Mississauga (Ojibwe) land-rights advocate and diplomat
Nahnebahwequa
Nahnebahwequa
Studio portrait of Nahnebahwequa (Catherine Sutton), taken in the 1850s–60s. Sutton was a prominent Mississauga diplomat and land-rights campaigner whose advocacy brought her before the Colonial Office in London.
Catherine Brown Sutton; Joseph Sunego Sutton; Sophia Anne Sutton; others (died in infancy)
Nahnebahwequa (Naaniibawikwe in the Fiero spelling, meaning "Standing-Upright Woman") or Catherine Bunch was an Ojibwa spokeswoman and Christian Missionary.
Nahnebahwequay - Nah ne bah wee qua (Ojibwe for "Standing Upright Woman") - was born in the early fall of 1824 on the flats of the Credit River in what is now Port Credit, Ontario, in the then colony of Upper Canada.[1][2] She was born into the Mississaugas of the Credit, the daughter of Bunch Sunego (Tyatiquob) of the Eagle clan and Mary Polly Crane (Myarwikishigoqua) of the Otter clan.[3] Her parents were part of the Methodist community at the Credit Mission, a settlement that blended Anishinaabe kinship networks with the religious and educational programs of the Wesleyan Methodist Church.
Through her father, she was the granddaughter of Osunego (also recorded as Asanagoo), an Eagle clan leader whose name meant Black Squirrel. Through her mother, she was the granddaughter of Otesoo, a war chief of the Otter clan who fought on the side of the British Crown during the American Revolutionary War.[4] These lineages connected her to influential families involved in diplomacy, treaty relationships, and political leadership around the western end of Lake Ontario.
Nahnebahwequay was baptized in 1825, when she was about one year old, by Methodist missionary Rev. Thomas Madden and given the Christian name Catherine Bunch.[1] As she grew older, she adopted the surname Brown in honor of a well known Cherokee convert, Catherine Brown, whose story circulated widely in Methodist teaching.[5]
Around 1837, at about age thirteen, she was unofficially adopted by her uncle, Rev. Peter Jones (Kahkewaquonaby), a Methodist minister and chief of the Credit River band, and by his English wife, the writer Eliza Field.[1] She lived with them at the Credit Mission for the next two years, a household that served as both a family home and a center of Methodist leadership.[1]
Education
Nahnebahwequay’s early education took place at the Credit Mission, where a Methodist day school taught reading and writing in English, scripture, arithmetic, and domestic skills under missionary supervision.[1]
The school promoted literacy in both English and Anishinaabemowin (Ojibwe), using missionary-developed orthographies to teach reading and writing in both languages. This bilingual education prepared students to act as intermediaries between the Mississauga community and colonial officials, experience that later informed Nahnebahwequay's political advocacy.[6]
In 1837, at about age thirteen, she travelled to Great Britain with her aunt, Eliza Field.[7][5]Such travel was rare for an Indigenous child in the 1830s; Indigenous delegations to Britain typically consisted of adult diplomats, missionaries, or envoys.[8]
During their stay, Rev. Peter Jones travelled separately to present petitions and a wampum belt to Queen Victoria on behalf of the Credit River Mississaugas, seeking secure title to their lands.[9] Although Nahnebahwequay did not take part in the diplomatic mission, she spent nearly a year in Methodist and reform circles that supported the Credit Mission. This broadened her education and exposed her to British social, religious, and political networks that later shaped her approach to Indigenous land rights.[10]
Early married life (1839–1845)
Nahnebahwequay married William Sutton, an English-born Methodist lay preacher, on 9 January 1839, when she was about fourteen.[1] Sutton had immigrated to Upper Canada in 1830, and the marriage linked him to her Mississauga kin network and to the growing Methodist community at the Credit Mission.[5]
The couple lived at the mission through the early 1840s, surrounded by extended family and by the close-knit community shaped by her uncle, Rev. Peter Jones. Their first three children, Catherine Brown Sutton, Joseph Sunego Sutton, and Sophia Anne Sutton, were born there.[1]
Life at the Credit Mission offered stability, schooling, worship, and community support. Nahnebahwequay's early married years were shaped by family ties, the shared routines of mission life, and Methodist expectations that emphasized education, child rearing, and participation in communal religious activities.[11]
Community pressures and political context (1830s–1845)
