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Music and politics have been closely intertwined throughout the history of Ethiopia.
Between 1917 and 1930, Ethiopia was focused on using a national army to centralize power. To do so, they called on European aid, which led to a wave of mass education and the establishment of European institutions across the country. At the same time, a lot of Ethiopians were sent to study abroad in countries such as France and Great Britain, resulting in significant European influence on modern musical development of Ethiopia. Performing music on stage, the use of the theater for dramatic music productions, and the establishment of dance, marching bands, and music conservatories were among the European ideas adopted by Ethiopian musicians. [1]
Within the same period, music began to have an important role in Ethiopia's military. In 1923, Kevork Nalbandian, an Armenian, organized the first military marching band. Bands later became very popular across the country, and many of Ethiopia's earliest music groups such as orchestras, symphonies, and chamber groups were organized by military institutions. [1]
During the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie, music was nurtured through media broadcasting, government-sponsored theaters, and the Yared School of Music at Addis Ababa University. [2] The Ethiopian Patriotic Association, which was established by the Ministry of Information and Propaganda, sought to promote Ethiopian culture by highlighting the contributions of Ethiopian leaders. They created the yebahil orchestra, which combined traditional ideas and cultures to produce Western-influenced music. The orchestra normalized indigenous instruments from central and northern Ethiopia playing together on the stage. The Orchestra Ethiopia, made up of musicians from varied ethnic backgrounds, performed songs from several cultural groups including the Amhara, Oromo, and the Welayta. [2]
Music combining Western and local cultures continued to spread across Ethiopia. In 1960, a strong national movement originated in the fine arts community and began to spread across Ethiopia. Organizers felt that their national identity was being threatened by the growing influence of western traditions, which led to the establishment of organizations that focused solely on preserving Ethiopian heritage across the country. [3] After the 1974 revolution, the new government organized local performing groups in neighborhoods and regions throughout the nation in order to promote their political agenda. The groups were known as the kinet, and their purpose was to cultivate nationalist sentiment by combining Ethiopian cultural music with the ideas of Marxism–Leninism. The kinet is said to have played a role in the development of Bahil-Zemenawi, a traditional modern genre that used previously abandoned local musical material and combined it with Western material. [2]
The conflict between the Oromo people, Ethiopia's largest ethnic group, and the federal government has a complicated history.
Oromos have been able to maintain their sense of autonomy partly due to cultural practices. For a long time, Oromos had to remember and interpret their cultural history orally until they developed a writing system in the 1960s. Oromos have therefore traditionally relied on music, poetry, and dance to express their culture, preserve identity, and resist Amharic cultural hegemony. Oromo music often relates stories of how the northern ethnic group resembled white colonizers who forcibly established political systems and exploited the Oromo people. Government efforts to ban Oromo people failed because Oromos did not rely on written records to preserve their heritage.
Threatened by the power of Oromo music, Emperor Haile Selassie persecuted, imprisoned, tortured, or even killed musicians on suspicion that they were sympathetic to Oromo nationalist sentiments. [3] Oromo language oppression began during the government of the Derg following Selassie's death. [4] Teachers were prohibited from teaching Oromo, [4] and individuals who spoke it were ridiculed for not speaking the national Amharic language. [4] Many Oromo professionals have fled the country, including musicians who have relocated to Norway. [4]
The Biftu Oromia, a government-sponsored performance troupe that performed during the administration of Meles Zenawi, performed in traditional clothing and sang traditional songs, but this was the only group at the time allowed to perform such activities. Oromos viewed these acts as government propaganda for the Oromo People's Democratic Organization, which was largely seen as a puppet during Zenawi's regime. [3]
