Old Kiyyangan Village

Old Kiyyangan Village
	Shown within Luzon
Location	Ifugao, Philippines
Region	Cordillera
Coordinates	16°46′21″N121°02′06″E / 16.772589°N 121.035004°E
Type	Settlement
History
Cultures	Ifugao

Last updated March 06, 2024

Old Kiyyangan Village (OKV) is an archeological site in the Lazo highlands in the province of Ifugao in the Cordillera Administrative Region of the Philippines. The importance of this site is the presence of the Ifugao people and culture as the first inhabitants in the valley, who also represent one of the major indigenous Filipino societies for rice cultivation. This site is surrounded by rice terraces used for agricultural practices and remain heavily debated as to when and how recent these terraces formed.^[1] Artifacts found at this site suggest a strong influence of Christianity, mortuary rituals, and a system that defined social status according to the accumulation of various beads and ceramics.^[2]

Ifugao people and culture

The Old Kiyyangan Village (OKV) dates back to as early as 810 Before Present (B.P) to 750 B.P. according to new research. ^[1] This site is associated with the Ifugao culture and where the Ifugao Indigenous group presided for a few hundred years. The Ifugao Filipino Indigenous society are the main and only known community to occupy the Old Kiyyangan Village site from about 700 B.P. to 170 B.P. until the Spanish burned their land in 1832 AD during Spanish colonization. The Ifugao people are thought to have been one of the first Indigenous groups and rice cultivators of the Philippines, thus making them and their history an integral part to Filipino culture. As evident in various studies conducted at the Old Kiyyangan Village site and on the Ifugao people themselves, they were believed to have strong relationships with the dead, believed in several Deities with the Sun God as one of the main ones they worshipped, were a socially stratified and centralized society based on agricultural practices, and are known for being successfully resilient after Spanish colonization not only for maintaining the ability to preserve and develop their culture, but for establishing and developing a strong intra- and inter-regional trade of luxury items, trade ware, ceramics, and raw materials. The Ifugao are also the center of a highly contested debate defining the Ifugao that consequently defines the Ifugao and ancient Filipino culture as a whole, which is whether they created their rice terraces over two thousand years ago as first accounts suggest, or if they were created more recently. Though despite available comprehensive data and research, there is still very little information known about the site and Ifugao people during this time due to little funding in research projects, the extracted items being difficult to date, and disruptive colonial narratives of their origins. ^[1]

Religion

For research on the Ifugao and their religion, there have been a mix of accounts showing the Ifugao did not form a clear concept or system of moral teachings of the universe in a religious sense, but they did believe in a large variety of Deities, small specialized spirits, the presence of dead ancestors, as well as the universe being separated into five regions where all Deities and spirits resided: the Skyworld (Kabunian), the Underworld (Dalom), the Upstream Region (Daya), the Downstream Region (Lagud), and Earth (Pugao). Some of their most important deities include the Thunderer who lived in the Skyworld with his family and controlled weather patterns, and the Sun and Moon Gods who controlled untimely deaths such as men who died suddenly, and maternal and infant mortality rates; smaller deities include forest, ghost, or omen spirits that appear in the form of animals. The Deities were also split into categories such as nature gods who controlled weather and other natural events, culture gods who were believed to have taught the Ifugao certain skills (God of weaving, God of farming, etc.), and gods of reproduction for specifically rice cultivation due to rice being an integral social, religious, and political part of Ifugao culture. The Ifugao's relationship with their Deities was mainly fear-based worship and worked on a process of sacrificial rituals where the Ifugao would make specific offerings their Deities may want in order to keep their lives free of evil; they would perform similar actions with dead ancestors, but were less fearful of their ancestors and performed rituals and sacrifices in veneration to keep a close connection to them and to guarantee their peace on earth and in afterlife. The Ifugao also had evil spirits, where the most notorious were the Pinading that steal souls of the living, which the Ifugao could avoid if more offerings were made or divorce dowries were paid, and other higher or small, more limited spirits were sourced to the Ifugao's fevers, stomach pains, diseases, etc. Dreams were an essential part in the Ifugao's relationship to Deities and the process of deification where the Ifugao believed Deities could only speak to them in dreams through fear-filled images or predictions of what is to come, so the Ifugao often lived in fear and were scared of powerful, external spirits. The dependence on dreams and divine communication was important during Spanish colonization because this led the Ifugao to distrust and not believe that the Spanish were Godly creatures because the Ifugao did not see the colonizers in their dreams, therefore could not have any connection to the Ifugao's Deities.^[3]

