Emergence of agriculture in the Philippines

Last updated

The means by which agriculture expanded into the Philippines is argued by many different anthropologists and an exact date of its origin is unknown. [1] [2] [3] [4] However, there are proxy indicators and other pieces of evidence that allow anthropologists to get an idea of when different crops reached the Philippines and how they may have gotten there. [5] [6] Rice is an important agricultural crop today in the Philippines and many countries throughout the world import rice and other products from the Philippines. [7]

Contents

Factors that led to farming

Until the end of the Pleistocene, most people inhabiting the planet were hunter-gatherers. [3] Between 8500 and 2500 AD, people transitioned to farming at different times and places around the world. [1]

Climate change

Chart indicating the change in temperature conditions after the Pleistocene Evolution of temperature in the Post-Glacial period according to Greenland ice cores (Bolling-Allerod).jpg
Chart indicating the change in temperature conditions after the Pleistocene

After 15,000 years ago, the post-glacial climate change at the end of the Pleistocene made the climate much warmer and more humid. This led to an increase in the productivity of the tropical layers of the earth. [8] In addition, the climate change led to severe cold periods that were not conducive for hunter-gathering. [8] Areas like China and the Levant, for example, began selecting for certain features in their crops that would allow them to persist through the sporadic cold periods. [8]

Advantages of farming

Agricultural expansions were a result of several advantages that farming had over hunting and gathering. [1] One advantage was that farming yielded more food per area of land meaning that farmers could grow enough food to support larger populations of people. [1] Another advantage of the farming lifestyle is that it is largely sedentary, unlike the mobility of hunter-gathering. [1] This allowed for surpluses to be stocked up in case of difficult growing periods to curb starvation. [1] Lastly, the large and crowded farming societies brought about epidemic infectious diseases that farmers became resistant to. [1] However, these diseases affected hunter-gatherers because they were not immune to them. [1]

Farming-language dispersal hypothesis

Austronesian language family

The Austronesian language family is a group of languages spoken throughout parts of Southeast Asia including Taiwan, Malaysia, and the Philippines. [8] The history of this language family covers the time of Pre-Austronesian and the Austronesian. [8] Pre-Austronesian speaking people were hunter-gatherers. [8] They began in China then colonized Taiwan, then dispersed Southwards toward the Philippines and into Northern Indonesia. [8] In an ethnolinguistic sense, Austronesian speaking people began 5,500 years ago in Taiwan and they were presumed to be farmers. [8]

Bellwood and Renfrew's proposal

With the Austronesian language family and its dispersal in mind, Peter Bellwood and Colin Renfrew proposed one of the first ideas highlighting the origin of agriculture in Island Southeast Asia. [8] Bellwood and Renfrew argued that, because of agriculture, the Austronesian speaking people migrated from their homeland in Taiwan to the Philippines and Indo-Malaysia then reached the Pacific after passing New Guinea. [8] [2] [3] Proto-Austronesian, a reconstruction of the Austronesian languages, shows evidence of repetition in many of the same vocabulary terms for agriculture. [8] [3] The vocabulary is used as evidence for agriculture being the driving force behind the migration because it includes words like rice, millet, and pigs that are very similar across languages in Island Southeast Asia. [8] It is believed that rice-based agriculture allowed Austronesian speaking people to migrate to regions inhabited by hunter-gatherers and populate the area or replace them to a degree. [2] The approximate date of when Austronesian-speaking people began migrating from Taiwan to the Philippines is between ca. 4,500 to 4,000 years ago. [2]

Opposing views on the farming-language dispersal hypothesis

Despite the prevalence of Bellwood's farming-language dispersal hypothesis, different scholars have disagreed with the farming-language dispersal hypothesis and have put forward different possible factors to consider when thinking about the emergence of agriculture in ISEA (Island Southeast Asia). [2] [4] [9] [10]