When the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front first came to power in 1988, one of their primary goals was to unify the country's various ethnicities as they worked towards a more democratic government. [3] The new constitution divided the country along ethnic lines. [5] The government gave the right for ethnic groups to secede, but they also implemented tactics to appeal to Ethiopia's diversity and promote peace, such as tapping into different cultures' traditional music. [3] This is not the first time such an approach was taken by the government to promote national cultural unity. [5] During the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie, Selassie used Amhara and Tigray cultures to oppress other ethnic groups and ban their languages. [2] [5] However, traditional music has also been a way for ethnic groups to maintain their cultural and political identities. [3]
There is no law that explicitly censors Oromo expression, but there is a large preference for music written in the Amharic language in music shops. This is often considered to be an underhanded way of preventing Oromo music from reaching a wider audience. Most music shops are willing pay large amounts to artists who produces music in Amharic rather than in the Oromo dialect. [3]
While a revival of Oromo arts, literature, and drama took place during the transitional period in 1991, Oromo artists continued to experience widespread repression. [4] Oromo artists, athletes, and other professionals have been targeted because of their public image and perceived links to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). [4] The Advocates for Human Rights have recorded stories where Oromos have shared their experience of persecution. [4] One individual describes being caught, beaten, and threatened by soldiers when she joined ten other Oromo singers to record cassettes about Oromo freedom in 1996. [4] Folk singer Elfinesh Kano was arrested on December 31, 1993, after protesting the trial of OLF leaders. [4] It was reported that the prisoners were mistreated while being detained, and received a one-month jail sentence after trial. [4] The court alleged that they were investigating Kano's music in order to determine if it contained anti-government sentiments, and as a result Kano was held past her sentence. [4]
Bashir Dabiy is a female Oromo singer who is currently living in asylum in Norway. [3] Dabiy allegedly angered the Ethiopian government by performing a girasa, a type of music Oromos use to express nationalist sentiments. [3] She was arrested, imprisoned, and allegedly beaten and shaved. [3] Dabiy's choice to sing girasa also allegedly displeased her community, as it defied traditional gender traditions. [3]
In 2015, Oromo artist Haacaaluu Hundeessaa, known for his songs of political activism, released "Maalan Jiraa" ("What fate is mine?"). [6] Hundeessaa was arrested at age 17 for political activism, and at the time of the song's release he had spent five years in prison, where he reportedly became increasingly politicized. [7] "Malaan Jiraa" attempts to relate the struggles of the Oromo people, [8] and once released it became a rallying anthem for their cause. [6]
Hundeessaa followed by releasing “Jirra” ("We Are Here”) in 2017, [6] and that same year, he performed at a concert in the capital to raise money for displaced Oromo families. [6] Between 2015 and 2018, Ethiopia saw a rise in Oromo protests. [9] [6] The protests lead to the resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, who was replaced by Abiy Ahmed. [6] Even though Ahmed encouraged political and economic freedom, ethnic tensions persisted. [6] [9]
On the evening of June 29, 2020, Hundeessaa was shot and killed on the street in Addis Ababa. [10] By early morning on June 30, thousands of demonstrators took to the streets across Oromia. Homes and businesses were vandalized in Addis Ababa, troops were deployed to restore order, and the internet was switched off nationwide for more than a week. Thousands of arrests were made and more than 160 people died. Both sides of the conflict have blamed each other for the death of Hundeessaa, but the truth of the circumstances surrounding his death remains unknown. [10]
One of the most widely recorded songs was " tizita , [11] also called the "Song of Longing," a track which evokes nostalgia for a bygone time. [11] The Amharic lyrical technique of "Wax and Gold" allows singers to create levels of meaning. [11] On the Wax level, singers showcase their verbal dexterity to express love, and on the Gold level, singers expresses nostalgia for a lost time or place. [11] Songs often focus on domestic relationships, family life and the contributions of these relationships to Ethiopian identity. [11] Themes of homesickness are particularly evident among female performers, both within Ethiopia and abroad, who found a way to express their political voice through music, especially during the later days of Emperor Haile Selassie's reign. [11]
When Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown in 1974, Mengistu Haile Mariam and the Derg seized power, passing strict laws censoring speech and controlling capital nightlife. Azmari-betotch, music houses, were essentially closed, limited to providing entertainment for foreigners. During the period of the Derg (1974-1991), Ethiopian populations across Europe and North America rose, and many musicians fled Ethiopia to escape persecution, war, and famine.