Burial orientation

Burial orientation is one of the significant factors in the way that funerary practices were upheld for multiple generations at this site. The research conducted at the OKV concluded that the orientation of burials was found to have religious affiliations relating to influences of Christianity by Spanish colonizers. The burials that existed before Spanish colonizers arrived tended to contrast with what burials looked like after. The orientation of the burials facing east to west or north to south are significantly in sync with the orientation of homes. Additional findings across six different burials suggest that the inhabitants at this site relied on the celestial alignment with the sun in their mortuary practices as well. The varying directions in which some burials face may also be because of the way that the sun would set and rise across the village throughout the seasons. In addition to the orientation of burials discovered, there are also multiple types of burials that are usually found in the Philippines including jar and coffin burials, unenclosed pits, stone graves, and the option of cremation which was introduced later on. Infant burials followed along with these same patterns of house orientation pointing to a strong terrestrial or cosmological meaning. This evidence as well as an oral historical account of an Ifugao soldier buried facing his enemy's home so in his death he can haunt his murderer, support the study's conclusion that Ifugao buried infants on an east-west axis to face the setting sun to guide them to the Underworld. Though this burial ritual changed to a west-east axis after Spanish colonization because Christian teachings believed the dead should face the rising sun in order to be reborn in a new life.^[2]

Steps of funerary practices

These traditions start with washing the members who become deceased for purity, followed by dressing and wrapping their bodies in cloth materials or textiles, and including any of the individual's personal possessions like ceramics, glass or stone beads upon the grave. After the burial process begins the period of mourning which can vary having a role in the social status of such members. The grave is placed under a newly constructed protection which may consist of roofs or fences filled with offerings from the community such as food.^[4]

Beliefs in the afterlife

Remembrance and respectful relationships with the dead are a major custom and daily practice to the Ifugao culture. A study conducted by the Ifugao Archaeological Project (IAP) researched sixteen trenches of neonate burials where children were typically buried directly underneath homes. The IAP found several ornaments and grave goods set within the strata as well as on top of the strata, indicating that families in these homes interacted with the dead as an everyday ritual for veneration. The study concluded children were buried under homes not just because they were less valued than adults, but were buried there in order for their spirits to be integrated into the family, culture, and community. This was in part due to homes symbolizing a connection between the living and the dead as understood through the land in the Ifugao culture. Another reason for children being buried underneath homes was for families to cope with the increased infant mortality rates during this period. The study proved how important the treatment of ancestors through respectful interactions everyday was vital to the Ifugao people.^[5]

Social structure

There is evidence to suggest that the Ifugao people did have a social hierarchy based on kinship ties and agriculture, in contrast to other Filipino polities during this period that were more commonly hierarchical chiefdoms. ^[4] Evidence was found at this site to establish social status was determined by the beads that were found in many of the infant burials. The goods that were discovered in these burials consisted of either utilitarian or luxury goods. The concept of a kinship-based society is supported by the documented trade between lowland communities leading to the way society maintained organized in the OKV. Stone beads found in the excavations at this site imply that the more stone beads that were found in the burials, the more wealthy that person was among other villagers. The absence of these stone beads may be because of how valuable and unattainable they were by many inhabitants. The prevalence of glass beads that were excavated at this site among various burials suggests that these were more common among the average member of the OKV, relating to the social status of men, women, and children. Most stone beads excavated were agate or carnelian and not local to the Philippines, thus were highly culturally valued for being "foreign," and were found in drastically smaller quantities than glass beads, indicating that glass beads were more common and for poorer families. An IAP study concluded that because trenches harbored stone beads and others did not, that stone beads were significantly rarer than other bead types, and that stone beads were major indicators of wealth and status, that this is enough evidence to support social stratification. ^[6]