Lack of archaeological evidence

Tim Denham, a university professor of anthropology, author, and research fellow,  argued that there is not enough archaeological evidence to support the use of agriculture in ISEA before 3,000 years ago. [4] Using multidisciplinary evidence, including the origin and spread of plant and animal domesticates in Island Southeast Asia, Denham proposed that East Asian crops are found in ISEA, but only after the period of Austronesian-speaking peoples' expansion. [4] He argues for the lateness of the emergence of agriculture in Island Southeast Asia, including the Philippines, and further suggests that Indigenous peoples of Island Southeast Asia were active agents in the utilization of farming techniques during the mid-Holocene. [4] In contrast to the idea that Indigenous peoples of ISEA were hunter-gatherers who were overthrown by farming societies, he claims that Indigenous peoples integrated new plants into former cultivation techniques, as well as adopted new strategies for animal domestication. [4]

Population genetics

The application of population genetics and its relation to early migration in ISEA was proposed by Tim Denham and Mark Donohue. [2] They disagree with the complete integration of the present hunter-gatherer groups of the region by the Austronesian-speaking migrants from Taiwan. [2] They rebuke the idea of the Austronesian-speaking peoples possessing dominance because of their agricultural practices over their hunter-gatherer counterparts and instead propose integration from both the migrants and the present social groups into complex cultural groups. [2] Evidence disagreeing with the Austronesian dominance of early people are presented in the DNA of ISEA populations. [2] Only a fifth of the population could relate their genes to the out-of-Taiwan hypothesis suggesting that there was no absolute replacement of the preexisting groups of this area by migrants. [2]

Neolithic expansion without farming practices

The idea that Neolithic expansion in Island Southeast Asia did not involve farming practices was described by Matthew Spriggs, an active voice in this archaeological topic. [9] Material culture of this epoch such as the red-slipped pottery marks the fusion of different social groups including migrants from outside of these islands as well as individuals already situated in the area. [9] Spriggs describes that "subsistence changes were not needed to change identities" showing that although changes did occur in this region it did not necessarily include farming practices. [9]

Roger Blench, supports the idea of the agriculture failure of Austronesian migrants and suggests that migration expansion and cultural assimilation by religious practices was more prevalent rather than agricultural practices. [10] He emphasizes the idea that complex societies did not have to involve sedentary farming practices and that hunting and foraging could have been the main provider for subsistence. [10]

Archaeological evidence

Old Kiyyangan Village

In an archaeological study conducted at Old Kiyyangan Village in Ifugao, archaeologists analyzed charred organic residue from two earthenware sherds were analyzed in order to evaluate when rice agriculture, as well as cooking rice, occurred in the Philippines. [5] The results of the examination were that the earthenware sherds were not from rice pots used to cook rice, instead they were used for cooking starchy vegetables such as taro, yams, and more. [5] It shows that during pre-colonial times, the Ifugao people used a wide range of food resources that did nt include rice. [5] They cultivated starchy vegetables and domesticated animals like pigs, water buffalo, and chicken. [5] They most likely kept a relationship between neighboring communities to hunt in order to obtain their protein, while at the same time clearing land to grow their crops. [5] These pieces of evidence support the idea that early people in Ifuago were able to thrive without rice agriculture or intensive agriculture in general up until the point of colonization when population densities heightened, suggesting a later model for the emergence of intensive agriculture. [5]

Taro and rice

Stephen Acabado argues that taro preceded wet-rice agriculture in the Ifugao terraces and that taro is indigenous to the Philippine archipelago. [11] Taro brings a different perspective to the emergence and spread of agriculture in that it moves away from the general idea that domestication occurred through a sequence of events that began with root vegetable cultivation and came to a peak with intensive wet-rice agriculture. [11] Previous models about the emergence of agriculture in ISEA credit the Austronesian dispersal for the introduction of taro and rice in those regions. [11] However, new evidence exhibits that taro has pan-Southeast Asian origins and can be traced much earlier than the spread of Austronesian-speaking peoples in the region of Luzon in the Philippines. [11] If this evidence is approved and taro is shown to have been present much earlier, it changes the perspective on how agriculture spread. [11]