When the Derg collapsed, many of these diasporas remained, although movement restrictions were lifted in Ethiopia, allowing people to move freely across the border. Music and Azmari-betotchs returned. Since the revival came at a time when cassettes were widely used, Ethiopian music thrived in the world market. Musical production from ethnic minorities, women, and Pentecostals increased, challenging the authority of both the church and Amhara cultural hegemony. [11]
Azmari, rural improvisational folk musicians, make up a large part of Addis Ababa's music culture. Azmari sing and play the massenquo, a single-stringed upright fiddle. [11] Traditionally, this role was passed down from father to son., [12] [11] but Asnaketch Worku, a trained female Azmari, released The Lady with the Krar in 2003. [11] Werku redefined the genre and became a prominent Azmari artist. She performed Azmari pieces such as tizita and favored instruments that embodied femininity. For instance, she would use the euphonic krar, a six-stringed bowl-lyre that is historically significant to the Amhara, instead of the more widely used massenqo. [11] In some performances, Werku used a pastoral background reminiscent of the ancestral lands of Amhara. [11]
Unlike Werque, who lived her entire life in Ethiopia, Aster Aweke lived in the United States numerous times over the course of 30 years. Aster drew from Azmari tradition during the age of the Derg in Ethiopia, and her music combines western instruments with the minor pentatonic tones of Azmaric music to create recognizably Ethiopian music representing the diaspora. Aweke also recorded several versions of "Tezeta", Ethiopia's most popular song. [11]
Wayna Wondwossen was born in Ethiopia and grew up in the Washington, DC suburbs. Her music focuses on social problems, for example, "Billie Club" addresses American police brutality, a significant issue for African-Americans. Wondwossen's music videos contrast tender images of home with those of US violence, commenting on Ethiopian-Americans' desire to escape such bloodshed by emigrating."Home," sung in English, examines the Ethiopian diaspora and the possibility of Ethiopians returning to their homeland. [11]
Cabra Casay was born 1985 in a Sudanese refugee camp while her parents were migrating to Israel during Operation Moses. Casay's native language is Tigrinya, but she also performs in Hebrew and Amharic. Casay's music explores her sense of having strong Ethiopian roots despite never having lived there herself. This awareness is common within the African and Jewish diasporas as individuals seek to connect with their ethnic communities. [11]
Casay is the lead singer of The Idan Raichel Project, a multi-ethnic Israeli band. She and Raichel wrote 2006's "Habayta" (Home), which follows a migrant who travels home "in both directions", a common sentiment among Ethiopian-Israelis who constantly travel between one diaspora and the other. [11]
State-funded cultural music groups still exist in Ethiopia. Hager Fikir and the National Theatre are two examples of state-run troupes that mainly perform for Ethiopian and foreign government officials. Both groups were tasked with performing music from a multitude of regions across Ethiopia. For example, the National Theatre employed forty-one cultural performers that included singers from Gamo-Gofa, Amhara, Tigray, Welayta, Gurage, Somali, Afar, and Oromia. However, it was not possible to incorporate musicians from each of the many ethnic groups in Ethiopia, and as a result, vocalists sing variations from their language branch. For example, a performer who knows the Omotic language may also sing in Welayta, Gamo, or any other Omotic language. Similarly, Hager Fikir Theatre recruits singers from peoples in different regions such as Gambella, Kunama, Tigray, Oromia, Amhara, Gurage, Welayta, Dorze, and Sidama, although they represent the larger ethnic groups. [2]
The Oromo are a Cushitic ethnic group native to the Oromia region of Ethiopia and parts of Northern Kenya, who speak the Oromo language, which is part of the Cushitic branch of the Afroasiatic language family. They are one of the largest ethnic groups in Ethiopia. According to the last Ethiopian census of 2007, the Oromo numbered 25,488,344 people or 34.5% of the Ethiopian population. Recent estimates have the Oromo compromising 35.8% of the estimated 116,000,000 Ethiopian population placing Oromos at a population of 41,000,000
Addis Ababa is the capital and largest city of Ethiopia. In the 2007 census, the city's population was estimated to be 2,739,551 inhabitants. Addis Ababa is a highly developed and important cultural, artistic, financial and administrative centre of Ethiopia.
The government of Ethiopia is the federal government of Ethiopia. It is structured in a framework of a federal parliamentary republic, whereby the prime minister is the head of government. Executive power is exercised by the government. The prime minister is chosen by the lower chamber of the Federal Parliamentary Assembly. Federal legislative power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of parliament. The judiciary is more or less independent of the executive and the legislature. They are governed under the 1995 Constitution of Ethiopia. There is a bicameral parliament made of the 108-seat House of Federation and the 547-seat House of Peoples' Representatives. The House of Federation has members chosen by the regional councils to serve five-year terms. The House of Peoples' Representatives is elected by direct election, who in turn elect the president for a six-year term.