Research conducted by Stephen Acabado indicates that the Ifugao's complex agricultural and irrigation system contributed to their social structure that led to them having more centralized power rather than a chiefdom or kingdom. He explains how the physical intensity of rice cultivation in the terraces led to needing a more cooperative working and lifestyle for the Ifugao, arguing that their agricultural system actually became the basis of how they socialized and structured themselves.^[7] A study initially searching for the when, why, and how rice was cultivated at OKV, also found that rice tremendously affected social stratification in Ifugao society where rice landholdings and the type of rice grown were indicators of a wealthy or poor family; dry land rice cultivation was found to be used by poorer families, and families with large rice landholdings used wet rice cultivation and had a greater ability to provide large feasts.^[8] More research by Acabado also found the massive rice terraces to have been built within a two-to-three hundred year period, suggesting the Ifugao had already established a complex socio-political structure.^[9]

Agriculture

Rice cultivation

The time of rice cultivation for the Ifugao people has been the center of a largely contested debate that consequently defines the Ifugao culture, deciding whether the rice terraces are actually over two thousand years old as first accounts argue from Western sources, or were made more recently as argued by local sources. A study as mentioned before conducted research on if rice cultivation existed during the Ifugao's occupation of OKV, when it began, how it began, what methods were used, and what symbol may rice have represented in their culture. The study analyzed presence of pollen, phytolith, and starch in the terraces, concluding that rice was present during the Ifugao's occupation of the site and was cultivated around 810-750 cal. B.P. (supporting the argument that the terraces were made more recently than two thousand years ago). During research, there was also debate on how rice cultivation came to the Cordillera Province because evidence of dry land rice was found at the Andarayan site somewhat near the Ifugao, yet pollen evidence found at OKV indicated a wet rice cultivation, the soil and weather patterns were better suited for wet rice, and ethnolinguistic analyses found that the Ifugao had their own terms for rice as well that were only developed within the Cordillera region. However, more evidence at OKV also suggested dry land rice practices, leading an assumption that the Ifugao learned dry land rice methods over time from neighboring societies.^[8] Research conducted by Acabado that worked on dating these terraces also support that the Ifugao created them more recently and in response to the Spanish Empire.^[9]

Health status and diets of the villagers were affected by the Spanish colonization as discovered through the change in substance practices by paleoethnobotanical data. As taro originated in the rice terraces of the OKV, rice eventually became the main source of food as the population intensified with communication between highland and lowland communities working together upon the invasion of Spaniards. This switch to rice was compared to the previous food sources of taro along with sweet potato to evaluate the nutritional quality of food in terms of serving new members of the village appropriately to the newly adopted agricultural practices. It was apparent that low class communities opted for swidden farming and higher class communities practiced wet-terraced farming. Rice proved to be a more valuable food source to support a growing village, which further provides evidence for the shift to rice. ^[10]

Trade and economics

Before and after Spanish colonization, the Ifugao people surprisingly flourished in an unexpected rise in economic intensification and position in regional and global trade. Due to local and Indigenous history being erased and overshadowed by colonization and the cosmopolitan history of urban Manila, several researchers and archaeologists have attempted to seek out answers to how the Ifugao became economically, socially, and culturally successful after Spanish colonization, and to analyze and present this to the public in a way that puts Indigenous voices at the forefront of their findings and conclusions. One study conducted analyzed various trenches across OKV observing the existence of trade ware due to this being an important tool indicating wealth, trade access and influence, and cultural practices where stoneware and ceramics were specifically studied for being non local materials and indicators of trade activity. The trade goods were dated between the 1200s and 1800s where rarer, more valuable stoneware and ceramics were found to increase over time, indicating that despite Spanish colonizers increasing economic intensification in surrounding regions of the Philippines, the Ifugao did not succumb and fall behind to foreign wealth and power, but re-situated themselves in the Lazo highlands from Spain's direct control and continued preserving and developing their own culture and increasing their own economic intensification through establishing separate trade networks. There is, however, little information found on exactly who the Ifugao traded with, but some excavated trade ware and prestige goods suggest they were trading inter- and intra-regionally.^[11] But nonetheless, due to the Ifugao's success in economic intensification and building an extensive trade network, this positioned them as one of the foundational pieces in establishing the Philippines as a major trading hub on the global scale for Southeast Asia.^[11]

