The Great Unrest, also known as the Great Labour Unrest, was a period of labour revolt between 1911 and 1914 [1] in the United Kingdom. The agitation included the 1911 Liverpool general transport strike, the Tonypandy riots, the National coal strike of 1912 and the 1913 Dublin lockout. It was United Kingdom's most significant labour unrest since the Industrial Revolution but is not as widely remembered as the 1926 general strike. The period of unrest was labelled "great" not because of its scale, but due to the level of violence employed by both the state and labourers; including deaths of strikers at the hands of police and sabotage on the part of the workers. [2]
During the late 19th century to the start of the Unrest, there were a series of economic booms, busts and worries. [3] Throughout some of them, prices for consumer goods rose, but wages fell, especially with respect to the share of national income going to labour. [4] [5] French anarchist and syndicalist thought had taken root in Britain over the past three decades and had inspired radicals such as Tom Mann with ideas about the proper course of action for workers. [6] The period leading up to the unrest also was one in which labour laws in Britain were significantly altered by court cases that were not well received by union members. In both cases, they were later either repealed or partially amended by Parliament. The Taff Vale judgement which made unions liable for damage caused by striking until the Trade Disputes Act 1906. The Osborne judgement banned unions from political spending until the Trade Union Act 1913. [4] [5] Additionally, by 1911, a Liberal government had been in power for years and was generally supported by the small Labour Party but had not accomplished enough to satisfy trade unions. Discontent with seeking action through Parliament fuelled extraparliamentary actions such as strikes by syndicalists, socialists and other activist groups. [5] [6]
From 1911 to 1914, there were more than 3,000 strikes, with over 1,200 in 1913 alone. The number of working days lost was in the tens of millions, and the percentage of the working population involved in strikes increased more than three times between the first decade of the 20th century and the year 1911. [1] The strikes involved male and female workers, but they were not necessarily in the same unions, and the latter were also influenced by the contemporary women's suffrage movement. [7] The period of the unrest coincided with other social upheavals reshaping Britain, including the Irish Nationalist struggle, the Unionist backlash and the women's suffrage movement. The events led later historians to argue (scholars now tend to agree their conclusions were overstated) that without the outbreak of World War I in 1914, there may have been a massive revolt in Britain. [8] [5]
Contemporary reactions ranged from supportive to extremely negative, with papers of record like The Times often arguing for the government to be harder on the strikers, whereas more niche publications like the New Age and New Witness gave some modicum of support to the movement. The last two however tended to couch their support in elitist language and looked down upon the working people, rather than viewing them as equals. Various activist groups and radical movements also published their own papers in which they argued for or against strategic decisions or policies being undertaken. [4] [9]
The labour and women's suffrage movements had a tenuous relationship and often were at odds, but there were instances of collaboration between them. The main issue where they differed was the type of suffrage being fought for. Between 1884 and 1918, approximately two thirds of men met the property requirements for voting. The Women's Suffrage movement, at least initially, tended to argue for instituting equal suffrage but retaining existing property qualifications although militant labour activists wanted full adult suffrage without such barriers. However, some groups of women found that the suffrage movement encouraged their workplace activism. Women strikers were emboldened by the example of militant suffragettes, the latter engaging in actions as extreme as mass window-smashing campaigns and serial arson. The National Federation of Women Workers, although it advocated for adult suffrage, in addition to many other reforms, rather than being a single-cause group, grew by more than 10 times from 1906 to 1914. [7]
Anarchism, socialism and syndicalism had a significant role in the militant industrial organizing which was the hallmark of the Unrest. From the mid-to-late 19th century, anarchist groups in France and Britain had exchanged ideas, and syndicalist ideology owed a significant debt to anarchist thinkers. Thinkers like Errico Malatesta and Peter Kropotkin were influenced by syndicalism, which found an important supporter in Tom Mann. Inspired by syndicalist ideology, Mann, a socialist and trade union activist, founded the International Syndicalist Education League (ISEL), which brought those ideas to British workers. The British unions took these ideas and applied them to their massive strikes, an example that crossed the English Channel in reverse and inspired French syndicalists, who looked to industrial unions (unions of entire sectors) in Britain as an example. One difference between French and British syndicalists was that the latter were more accommodating towards state power and saw value in the political process. [6] [10] The Social Democratic Federation (SDF) was a mixed supporter of the strikers, but some of its members were more unequivocally for active in the labour struggle. [7]
Syndicalism is a revolutionary current within the labour movement that, through industrial unionism, seeks to unionize workers according to industry and advance their demands through strikes and other forms of direct action, with the eventual goal of gaining control over the means of production and the economy at large through social ownership.
Anarcho-syndicalism is an anarchist organisational model that centres trade unions as a vehicle for class conflict. Drawing from the theory of libertarian socialism and the practice of syndicalism, anarcho-syndicalism sees trade unions as both a means to achieve immediate improvements to working conditions and to build towards a social revolution in the form of a general strike, with the ultimate aim of abolishing the state and capitalism. Anarcho-syndicalists consider trade unions to be the prefiguration of a post-capitalist society and seek to use them in order to establish workers' control of production and distribution. An anti-political ideology, anarcho-syndicalism rejects political parties and participation in parliamentary politics, considering them to be a corrupting influence on the labour movement. In order to achieve their material and economic goals, anarcho-syndicalists instead practice direct action in the form of strike actions, boycotts and sabotage. Anarcho-syndicalists also attempt to build solidarity among the working class, in order to unite workers against the exploitation of labour and build workers' self-management.
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Dora Marsden was an English suffragette, editor of literary journals, and philosopher of language. Beginning her career as an activist in the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), Marsden eventually broke off from the suffragist organization in order to found a journal that would provide a space for more radical voices in the movement. Her prime importance lies with her contributions to the suffrage movement, her criticism of the Pankhursts' WSPU, and her radical feminism, via The Freewoman. There are those who also claim she has relevance to the emergence of literary modernism, while others value her contribution to the understanding of Egoism.
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A movement to fight for women's right to vote in the United Kingdom finally succeeded through acts of Parliament in 1918 and 1928. It became a national movement in the Victorian era. Women were not explicitly banned from voting in Great Britain until the Reform Act 1832 and the Municipal Corporations Act 1835. In 1872 the fight for women's suffrage became a national movement with the formation of the National Society for Women's Suffrage and later the more influential National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies (NUWSS). As well as in England, women's suffrage movements in Wales, Scotland and other parts of the United Kingdom gained momentum. The movements shifted sentiments in favour of woman suffrage by 1906. It was at this point that the militant campaign began with the formation of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU).
The Industrial Syndicalist Education League (ISEL) was a British syndicalist organisation which existed from 1910 to 1913.
Noah Ablett was a Welsh trade unionist and political theorist who is most noted for contributing to 'The Miners' Next Step', a Syndicalist treatise which Ablett described as 'scientific trade unionism.
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For Anarchism: History, Theory, and Practice is a 1989 book of essays by anarchists on the history, theory, and practice of anarchism. The essays, derived from Leeds Anarchist Research Group meetings in 1985 and 1986, was edited by David Goodway and published by Routledge.
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