Amharas are a Semitic-speaking ethnic group which is indigenous to Ethiopia, traditionally inhabiting parts of the northwest Highlands of Ethiopia, particularly inhabiting the Amhara Region. According to the 2007 national census, Amharas numbered 19,867,817 individuals, comprising 26.9% of Ethiopia's population, and they are mostly Oriental Orthodox Christian.
Oromia is a regional state in Ethiopia and the homeland of the Oromo people. The capital of Oromia is Addis Ababa.
Adama, formerly Nazreth, is a capital city of Oromia Region of Ethiopia. Located in the East Shewa Zone 99 km (62 mi) southeast of the capital, Addis Ababa, the city sits between the base of an escarpment to the west, and the Great Rift Valley to the east.
Bishoftu is a town in central Ethiopia. Located in the East Shewa Zone of the Oromia Region, it sits at an elevation of 1,920 metres (6,300 ft). It was formerly known as Debre Zeyit however since the late 1990s it has been officially known by the Oromo name, Bishoftu from bishaanooftuu, which was its name until 1955. The town serves as the primary airbase of the Ethiopian Air Force.
Orchestra Ethiopia was an Ethiopian concert band formed in 1963 by the Egyptian-born American composer and ethnomusicologist Halim El-Dabh. The group, which was founded in Addis Ababa, comprised up to 30 traditional instrumentalists, vocalists, and dancers from many different Ethiopian regions and ethnic groups. It was the first ensemble of its type, as these diverse instruments and ethnic groups previously had never played together. For a time, due to El-Dabh's efforts, the Orchestra was in residence at the Creative Arts Centre of Haile Selassie I University.
The Oromo Liberation Front is an Oromo nationalist political party formed in 1973 to promote self-determination for the Oromo people inhabiting today's Oromia Region and Oromia Zone in the Amhara Region of Ethiopia. The OLF has offices in Addis Ababa, Washington, D.C. and Berlin from where it operates Amharic and Oromo radio stations.
Ethiopian nationalism, also referred to as Ethiopianism or Ethiopianness, according to its proponents, asserts that Ethiopians are a nation and promotes the social equality of all component ethnic groups. Ethiopian people as a whole regardless of ethnicity constitute sovereignty as one polity. Ethiopian nationalism is a type of civic nationalism in that it is multi-ethnic in nature and promotes multiculturalism.
A state of emergency was declared on 9 October 2016 by Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, after de facto taking effect the previous day. The state of emergency authorized the military to enforce security nationwide. It imposed restrictions on freedom of speech and access to information. The duration was initially announced for six months. The Constitution of Ethiopia provides for a six-month state of emergency under certain conditions. The declaration of the state of emergency followed massive protests by the Oromo and Amhara ethnic groups against the government, which was dominated by the Tigray People's Liberation Front, largely consisting of Tigrayans, a smaller ethnic group. The 2016 state of emergency was the first in about 25 years in Ethiopia. In March 2017, Ethiopia's parliament voted to extend the state of emergency for another four months.
The Oromo conflict is a protracted conflict between the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ethiopian government. The Oromo Liberation Front formed to fight the Ethiopian Empire to liberate the Oromo people and establish an independent state of Oromia. The conflict began in 1973, when Oromo nationalists established the OLF and its armed wing, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA). These groups formed in response to prejudice against the Oromo people during the Haile Selassie and Derg era, when their language was banned from public administration, courts, church and schools, and the stereotype of Oromo people as a hindrance to expanding Ethiopian national identity.
Hachalu Hundessa was an Ethiopian singer, songwriter, and civil rights activist. Hachalu played a significant role in the 2014–2016 Oromo protests that led to Abiy Ahmed taking charge of the Oromo Democratic Party and Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, and subsequently becoming prime minister of Ethiopia in 2018.