Significance

The Old Kiyyangan Village is significant in regards to the history of the Philippines in the opposition to Spanish colonialism to continue the practices of the Ifugao culture and maintain the use of rice terraces for generations to be built upon in strengthening the community. As the site where research is conducted heavily in the Philippines, the OKV and the culture that exists today is ever changing due to the decolonization practices being done by local researchers and the Ifugao Archaeological Project. With educating and engaging with the people who inhabit this area today, researchers are working to enhance the identity that Ifugao people perceive themselves as through learning about the stories of their history through the excavations across the valley that reveal what daily life looked like for the previous inhabitants. ^[12]

Related Research Articles

Ifugao, officially the Province of Ifugao, is a landlocked province of the Philippines in the Cordillera Administrative Region in Luzon. Its capital is Lagawe and it borders Benguet to the west, Mountain Province to the north, Isabela to the east, and Nueva Vizcaya to the south.

Mangyan is the generic name for the eight Indigenous groups found on the island of Mindoro, southwest of the island of Luzon, the Philippines, each with its own tribal name, language, and customs. The total population may be around 280,001, but official statistics are difficult to determine under the conditions of remote areas, reclusive tribal groups and some having little if any outside world contact.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Igorot people</span> Ethnic group in the Philippines

The indigenous peoples of the Cordillera in northern Luzon, Philippines, often referred to by the exonym Igorot people, or more recently, as the Cordilleran peoples, are an ethnic group composed of nine main ethnolinguistic groups whose domains are in the Cordillera Mountain Range, altogether numbering about 1.8 million people in the early 21st century.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Banaue Rice Terraces</span> Rice terraces in Ifugao, the Philippines

The Banaue Rice Terraces are terraces that were carved into the mountains of Banaue, Ifugao, in the Philippines, by the ancestors of the Igorot people. The terraces are occasionally called the "Eighth Wonder of the World". It is commonly thought that the terraces were built with minimal equipment, largely by hand. The terraces are located approximately 1,500 meters above sea level. These are fed by an ancient irrigation system from the rainforests above the terraces. It is said that if the steps were put end to end, it would encircle half of the globe.

Banaue, officially the Municipality of Banaue is a 4th class municipality in the province of Ifugao, Philippines. According to the 2020 census, it has a population of 20,652 people.

Indigenous Philippine folk religions are the distinct native religions of various ethnic groups in the Philippines, where most follow belief systems in line with animism. Generally, these Indigenous folk religions are referred to as Anito or Anitism or the more modern and less ethnocentric Dayawism, where a set of local worship traditions are devoted to the anito or diwata, terms which translate to gods, spirits, and ancestors. 0.23% of the population of the Philippines are affiliated with the Indigenous Philippine folk religions according to the 2020 national census, an increase from the previous 0.19% from the 2010 census.

The Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras are a World Heritage Site consisting of a complex of rice terraces on the island of Luzon in the Philippines. They were inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1995, the first-ever property to be included in the cultural landscape category of the World Heritage List. This inscription has five sites: the Batad Rice Terraces and Bangaan Rice Terraces, Mayoyao Rice Terraces, Hungduan Rice Terraces and Nagacadan Rice Terraces, all in Ifugao Province. The Ifugao Rice Terraces reach a higher altitude and were built on steeper slopes than many other terraces. The Ifugao complex of stone or mud walls and the careful carving of the natural contours of hills and mountains combine to make terraced pond fields, coupled with the development of intricate irrigation systems, harvesting water from the forests of the mountain tops, and an elaborate farming system.

The Sultanate of Maguindanao was a sultanate that ruled parts of the island of Mindanao, in the southern Philippines, especially in modern-day Maguindanao provinces, Soccsksargen, Zamboanga Peninsula and Davao Region. Its known historical influence stretches from the peninsula of Zamboanga to bay of Sarangani until Davao Gulf. During the era of European colonization, the Sultanate maintained friendly relations with British and Dutch traders.