Taro roots Taro root for sale.jpg
Taro roots

Anthropologist Martin Tsang found taro tissue in Cagayan dating between 3940 BC- 3379 BC suggesting that taro may have existed in the Philippines during a time that was much earlier than when taro agriculturalists began spreading to mainland Southeast Asia. [11] The first evidence of rice found in the Philippines dates to between 2025 BC and 1432 BC. [11] This taro-first model is only indirect evidence in favor of the cultivation of taro before the Austronesian-speaking people arrived in Southeast Asia and for the lateness of wet-rice agriculture in the Philippines and other parts of Island Southeast Asia. [11]

The process of growing taro is not labor intensive and could have easily replaced rice as a main carbohydrate. [11] Planting and farming Taro is a ceremonial process and has religious significance. [11] In the Central Cordillera region, taro was a favored crop because of its low-population destiny. [11] It is possible that there was not much population pressure in the Cordillera before the rise of colonialism and that taro and other root vegetables like sweet potato could have supported the populations present at the time. [11] It is a possibility that as population density increased as a result of the Spanish arrival or after the arrival of lowland groups, there was a change to wet-rice agriculture. [11]

Andarayan rice inclusion pottery

According to anthropologist Victor Paz, among the archaeological research done in the Philippines there has not been enough concrete evidence to point towards an early presence of rice agriculture. [2] There is, however, archaeological evidence for the presence of rice remains in the Andarayan site located in northern Luzon which raises discussion on whether or not rice was cultivated at an earlier time than once thought. [6]

Excavations have revealed carbonized rice inclusions such as rice husks and stems in earthenware. [6] This discovery represents dry-rice cropping instead of the most common wet-rice agriculture seen in Luzon. [6] Even with this archaeological find, the lack of rice samples make it difficult to attain a "comprehensive study". [6] Tim Denham and Mark Donohue dismiss the idea that this evidence could be related to early intensive agriculture and instead conclude that the carbonized rice inclusions could be associated with foreign trade. [2]

Agriculture today

Present day rice cultivation in the Philippines Rice transplanters in the Philippines.jpg
Present day rice cultivation in the Philippines

Currently, the Philippines remains the second-largest rice importer in the world. [7] However, there is not much land left for rice agriculture and challenges to growing rice include unpredictable and unfavorable weather conditions as well as population density. [7] A typhoon known as Yolanda that struck in 2013 damaged 2 percent of rice crops in the Philippines. Adverse weather conditions continue to threaten rice cultivation. [7]

Cultural significance

Rice continues to hold important cultural value in the Philippines today. Folk legends about rice, including the story "Alamat ng Palay", depict how rice is cherished as a gift of life that keeps Filipinos grounded, healthy, and fed. [7] In the past, rice was thought of as a prestige food and was only made in small quantities for spiritual rituals. [7] Because of this, it is believed that rice was reserved for only the chiefs or elite members of the tribe and was a main factor in establishing social stratification and geographic differentiation. [7] After the arrival of the Spanish and the plow technology they brought with them, agricultural development occurred and rice was being cultivated in larger volumes. [7] Eventually, rice was no longer a prestige product or a seasonal offering, and instead was grown all year round and by the 19th century rice surpluses allowed for the product to be exported. [7]

Rice production in the Philippines by region as of 2015 Philippine provinces Annual Rice Production 2015.png
Rice production in the Philippines by region as of 2015

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ifugao</span> Province in Cordillera, Philippines

Ifugao, officially the Province of Ifugao, is a landlocked province of the Philippines in the Cordillera Administrative Region in Luzon. Its capital is Lagawe and it borders Benguet to the west, Mountain Province to the north, Isabela to the east, and Nueva Vizcaya to the south.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Lapita culture</span> Neolithic archaeological culture in the Pacific