During Nahnebahwequay's early married years, the Credit Mission faced growing instability. In the late 1830s, Lieutenant Governor Francis Bond Head proposed relocating Indigenous communities in southern Upper Canada to Manitoulin Island, a place the Mississaugas regarded as unsuitable for farming due to its rocky terrain and limited resources.[5]
In 1838, Rev. Peter Jones travelled to Britain to present the Mississaugas' concerns to Queen Victoria and to request secure legal title to their Credit River lands. Although the Colonial Secretary expressed sympathy, the government in Upper Canada did not grant the deeds.[9]
Further uncertainty followed when Samuel Peters Jarvis, Chief Superintendent of Indian Affairs, was dismissed in 1845 after a Bagot Commission investigation found him guilty of misappropriating the Mississauga's funds.[12]
For families at the Credit, including the Suttons, the combination of land insecurity, administrative turmoil, and mounting settler pressure made the community’s long-term future uncertain. These pressures shaped the context in which the Suttons relocated in 1845.[13]
Relocation to Nawash and missionary work (1845–1857)
In 1845, the Suttons accepted an invitation from the Nawash community on the Bruce Peninsula to join the settlement developing on the shores of Georgian Bay.[13]
That year, at about age twenty-one, Nahnebahwequay became a landowner. She received 200 acres (81 ha) in Sarawak Township as the daughter of Bunch Sunego and as an Indigenous member of the Nawash community; the grant was made to her and to her future heirs.[14] Land in colonial Upper Canada was typically granted to men, but Indigenous landholding practices followed family ties and community membership. A Nawash council record confirmed the grant and described the land near the main village on the bay.[15]
The Suttons established a homestead, clearing approximately 35 acres (14 ha) and building a house, barn, and garden. Sarawak lacked the church, school, and medical support available at the Credit Mission; farming was hard, and the thin, stony soils added to the difficulty.[16] Saugeen oral histories note that the region was traditionally used collectively, making the individual land grant unusual.[17]
The winter of 1851 was particularly severe. The Suttons lost their infant son William, the first of their children born at Sarawak, and Nahnebahwequay fell seriously ill and nearly died.[18] With limited support nearby, the family considered leaving Sarawak and planned to return when their surviving son Joseph was old enough to assist with the farm.[19]
In 1852, William Sutton was appointed by the Wesleyan Methodist Church to superintend a model farm at Garden River near Sault Ste. Marie. The mission combined Christian instruction with agricultural training for local Ojibwe communities, and the family lived there until about 1855.[20] They spent about two years in Michigan at Ojibwe Methodist missions before returning to Sarawak in 1857, as rising pressures over land rights drew Nahnebahwequay into public advocacy.[21]
Conflict with Indian Affairs (1857–1859)
When Nahnebahwequay and William Sutton returned to Sarawak in 1857, they learned that the Nawash lands had been surrendered during their absence. Her 200 acres (81ha) grant, confirmed in 1845, was included in the surrender and broken into lots for public sale. This decision ignored the fact that her land had been granted to her and her heirs, not to the community as a whole.[22]
Trying to protect her home, Nahnebahwequay attended the auction and bid successfully on several lots, including 34, 35, and 36 for herself and her husband, lot 31 for her son Joseph, lots 32 and 33 for her mother Mary KaKaKe, and lot 37 for her sister Mary Sunego. In total she paid deposits on nearly 600 acres (240ha), despite the fact that lots 34 and 35 had already been granted to her in 1845.[23]
Although she had paid the required installments and received certificates of sale, Indian Affairs intervened. According to Nahnebahwequay, Indian Affairs representative Bartlett seized the certificates and the money from her minister, Conrad Vandusen, claiming that Indigenous people were not permitted to buy land.[24] She and her husband petitioned Superintendent R. T. Pennefather for reimbursement of the money invested in their house, barn, and improvements, as well as for Nahnebahwequay’s annuity payments for 1852–1857.[25]
Indian Affairs officials refused to recognize her purchases. They argued that because she was married to a non-Indigenous man, she was no longer eligible to hold land as a member of the band. They also claimed she had been absent during the surrender and therefore had no standing to object.[26]
Nahnebahwequay rejected these arguments. She maintained that:[26]
marriage did not change her identity as an Anishinaabe woman;
no law prevented her from purchasing land;
and her annuities, based on treaty obligations, could not be used against her.