The architecture of the Philippines reflects the historical and cultural traditions in the country. Most prominent historic structures in the archipelago are influenced by Austronesian, American architectures.

The Ifugao people are the ethnic group inhabiting Ifugao province in the Philippines. They reside in the municipalities of Lagawe, Aguinaldo, Alfonso Lista, Asipulo, Banaue, Hingyon, Hungduan, Kiangan, Lamut, Mayoyao, and Tinoc. The province is one of the smallest provinces in the Philippines with an area of only 251,778 hectares, or about 0.8% of the total Philippine land area. As of 1995, the population of the Ifugaos was counted to be 131,635. Although the majority of them are still in Ifugao province, some of them have moved to Baguio, where they work as woodcarvers, and to other parts of the Cordillera Region.

The cultural achievements of pre-colonial Philippines include those covered by the prehistory and the early history (900–1521) of the Philippine archipelago's inhabitants, the pre-colonial forebears of today's Filipino people. Among the cultural achievements of the native people's belief systems, and culture in general, that are notable in many ethnic societies, range from agriculture, societal and environmental concepts, spiritual beliefs, up to advances in technology, science, and the arts.

The Philippines is an archipelago located in Southeast Asia and consists of 7,641 islands. Prehistoric beads are among the most significant resources deriving from the human past. They are artifacts that inform individuals about archaeological records. Beads play a vital role in Asian lives, since they were utilized as human markers to indicate a territory; moreover, prehistoric beads were significant for ancestors as well as the people who occupied the identical territory. For instance, if beads are perished or destroyed, they can be recovered archaeologically due to their durability, which allows for the preservation of these resources. Furthermore, several of the decorative pieces and tools that they possess, as well as their culture, seem to reflect this maritime characteristic. Due to the fact that beads are transportable, compact in size, and appealing to the eye, they can essentially be discovered all over the world. Tools such as choppers made of shells as well as decorative pieces like shell beads are common in Southeast Asian archaeological records due to this characteristic. Various sites have been found to contain shell beads, including Sucgang Barrio in Bohol; Sibale Island, near Surigao; Suluan island, south of Samar; Lagen Island in Palawan; and Camotes Islands.

The indigenous religious beliefs of the Tagalog people were well documented by Spanish missionaries, mostly in the form of epistolary accounts (relaciones) and entries in various dictionaries compiled by missionary friars.

The archaeology of the Philippines is the study of past societies in the territory of the modern Republic of the Philippines, an island country in Southeast Asia, through material culture.

The means by which agriculture expanded into the Philippines is argued by many different anthropologists and an exact date of its origin is unknown. However, there are proxy indicators and other pieces of evidence that allow anthropologists to get an idea of when different crops reached the Philippines and how they may have gotten there. Rice is an important agricultural crop today in the Philippines and many countries throughout the world import rice and other products from the Philippines.

Domesticated animals in the Philippines include pigs, chickens, water buffalo, goats, cats, and dogs. Domestication is when a species is selectively bred to produce certain traits that are seen as desirable. Some desirable traits include quicker growth and maturity, increased fertility, adaptability to various conditions, and living in herds. Domesticated animals play an important socioeconomic role in the Philippines, as seen through their widespread use in rituals.

The post-1500s Philippines is defined by colonial powers occupying the land. Whether it be the Spanish, the Americans, or the Japanese, the Philippines were subjugated and shaped by the presence of a hegemonic power enacting dominance over the people, the land, and the culture itself. The respective field of the archaeology of the post-1500s Philippines is a particularly growing and revolutionary field, particularly seen in the archaeology of Stephen Acabado in Ifugao and Grace Barretto-Tesoro in Manila. There were also many important events that had happened during this period. In 1521, Portuguese explorer, Ferdinand Magellan discovered Homonhon Island and called it "Arcigelago de San Lazaro." Magellan became the first European to cross over the Pacific Ocean.

The history of archaeology in the Philippines, officially known as the Republic of the Philippines, has been affected by many significant figures and the multiple chronologies associated with the type of artifacts and research conducted over the years.

