Spanish National March in Opposition to Male Violence(s) Against Women | |
---|---|
Date | 7 November 2015 |
Location | Madrid |
Caused by | Gender violence, machista terrorism, patriarchal violence |
Methods | National March |
Spain's National March in Opposition to Male Violence(s) Against Women, also known as 7N, was a mass citizen mobilisation, convened as a "feminist movement", which came to occupy the centre of Madrid on 7 November 2015. [1] [2] Organised by three hundred and thirty-two feminist organisations, it had the support of two hundred and twenty-two bodies, including political parties, unions and national and international feminist organisations, as well as one hundred and thirty-five district councils. The final event consisted in the reading (in the various Languages of Spain) of a manifesto compiling the condemnations and demands of the organisations involved, negotiated over nine months through working committees.
After the March, a group of feminists who had participated in its planning decided to establish themselves permanently in what they called the "7N Feminist Platform in Opposition to Male Violence Against Women". The group's purpose was to introduce the demands raised in the manifesto into the political agenda and follow them up.
The 7N march came into being within the context of the gender-based murders committed over the course of 2015. During the summer months (June to September), male violence against women took the lives of 37 women and 8 minors. By the end of the year, 70 femicides were reported. The feminist movement was very active with a view to make the issue of gender violence, of which murders were the tip of the iceberg, more visible and to denounce what they considered an insufficient response by political powers. In that context, it was demanded that male violence against women be considered a State issue. The general budget cuts were also condemned and there was a call for all forms of violence against women to be taken into account, not only those exercised by a partner or ex-partner (as stipulated by the 1/2004 law).
Prior to the mobilisation, unified platforms had been established in the various territories within Spain. They would take to the streets after every femicide to express their resistance and to demand specific measures. Furthermore, on agreed upon dates, demonstrations to cast light on male violence against women were being carried out frequently in many of these places, with slogans such as "They’re killing us", "We want to be alive", "Not one less" or "Not one more victim". [3] For example: the so-called “lunes sin sol” (“sunless Mondays”) in León, [4] the gatherings every third Monday of every month in Barcelona, the first Mondays in Valencia, every 25th day of the month in Madrid, Málaga, Valladolid, Burgos and Lanzarote. [5] Likewise, every 25 November the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women is celebrated.
At these protests and gatherings, it was demanded, as a last resort, that male violence against women be considered a State issue. This was the case for the terrorist violence of ETA and proved effective in ending the problem. [6] [7] [8] The argument for this was: compared to the 829 murders committed by ETA since 1960, gender-based murders of women since 1995 have reached the figure of 1378. [9] At the end of 2015, 70 femicides were recorded. [10]
On the other hand, feminist platforms such as Impacto de Género Ya (Gender Impact Now), have been carrying out analyses, from a gender perspective, of the State Budget since 2008. These were presented to parliamentary groups in Congress. Their assessment for 2015 exposed that since 2009, the year in which public service cuts began after the explosion of the 2008 economic crisis, budgeted resources assigned to the fight against gender violence had been cut by 23%, leaving the total amount at 23.7 million euros. Based on this data, the organising platforms considered this quantity insufficient for: attending to the victims; applying the prevention and protection measures provided by the 1/2004 framework law against gender violence, and; implementing the Istanbul Convention signed by Spain in 2014 and the UN recommendations for the Spanish government in the CEDAW framework. [11] [12] [13]
The 1/2004 Gender Violence law provides for violence exercised by "those who are or have been their spouse or those who have been linked to the woman by similar emotional relationships, even without cohabiting". Despite the advances that this law entailed, it did not include other forms of violence which are exercised against women qua women. The real dimension of the problem remained invisible and without resources to fight it. With the backing of the Istanbul Agreement, which had been ratified by Spain, feminist organisations demanded the extension of the treaty to cover all forms of violence and they emphasised using the plural "violences" in "violencias machistas". [9]
In this context, the feminist Co-ordinator of Valencia proposed a unified, national mobilisation to demand the implementation of specific measures to deal with the phenomenon entirely and effectively. The final objective was to have these male violence(s) against women (conceptualised as "misogynist terrorism") treated as a "State issue". This meant that the measures to be adopted could not be isolated, partisan pacts, but instead they would require cross-party discussion and the inclusion of society in its entirety, under the leadership of the State which would provision all the necessary means. It was also demanded that the feminist organisations, with all their knowledge and experience, be included in the design of a strategy. At first, the proposal was launched through social media. Later, it was raised at an in-person meeting in Madrid which brought together (also via social media) feminist bodies from all regions of the Spanish territory. From here, agreements were reached and the idea started to take form for it to become a reality months later. [5]
The first general logistics meeting for the organisation of the National March in Opposition to Male Violence(s) Towards Women (7N) took place on 28 February 2015. Three more followed this on 4 July 12 September and 17 October. A total of four general assemblies took place in Madrid, as well as an indeterminate number of coordination meetings in each territory. The organising process lasted nearly nine months and was developed through four working committees. At the general assembly meetings, key points were agreed upon such as the date of the mobilisation. Finally, the 7 November was agreed due to its proximity to the general election scheduled for 20 December. The slogan would be ‘National March in Opposition to Male Violence(s) Towards Women (7N)’ and the protest would be held under the unified denomination of "feminist movement". Additionally, the contents and terminology of the manifesto were also agreed upon at these meetings. Everything, slogans and manifesto, as well as the reading, took shape in the languages belonging to the various regions and identities within Spain. Likewise, the leading banner was also carried by people who represented the various regions.