Nahnebahwequay travelled repeatedly to Toronto and petitioned the Provincial Parliament, along with David Sawyer and Abner Elliot.[27] The Nawash Band also petitioned on her behalf in 1858, but this petition failed.[28]
In August 1859, Bartlett and Pennefather informed Sutton that she could purchase her land if she met several new conditions, including repaying the initial installments for all the lots.[29] She refused. Another condition required her to surrender her treaty annuities, which would have stripped her and her children of their legal recognition as Indigenous people; she rejected this as well.[30]
England
In July 1859 at a general Council meeting in Rama, Catherine was appointed to go to England on the Nawash Band's behalf just as her Uncle Peter Jones had done 22 years before her.[31] In order to raise funds for this mission, Catherine, who was expecting a child, left her home, her children and her husband. She was carrying letters of introduction from local ministers and Justices of the Peace in Owen Sound that showed her moral character 45. Off to New York she went on a speaking tour to promote Native Rights. She was well received by the public.[32] She was interviewed and written up in many newspaper articles throughout New York State.[33][34] As a result, she was able to raise enough money, and with the support of the Quakers and The Aborigine Protection Society, she was soon on her way to England aboard the steamship, Persia,[35] armed with prestigious letters of introduction.[36]
In England, she met Member of Parliament, John Bright, who was a Quaker.[37] He introduced her to Robert and Christena Alsop who were also Quakers and members of the Aborigine Protection Society.[38] Catherine was their guest while in England.[38] On June 19, 1860, she was presented to Queen Victoria.[39]
On June 29, 1860, Catherine wrote a letter to the son of her Uncle Rev Peter Jones, C A Jones that was reprinted in a Brantford newspaper on August 3. It reads:
My dear Uncle and Grandfather I have just returned from the palace. I saw General Bruce and had a long talk with him on Indian affairs. I have done all that can be done in this Country. In the first place I was at the Aboriginal Protection Society and spoke in that meeting for my people; and from that time men of influence came to offer themselves if they could do anything for me .I was introduced to Mr. John Bright and he said he would do what he could; and he went to see the Duke of New Castle the Queen's Prime Minister who appointed a time to see me. Mr. John Bright went with me, also a Quaker and his wife (Mr. John Bright is a Quaker too.) The Duke was very kind and asked me many questions about the Indians, which I answered as well as I could. So at the close of our conversation he promised me he would let me know when I would see the Queen; so in a few days the letter came to my friend, at whose house I was stopping. “[citation needed]
The letter (dated June 28, 1860) Mrs. Christine R. Alsop received from the Duke of New Castle, confirming a date and time for Catherine's appointment was also reprinted in this Brantford newspaper. It reads:
Madam, The Queen commands me to say that she will receive Nah-nee-bah-wee-qua y at Buckingham Palace tomorrow (Tuesday) at a quarter before 3 o’clock Her Majesty will be very glad if you are able to accompany her.