The Lapita culture is the name given to a Neolithic Austronesian people and their distinct material culture, who settled Island Melanesia via a seaborne migration at around 1600 to 500 BCE. The Lapita people are believed to have originated from the northern Philippines, either directly, via the Mariana Islands, or both. They were notable for their distinctive geometric designs on dentate-stamped pottery, which closely resemble the pottery recovered from the Nagsabaran archaeological site in northern Luzon. The Lapita intermarried with the Papuan populations to various degrees, and are the direct ancestors of the Austronesian peoples of Polynesia, eastern Micronesia, and Island Melanesia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Paddy field</span> Flooded parcel of arable land used for growing semiaquatic rice

A paddy field is a flooded field of arable land used for growing semiaquatic crops, most notably rice and taro. It originates from the Neolithic rice-farming cultures of the Yangtze River basin in southern China, associated with pre-Austronesian and Hmong-Mien cultures. It was spread in prehistoric times by the expansion of Austronesian peoples to Island Southeast Asia, Southeast Asia including Northeastern India, Madagascar, Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia. The technology was also acquired by other cultures in mainland Asia for rice farming, spreading to East Asia, Mainland Southeast Asia, and South Asia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Neolithic Revolution</span> Transition in human history from hunter-gatherer to settled peoples

The Neolithic Revolution, also known as the First Agricultural Revolution, was the wide-scale transition of many human cultures during the Neolithic period in Afro-Eurasia from a lifestyle of hunting and gathering to one of agriculture and settlement, making an increasingly large population possible. These settled communities permitted humans to observe and experiment with plants, learning how they grew and developed. This new knowledge led to the domestication of plants into crops.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ethnic groups in the Philippines</span> Demography of the Philippines

The Philippines is inhabited by more than 182 ethnolinguistic groups, many of which are classified as "Indigenous Peoples" under the country's Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act of 1997. Traditionally-Muslim peoples from the southernmost island group of Mindanao are usually categorized together as Moro peoples, whether they are classified as Indigenous peoples or not. About 142 are classified as non-Muslim Indigenous people groups, and about 19 ethnolinguistic groups are classified as neither Indigenous nor Moro. Various migrant groups have also had a significant presence throughout the country's history.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras</span> World Heritage Site in Luzon, the Philippines

The Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras are a World Heritage Site consisting of a complex of rice terraces on the island of Luzon in the Philippines. They were inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1995, the first-ever property to be included in the cultural landscape category of the World Heritage List. This inscription has five sites: the Batad Rice Terraces and Bangaan Rice Terraces, Mayoyao Rice Terraces, Hungduan Rice Terraces and Nagacadan Rice Terraces, all in Ifugao Province. The Ifugao Rice Terraces reach a higher altitude and were built on steeper slopes than many other terraces. The Ifugao complex of stone or mud walls and the careful carving of the natural contours of hills and mountains combine to make terraced pond fields, coupled with the development of intricate irrigation systems, harvesting water from the forests of the mountain tops, and an elaborate farming system.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Austronesian peoples</span> Speakers of Austronesian languages

The Austronesian peoples, sometimes referred to as Austronesian-speaking peoples, are a large group of peoples in Taiwan, Maritime Southeast Asia, parts of Mainland Southeast Asia, Micronesia, coastal New Guinea, Island Melanesia, Polynesia, and Madagascar that speak Austronesian languages. They also include indigenous ethnic minorities in Vietnam, Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand, Hainan, the Comoros, and the Torres Strait Islands. The nations and territories predominantly populated by Austronesian-speaking peoples are sometimes known collectively as Austronesia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Malay race</span> Concept of a Malay race

The concept of a Malay race was originally proposed by the German physician Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (1752–1840), and classified as a brown race. Malay is a loose term used in the late 19th century and early 20th century to describe the Austronesian peoples.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ivatan people</span> Austronesian ethnolinguistic group

The Ivatan people are an Austronesian ethnolinguistic group native to the Batanes and Babuyan Islands of the northernmost Philippines. They are genetically closely related to other ethnic groups in Northern Luzon, but also share close linguistic and cultural affinities to the Tao people of Orchid Island in Taiwan.