The citizen mobilisation was organised and convened by the autonomous feminist movement, even though it was open to support from political parties and unions, as long as they agreed to respect the leading role of the women and the feminist movement. The manifesto was the result of a collective effort led by a commission established for that very purpose. The final text uses terminology such as "State issue", "male violence(s) against women", "misogynist terrorism", "patriarchal violence" and "Femicides". With these expressions, the feminist movement referred to ideas and concepts linked to violence such as "violence against women qua women"; "violence that is not only confined to the boundaries of the partner or ex-partner, but rather to many other forms and these violences must be treated as terrorism and, as such, as a State issue". [14]
The manifesto begins with the phrase “the feminist movement denounces…” and ends with “We want to be alive!!! Enough already!!!” and the signature of the “feminist movement”. It includes a total of nine demands, formulated as requirements, which appeal first to the State but also to “each person, each institution, each political party, [and] each government to not be accomplices to this barbarism”.
Specifically, the requirements are as follows:
- That the fight against misogynist terrorism be a State matter.
- That the Istanbul Convention be developed and implemented and the CEDAW recommendations fulfilled, and that the 1/2004 law be reformed to reflect all forms of violence against women.
- That all of society and its organisations and institutions be committed to this fight.
- That the fight and its resources cover violence committed by a partner or ex-partner, as well as sexual assaults, sexual abuse in work environments, the trade of sexual exploitation/slave labour of women and children, and all forms of male violence against women.
- That all government authorities truly commit to the prevention and eradication of male violence(s) towards women, as well as to the support and reparation of all women in situations of violence, independently of the administrative situation in which these women may be.
- That an emphasis be put on protecting the affected women, facilitating routes which entail a real social, economic and life recovery for them and their sons and daughters.
- That prevention be a prioritised policy which includes a coeducational system at all levels – the media, cultural production and civil society, including specific training for all professional personnel involved in the processes, in the fight against gender violence.
- That the media commit to an adequate treatment of the different forms of male violence towards women, making them visible, avoiding morbid sensationalism and utilising non-sexist language and images.
- The elimination of imposed joint custody and the visitation schedule for minors of convicted abusers. The withdrawal and non-transfer of parental authority from the abusers.
The points of the manifesto were the base upon which, one year later (15 November 2016), the Subcommittee formed in the Congress of Deputies would elaborate a report with specific proposals to advance the eradication of the different forms of violence against women. [15] [16] On 28 September 2017, the Congress of Deputies passed a State Pact, with 178 votes in favour and 65 abstentions, including 214 measures and a budget of 1,000 million euros to put a stop to gender violence over the course of five years. [17] [18] On 14 March 2018, the 7N Platform denounced the fact that six months after the signing of the bill, the budget allocation for the first year still had not taken effect and neither had any of the measures included in the State Pact. [19] [20] [21]
The march began opposite the Ministry of Health, Social Services and Equality at Paseo del Prado at 12 noon on 7 November 2015. The planned route was: Paseo del Prado - Plaza de Cibeles – Gran Vía – Plaza de España. With Hashtags such as #7N, #TerrorismoMachista (Misogynist Terrorism) and #CuestiónEstado (State Issue), the event was widely publicised through social media and so, two days before, informative press conferences were held in the various regions which many media bodies attended. [22] On the day of the demonstration, many of these media outlets dubbed it "a mass and historic march that takes Madrid" and some landed on an approximate figure of 200,000 participants. [1] [2] [23] [24] Demonstrators came from all parts of the Spanish territory, including 322 convening organisations (36 national and 286 autonomous/local) as well as 298 entities, ranging from national and international feminist associations to political parties and unions, who all showed their support at the protest. Also, motions of support were received from 135 district councils. [25] [26] At the end of the route, in the crowded Plaza de España, the reading of the manifesto took place in all the languages belonging to the various identities within the State. These included the official and non-official (such as Asturian and Caló) languages.