The Hachalu Hundessa riots were a series of civil unrest that occurred in the Oromia Region of Ethiopia, more specifically in the hot spot of Addis Ababa, Shashamene and Ambo following the killing of the Oromo musician Hachalu Hundessa on 29 June 2020. The riots lead to the deaths of at least 239 people according to initial police reports. Peaceful protests against Hachalu's killing have been held by Oromos abroad as well. The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) found in its 1 January 2021 full report that part of the killings were a crime against humanity, with deliberate, widespread systematic killing of civilians by organised groups. The EHRC counted 123 deaths, 76 of which it attributed to security forces.
A neftenya was the name given to Emperor Menelik II's warriors, who were primarily of Shewan Amhara origin, that collected customs and taxes for the Imperial Ethiopian government. In its literal meaning, neftenya, referred to riflemen in the Imperial Ethiopian Army who were known to have settled in Ethiopia's peripheral regions, including parts of present-day Oromia Region, the SNNPR Region, Gambela Region and the Benishangul-Gumuz Region from the late 19th century onwards. The origin of this term lies from the fact that these soldiers, i.e. "neftenya", were granted land on these newly conquered territories, including the services of the indigenous people on these lands, as rewards for their services.
Ethnic discrimination in Ethiopia during and since the Haile Selassie epoch has been described using terms including "racism", "ethnification", "ethnic identification, ethnic hatred, ethnicization", and "ethnic profiling". During the Haile Selassie period, Amhara elites perceived the southern minority languages as an obstacle to the development of an Ethiopian national identity. Ethnic discrimination occurred during the Haile Selassie and Mengistu Haile Mariam epochs against Hararis, Afars, Tigrayans, Eritreans, Somalis and Oromos. Ethnic federalism was implemented by Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) leader Meles Zenawi and discrimination against Amharas, Ogaden, Oromos and other ethnic groups continued during TPLF rule. Liberalisation of the media after Abiy Ahmed became prime minister in 2018 led to strengthening of media diversity and strengthening of ethnically focussed hate speech. Ethnic profiling targeting Tigrayans occurred during the Tigray War that started in November 2020.
Following the 2018 dissolution of the ethnic federalist, dominant party political coalition, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, there was an increase in tensions within the country, with newly resurgent regional and ethnically based factions carrying out armed attacks on military and civilians in multiple conflicts throughout Ethiopia.
Telela Kebede is a retired Ethiopian singer who gained popularity during Ethiopia's 1960s and 1970s ‘‘Golden Era’’ of music.
The 1995 Ethiopian Federal Constitution formalizes an ethnic federalism law aimed at undermining long-standing ethnic imperial rule, reducing ethnic tensions, promoting regional autonomy, and upholding unqualified rights to self-determination and secession in a state with more than 80 different ethnic groups. But the constitution is divisive, both among Ethiopian nationalists who believe it undermines centralized authority and fuels interethnic conflict, and among ethnic federalists who fear that the development of its vague components could lead to authoritarian centralization or even the maintenance of minority ethnic hegemony. Parliamentary elections since 1995 have taken place every five years since enactment. All but one of these have resulted in government by members of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) political coalition, under three prime ministers. The EPRDF was under the effective control of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which represents a small ethnic minority. In 2019 the EPRDF, under Abiy, was dissolved and he inaugurated the pan-ethnic Prosperity Party which won the 2021 Ethiopian Election, returning him as prime minister. But both political entities were different kinds of responses to the ongoing tension between constitutional ethnic federalism and the Ethiopian state's authority. Over the same period, and all administrations, a range of major conflicts with ethnic roots have occurred or continued, and the press and availability of information have been controlled. There has also been dramatic economic growth and liberalization, which has itself been attributed to, and used to justify, authoritarian state policy.
Anti-Oromo sentiment or Oromophobia, is opposition, hatred or prejudice against the Oromo ethnic group. Anti-Oromo sentiment has root its accusations during the rule of Ethiopian Empire, particularly in the reign of Emperor Menelik II in 1880s. Oromo nationalists argued that the Oromo have been subjugated and oppressed by dominant Amhara feudal rulers and its oppression persisted throughout 20th century. Under Haile Selassie, Oromos have been targeted to persecutions after long wave of resistance. Many Oromo revolutionaries like Mamo Mazamir, Haile Mariam Gamada and General Tadesse Birru faced execution by Selassie government and then the Derg regimes.
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