In a hypothesis developed by Wilhelm Solheim, the Nusantao Maritime Trading and Communication Network (NMTCN) is a trade and communication network that first appeared in the Asia-Pacific region during its Neolithic age, or beginning roughly around 5000 BC. Nusantao is an artificial term coined by Solheim, derived from the Austronesian root words nusa "island" and tao "man, people". Solheim's theory is an alternative hypothesis to the spread of the Austronesian language family in Southeast Asia. It contrasts the more widely accepted Out-of-Taiwan hypothesis (OOT) by Peter Bellwood.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Prehistory of the Philippines</span> History of the Philippines before 900 AD

The prehistory of the Philippines covers the events prior to the written history of what is now the Philippines. The current demarcation between this period and the early history of the Philippines is April 21, 900, which is the equivalent on the Proleptic Gregorian calendar for the date indicated on the Laguna Copperplate Inscription—the earliest known surviving written record to come from the Philippines. This period saw the immense change that took hold of the archipelago from Stone Age cultures in 50000 BC to the emergence of developed thalassocratic civilizations in the fourth century, continuing on with the gradual widening of trade until 900 and the first surviving written records.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Models of migration to the Philippines</span>

Since H. Otley Beyer first proposed his wave migration theory, numerous scholars have approached the question of how, when and why humans first came to the Philippines. The current scientific consensus favors the "Out of Taiwan" model, which broadly match linguistic, genetic, archaeological, and cultural evidence.

<i>Lingling-o</i> Prehistoric Austronesian ornament

Lingling-o or ling-ling-o, are a type of penannular or double-headed pendant or amulet that have been associated with various late Neolithic to late Iron Age Austronesian cultures. Most lingling-o were made in jade workshops in the Philippines, and to a lesser extent in the Sa Huỳnh culture of Vietnam, although the raw jade was mostly sourced from Taiwan.

Southeast Asia was first reached by anatomically modern humans possibly before 70,000 years ago. Anatomically modern humans are suggested to have reached Southeast Asia twice in the course of the Southern Dispersal migrations during and after the formation of a distinct East Asian clade from 70,000 to 50,000 years ago.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Domesticated plants and animals of Austronesia</span> Ancient expansion of agriculture

One of the major human migration events was the maritime settlement of the islands of the Indo-Pacific by the Austronesian peoples, believed to have started from at least 5,500 to 4,000 BP. These migrations were accompanied by a set of domesticated, semi-domesticated, and commensal plants and animals transported via outrigger ships and catamarans that enabled early Austronesians to thrive in the islands of Maritime Southeast Asia, Near Oceania (Melanesia), Remote Oceania, Madagascar, and the Comoros Islands.

The post-1500s Philippines is defined by colonial powers occupying the land. Whether it be the Spanish, the Americans, or the Japanese, the Philippines were subjugated and shaped by the presence of a hegemonic power enacting dominance over the people, the land, and the culture itself. The respective field of the archaeology of the post-1500s Philippines is a particularly growing and revolutionary field, particularly seen in the archaeology of Stephen Acabado in Ifugao and Grace Barretto-Tesoro in Manila. There were also many important events that had happened during this period. In 1521, Portuguese explorer, Ferdinand Magellan discovered Homonhon Island and called it "Arcigelago de San Lazaro." Magellan became the first European to cross over the Pacific Ocean.

Symbolism is an abstract meaning given to an object or representative of one. Symbols can define certain aspects of cultures making them initially exclusive to particular groups. When it comes to symbolism in archaeology, artifacts found may display iconography with these abstract symbols or tell us more about the people who made them through their construction. Symbolism is not limited to only inanimate objects but can be found in the actions or being of living things as well. The Philippines, comprising more than 7,000 islands, is an archipelago where symbols of the past and present contribute to its unique culture. These symbols are influenced by and noticeable in burial practices, rituals, social status, architecture, agriculture, and The Philippines' place in the Austronesian world.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">History of rice cultivation</span>

The history of rice cultivation is an interdisciplinary subject that studies archaeological and documentary evidence to explain how rice was first domesticated and cultivated by humans, the spread of cultivation to different regions of the planet, and the technological changes that have impacted cultivation over time.

