press. ISBN   978-1-5017-0653-0.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.