The letter to her Uncle and Grandfather goes on to say:
So you see I have seen the Queen. The Duke went before us and he made two bows, and then I was left in the presence of the Queen; she came forward to meet me, and held out her hand for me to kiss, but I forgot to kiss it, and only shook hands with her. The Queen asked me many question, and was very kind in her manners and very friendly to me. Then my Quaker friend spoke to the Duke, and said “I suppose the Queen knows for what purpose my friend has come?. The Duke said, “All my papers had been explained and laid before her majesty, and I have her majesty's commands to investigate the Indian affair when I go to Canada with the Prince of Wales.” Then the Queen bowed to me and said“ I am happy to promise my aid and protection, and asked me my name. The Queen then looked at her husband, who stood at her left side, and smiled. She received me with so much kindness as to astonish me, when I saw her come smiling and so good to poor Indian. My Quaker friend has been in the habit of visiting the Royal family for ten years back. I expect to return home in Sept., If all be well .May God bless us all. [citation needed]
The Queen promised to look into her concerns and requested the Duke of New Castle to investigate matters during his up-and-coming trip to Canada.[38][40]
It became very evident, that Indian Affairs wanted Catherine to be silent. A letter written by Bartlett to Jones of Cape Croker says, “Discourage Mrs. Sutton's actions of choosing others in which she could place confidence to speak to New Castle; you must tell Indians not to listen to her."[41] The affairs of the Indian Department had been handled by Britain, but on July 1, 1860, Britain handed over the responsibility to the new Provincial Parliament of Canada,[42] the very people who had everything to gain by not looking into the problem.
Manitoulin Treaty
Catherine and William were devastated. By 1861 the Indian Department began negotiating the Manitoulin Treaty for white settlers.[43] Manitoulin Island had been promised in 1836 to remain forever in the hands of the Native people.[43] Catherine again stood up for Native Rights and opposed very strongly this purchase. Charles Lindsey, who was the editor of the Toronto Leader, wrote an unfavorable racist article in his newspaper. Catherine responded with her own very powerful letter that criticized Lindsey and the government for their attempt to purchase Manitoulin Island for white settlers.[44] She had seen this happen repeatedly with the Mississauga, Saugeen and Nawash.
By 1861 William, not Catherine, agreed to the conditions of sale, but he was still negotiating a reduction in price for his lots until 1871. He felt he should get the reduction that had been previously offered to his wife and his neighbors of $3.00 an acre.[45] Catherine died on Sept 26th 1865[46] before these negotiations were finalized. In the end he paid $5.00 an acre. Finally, he received the deeds for Lots 32 and 33.[47] By then he was living on Lot 33, along with Catherine's mother Mary KaKaKe and her children, Martha and Moses, whom he'd been taking care of since Mary's husband disappeared. He was also supporting his own younger children and his grandchildren by his daughter, Sophia Staves, who had died in 1875.[48] William Sutton had a lot on his plate financially.
Burial
Catherine was buried in her garden on Lot 34. Catherine and William's neighbor Charles Julyan recorded going to Nahnebahwequa's funeral, where at her own request, she was buried in her garden. This is substantiated in Julyan's letter to Joseph Howe in 1871.[49] Catherine made sure she was buried on the very lot for which she had been trying to get a deed. This certainly was one way they could not remove her. One way or another she was staying.
Catherine was laid to rest On the land she loved In the bosom of Mother Earth She found comfort within her
She has become the earth. The spring rain falls to her And rises, to become clouds to rain again like tears. She is in the whisper of the wind in the trees
The birds ring out her sorrow In cries of needed justice for her people The song they sing is for her children to have a home Catherine has a home in heaven now No earthly hands can sell.[citation needed]
↑Smith, Donald B. (2013). Mississauga Portraits: Ojibwe Voices from Nineteenth Century Canada. University of Toronto Press. pp.68–69.
1234Smith, Donald B. (1987). Sacred Feathers: The Reverend Peter Jones (Kahkewaquonaby) and the Mississauga Indians. University of Nebraska Press. p.115.
↑Smith, Donald B. (2013). Mississauga Portraits: Ojibwe Voices from Nineteenth-Century Canada. University of Toronto Press. pp.68–72.