The farming/language dispersal hypothesis proposes that many of the largest language families in the world dispersed along with the expansion of agriculture. This hypothesis was proposed by archaeologists Peter Bellwood and Colin Renfrew. It has been widely debated and archaeologists, linguists, and geneticists often disagree with all or only parts of the hypothesis.

Old Kiyyangan Village (OKV) is an archeological site in the Lazo highlands in the province of Ifugao in the Cordillera Administrative Region of the Philippines. The importance of this site is the presence of the Ifugao people and culture as the first inhabitants in the valley, who also represent one of the major indigenous Filipino societies for rice cultivation. This site is surrounded by rice terraces used for agricultural practices and remain heavily debated as to when and how recent these terraces formed. Artifacts found at this site suggest a strong influence of Christianity, mortuary rituals, and a system that defined social status according to the accumulation of various beads and ceramics.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Diamond, J. (2003-04-25). "Farmers and Their Languages: The First Expansions". Science. 300 (5619): 597–603. Bibcode:2003Sci...300..597D. doi:10.1126/science.1078208. PMID   12714734. S2CID   13350469.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Donohue, Mark; Denham, Tim (2010). "Farming and Language in Island Southeast Asia: Reframing Austronesian History". Current Anthropology. 51 (2): 223–256. doi:10.1086/650991. ISSN   0011-3204. JSTOR   10.1086/650991. S2CID   4815693.
  3. 1 2 3 4 Bellwood, Peter (2006), "Asian Farming Diasporas? Agriculture, Languages, and Genes in China and Southeast Asia", Archaeology of Asia, Blackwell Publishing Ltd, pp. 96–118, doi:10.1002/9780470774670.ch6, ISBN   978-0-470-77467-0
  4. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Denham, Tim (August 2012). "Early farming in Island Southeast Asia: an alternative hypothesis". Antiquity: 250–257.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Eusebio, Michelle S.; Ceron, Jasminda R.; Acabado, Stephen B.; Krigbaum, John (2015). "Rice Pots or Not? Exploring Ancient lfugao Foodways through Organic Residue Analysis and Paleoethnobotany" (PDF). National Museum Journal of Cultural Heritage. 1: 11–20.
  6. 1 2 3 4 5 Snow, Bryan E.; Shutler, Richard; Nelson, D.E.; Vogel, J.S.; Southon, J.R. (1986). "Evidence of Early Rice Cultivation in the Philippines". Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. 14 (1): 3–11. ISSN   0115-0243. JSTOR   29791874.
  7. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Marci, Mia (2019-06-21). "Why do Filipinos like to eat rice?". Pepper. Archived from the original on 2019-12-03. Retrieved 2019-12-03.
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Glover, Ian, 1934- Bellwood, Peter S. (2004). Southeast Asia : from prehistory to history. RoutledgeCurzon. ISBN   0-415-29777-X. OCLC   52720792.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  9. 1 2 3 4 Spriggs, Matthew (2011). "Archaeology and the Austronesian expansion: where are we now?". Antiquity. 85 (328): 510–528. doi:10.1017/S0003598X00067910. ISSN   0003-598X. S2CID   162491927.
  10. 1 2 3 Blench, Roger (September 2014). "The Austronesians: an agricultural revolution that failed" (PDF). Kay Williamson Educational Foundation: 1–23.
  11. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Acabado, Stephen B. (2012). “Taro Before Rice Terraces: Implications of Radiocarbon Determinations, Ethnohistoric Reconstructions, and Ethnography in Dating the Ifugao Terraces.” 285-305.