Symbolism is an abstract meaning given to an object or representative of one. Symbols can define certain aspects of cultures making them initially exclusive to particular groups. When it comes to symbolism in archaeology, artifacts found may display iconography with these abstract symbols or tell us more about the people who made them through their construction. Symbolism is not limited to only inanimate objects but can be found in the actions or being of living things as well. The Philippines, comprising more than 7,000 islands, is an archipelago where symbols of the past and present contribute to its unique culture. These symbols are influenced by and noticeable in burial practices, rituals, social status, architecture, agriculture, and The Philippines' place in the Austronesian world.

Tradeware ceramics in the Philippines are ceramics produced in different countries and traded within the Philippines. They are often referred to as export ware and became popular due to their kaolin-type clay that was difficult to replicate. Tradeware ceramics in the Philippines range from Pre-Spanish arrival through the Manila Galleon of the Colonial period. Leading scholars in this field are Carl E. Guthe, Li Jian'an, Li Min, Olov Janse, and Robert Fox.

References

1 2 3 Horrocks, Mark; Acabado, Stephen; Peterson, John (2018). "Plant Microfossil Results from Old Kiyyangan Village: Looking for the Introduction and Expansion of Wet-field Rice (Oryza sativa) Cultivation in the Ifugao Rice Terraces, Philippine Cordilleras". Asian Perspectives. 57 (1): 159–176. ISSN 0066-8435. JSTOR 26775210.
1 2 Echavarri, Glenys O. (2018). "Burial Orientation in the Old Kiyyangan Village: Cosmology and Christianization". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 46 (1/2): 49–59. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26951209.
↑ LAMBRECHT, FRANCIS (1962). "The Religion of the Ifugao". Philippine Sociological Review. 10 (1/2): 33–40. ISSN 0031-7810. JSTOR 41853469.
1 2 Layco, Wendy; Yakal, Madeleine (2018). "Evidence of Social Differentiation at Old Kiyyangan Village, Philippines: An Analysis of Beads Associated with Infant Jar and Supine Child Burials". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 46 (1/2): 60–69. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26951210.
↑ Cleofe, Edward (2017). "Death and Remembrance: Living/Dead Interactions in Old Kiyyangan Household Necroscapes". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 45 (1/2): 20–36. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26788419.
↑ Layco, Wendy; Yakal, Madeleine (2018). "Evidence of Social Differentiation at Old Kiyyangan Village, Philippines: An Analysis of Beads Associated with Infant Jar and Supine Child Burials". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 46 (1/2): 60–69. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26951210.
↑ Acabado, Stephen (2013). "Defining Ifugao Social Organization: "House," Field, and Self-Organizing Principles in the Northern Philippines". Asian Perspectives. 52 (2): 161–189. doi:10.1353/asi.2013.0009. hdl: 10125/38727 . ISSN 1535-8283. S2CID 144743304.
1 2 Horrocks, Mark; Acabado, Stephen; Peterson, John (2018). "Plant Microfossil Results from Old Kiyyangan Village: Looking for the Introduction and Expansion of Wet-field Rice (Oryza sativa) Cultivation in the Ifugao Rice Terraces, Philippine Cordilleras". Asian Perspectives. 57 (1): 159–176. doi:10.1353/asi.2018.0005. hdl: 10125/72077 . ISSN 1535-8283. S2CID 165578836.
1 2 Acabado, Stephen; Martin, Marlon (June 4, 2020). "Decolonizing the past, empowering the future: Community-led heritage conservation in Ifugao, Philippines". Journal of Community Archaeology & Heritage. 7 (3): 171–186. doi:10.1080/20518196.2020.1767383. ISSN 2051-8196. S2CID 219912969.
↑ Moran, Megan (2015). "Nutritional Ecology in Old Kiyyangan Village: Ifugao Food Resources before and after Lowland Spanish Colonization". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 43 (3/4): 322–338. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26476478.
1 2 Meyer-Lorey, Robin; Acabado, Stephen (2018). "Economic Intensification in Old Kiyyangan: Global Interaction and Intra-Regional Trade Revealed through Trade Ceramics". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 46 (1/2): 33–48. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26951208.
↑ Acabado, Stephen; Martin, Marlon (July 2, 2020). "Decolonizing the past, empowering the future: Community-led heritage conservation in Ifugao, Philippines". Journal of Community Archaeology & Heritage. 7 (3): 171–186. doi:10.1080/20518196.2020.1767383. ISSN 2051-8196. S2CID 219912969.