↑Smith, Donald B. (1976). "Nahnebahwequay". Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Vol.9. University of Toronto/Université Laval. Retrieved 2026-02-26.
↑Vandusen, Conrad (1867). "XIX". The Indian Chief. London: William Nichols.
↑Smith, Donald B. (2001). "Nahnebawequay, Upright Woman". Canadian Methodist Historical Society Papers. 13.
↑Indian deed signed by Thomas Wahatick, Peter Sachoo, and David Sawyer, 7 November 1845, RG 10, Volume 2877, File 177,181, National Archives of Canada; see also Petition of the Chiefs and Indians of Cape Croker, 29 June 1859.
↑"Letter to the Alsops, forwarded by Charles Julyan to Joseph Howe in 1871". National Archives of Canada. RG 10, Volume 389.
↑Sutton, Catherine (1867). "XIX". The Indian Chief. London: William Nichols. Bartlett seized the certificates and the money, saying the Indians had no right to buy land.
↑Sutton, William (1852). "Petition by William Sutton". Petition to the Earl of Elgin. RG 10, Volume 2877, File 177,181, National Archives of Canada. We humbly request payment of Catherine's annuities from 1852 to 1857, and compensation for improvements upon our house, barn, and cleared land.
12See RG 10, Volume 2877, File 177,181, National Archives of Canada.
↑"Petition of the Chiefs of the Nawash Band". RG 10, Volume 2877, File 177,181. 29 June 1859.
↑Bartlett to Mrs. Catherine Sutton, approved by Pennefather. National Archives of Canada. 17 August 1859.
↑Bartlett, W. (1859). "Bartlett to Mrs. Catherine Sutton, 17 August 1859". Correspondence Regarding the Sale of Nawash Lands. RG 10, Volume 2877, File 177,181, National Archives of Canada. Mrs. Sutton may retain the land only upon relinquishing her annuities; upon surrender of the same she would no longer be recognized as entitled to such payments.
↑"Peter Kegodence Jones and James Nawash to Catherine Sutton to Bartlett". RG 10 Volume 427. April 17, 1860., in Peter S. Schmaltz. History of the Saugeen Indians., "Authorization signed by Cape Croker Chief Peter Kegodence and Ramma Chief William Yellowhead". RG 10 Volume 2877, File 177,181.
↑Queen's Ledger. June 1860., Catherine. Letter to the Alsop's. I want you to kindly remember poor Nannebahwequa to the Queen's Governess and ask her to tell the good Queen of England that I expect to see her again in a better kingdom and wearing a brighter crown then she ever wore on earth. Tell her I thank her from my heart for the kindness disposition she once infested towards the poor Indians through one Nahnebahwequa.
↑"Charles Julyan to Joseph Howe". RG 10, Volume 389. 1871.
↑Peter S. Schmaltz. The History of the Saugeen Indians. p.112.
↑Donald B. Smith. Nahnebahwequay 1824–1865; Upright Woman. p.94.
↑"Letter by William Sutton to Wm Plummer". RG 10 Volume 1896 File 6517. National Archives Ottawa.
↑"Obituary of Catherine dated 26th of September, 1866". The Christian Guardian. November 8, 1865.
↑Presentation by Dr. William Fitzgerald, Grey County Historical Society. July 2003.
↑Sarawak Township Census for 1871, 1881, and 1891, shows persons living on Lot 32 and 33. Letter from Bartlett to C. T. Walast, dated June 22, 1861, states "William Sutton has supported Catherine's mother since her husband left her in 1857". (RG 10 Volume 545 C-13358) National Archives Ottawa: "Sophia Staves, daughter of Catherine and William Sutton, and wife of Joseph W Staves. Sophia died May 17th, 1875, shortly after her son, William Percy Staves, was born on April 10th, 1875. Joseph Staves registered Sophia's death the same day he registered the birth of their son."
↑"Letter from Charles Julyan to Joseph Howe 1871". RG 10 Volume 2877, File 177,171. National Archives Ottawa.
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