This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.

[Horrocks-2018-2-1] 1 2 3 Horrocks, Mark; Acabado, Stephen; Peterson, John (2018). "Plant Microfossil Results from Old Kiyyangan Village: Looking for the Introduction and Expansion of Wet-field Rice (Oryza sativa) Cultivation in the Ifugao Rice Terraces, Philippine Cordilleras". Asian Perspectives. 57 (1): 159–176. ISSN 0066-8435. JSTOR 26775210.

[Echavarri-2018-2] 1 2 Echavarri, Glenys O. (2018). "Burial Orientation in the Old Kiyyangan Village: Cosmology and Christianization". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 46 (1/2): 49–59. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26951209.

[3] LAMBRECHT, FRANCIS (1962). "The Religion of the Ifugao". Philippine Sociological Review. 10 (1/2): 33–40. ISSN 0031-7810. JSTOR 41853469.

[Layco-2018-4] 1 2 Layco, Wendy; Yakal, Madeleine (2018). "Evidence of Social Differentiation at Old Kiyyangan Village, Philippines: An Analysis of Beads Associated with Infant Jar and Supine Child Burials". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 46 (1/2): 60–69. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26951210.

[5] Cleofe, Edward (2017). "Death and Remembrance: Living/Dead Interactions in Old Kiyyangan Household Necroscapes". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 45 (1/2): 20–36. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26788419.

[6] Layco, Wendy; Yakal, Madeleine (2018). "Evidence of Social Differentiation at Old Kiyyangan Village, Philippines: An Analysis of Beads Associated with Infant Jar and Supine Child Burials". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 46 (1/2): 60–69. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26951210.

[7] Acabado, Stephen (2013). "Defining Ifugao Social Organization: "House," Field, and Self-Organizing Principles in the Northern Philippines". Asian Perspectives. 52 (2): 161–189. doi:10.1353/asi.2013.0009. hdl: 10125/38727 . ISSN 1535-8283. S2CID 144743304.

[Horrocks-2018-8] 1 2 Horrocks, Mark; Acabado, Stephen; Peterson, John (2018). "Plant Microfossil Results from Old Kiyyangan Village: Looking for the Introduction and Expansion of Wet-field Rice (Oryza sativa) Cultivation in the Ifugao Rice Terraces, Philippine Cordilleras". Asian Perspectives. 57 (1): 159–176. doi:10.1353/asi.2018.0005. hdl: 10125/72077 . ISSN 1535-8283. S2CID 165578836.

[Acabado-2020-9] 1 2 Acabado, Stephen; Martin, Marlon (June 4, 2020). "Decolonizing the past, empowering the future: Community-led heritage conservation in Ifugao, Philippines". Journal of Community Archaeology & Heritage. 7 (3): 171–186. doi:10.1080/20518196.2020.1767383. ISSN 2051-8196. S2CID 219912969.

[10] Moran, Megan (2015). "Nutritional Ecology in Old Kiyyangan Village: Ifugao Food Resources before and after Lowland Spanish Colonization". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 43 (3/4): 322–338. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26476478.

[Meyer-Lorey-2018-11] 1 2 Meyer-Lorey, Robin; Acabado, Stephen (2018). "Economic Intensification in Old Kiyyangan: Global Interaction and Intra-Regional Trade Revealed through Trade Ceramics". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 46 (1/2): 33–48. ISSN 0115-0243. JSTOR 26951208.

[12] Acabado, Stephen; Martin, Marlon (July 2, 2020). "Decolonizing the past, empowering the future: Community-led heritage conservation in Ifugao, Philippines". Journal of Community Archaeology & Heritage. 7 (3): 171–186. doi:10.1080/20518196.2020.1767383. ISSN 2051-8196. S2CID 219912969.

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

[7]

[8]

[9]

[10]

[11]

[12]