On 12 December 2015, after the demonstration was held, a general assembly was carried out in Madrid to evaluate the 7N day. The start of 2016, with eleven women and one girl murdered, had been the worst beginning to any year within the last decade and the institutional response continued to dissatisfy the feminist organisations. It is in this context, also in Madrid, that the second meeting after the March was held on 30 January 2016. There it was determined to capitalise on the collaborative experience and synergy gained from the organisation of the National March to achieve results in citizen mobilisation and advocacy so that male violence(s) against women would indeed be considered a State issue. Under this premise, at the same meeting, it was decided to continue as a collective under the permanent organisational model of a platform, called the "7N Feminist Platform in Opposition to Male Violence(s) Against Women".
The main purpose of the recently created Platform was to become a bridging national and regional baseline structure, open to new incorporations, for everything related to male violence against women. It aimed to follow up on the demands laid out in the manifesto created for the 2015 March, as well as advocating, condemning, supporting the victims, raising awareness and mobilising citizens. It was proposed to continue with its horizontal organisation, developed through working committees. In this way, participation and transparency was enabled, as well as the rotation of spokesperson's office. Likewise, it was proposed that the platform serve as an amplifier for the actions that could be carried out in any region. [27]
Some of the main acts undertaken by the 7N Platform were:
The Courts for Violence Against Women are Specialised criminal courtrooms associated to the Inquiry Courts, established by the Organic Law 1/2004 of Comprehensive Protection Measures against Violence against women. Extraordinarily these courts also have powers in the civil jurisdiction acting as Courts of First Instance and Inquiry. They are associated to the Judicial District, even though one court can be created to cover the area of two or more districts.
Women in Paraguay face challenges to their rights. Faced by socioeconomic inequalities and gender pay gap, they experienced significant cultural changes since 1990 as a result of constitutional and legal expansions of women's rights and evolving cultural attitudes. The legal and government institutions currently existing in Paraguay were developed in part through the efforts of feminist organizations in the country that held significant awareness-raising campaigns during the 1990s to formalize the guarantees of women's rights. UN Women supports the Paraguayan State in the challenge to extend women's rights, to fight for gender equality, as well as women's empowerment. It also ensures that women's voices are heard and create more opportunities for women.
Marta Lamas Encabo is a Mexican anthropologist and political science professor at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), and lecturer at the Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México (ITAM). She is one of Mexico's leading feminists and has written many books aimed at reducing discrimination by opening public discourse on feminism, gender, prostitution and abortion. Since 1990, Lamas has edited one of Latin America's most important feminist journals, Debate Feminista. In 2005, she was nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize.
#NiUnaMenos is a Peruvian group against femicides and violence against women in the Andean country. The movement was formed in July 2016, and the march it staged in August 2016 has been characterized as the largest demonstration in Peruvian history
Rita Laura Segato is an Argentine-Brazilian academic, who has been called "one of Latin America's most celebrated feminist anthropologists" and "one of the most lucid feminist thinkers of this era". She is specially known for her research oriented towards gender in indigenous villages and Latin American communities, violence against women and the relationships between gender, racism and colonialism. One of her specialist areas is the study of gender violence.
Montserrat Boix Piqué is a Spanish journalist, considered among the most influential women in her country. In early 2000, she created and developed the concepts of social cyberfeminism, and a year later those of feminist hacktivism. Another of her main areas of work is gender violence and communication. She has also stood out as a defender of the right to communication and citizenship rights for women. Since 1986, she has been a journalist for the Information Services of Televisión Española (TVE), in the international section.
Soledad Murillo de la Vega is a Spanish feminist sociologist, researcher, and politician. Since 9 June 2018 she has been the Secretary of State for Equality in the government of Pedro Sánchez. From 2004 to 2008 she was the Secretary General for Equality of Spain's Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, occupying the top political position in matters of equality in the government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. From 2009 to 2013 she was part of the United Nations' Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) Committee, and from 2011 to 2015 she was a member of the City Council of Salamanca for the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE).
Ana de Miguel Álvarez is a Spanish philosopher and feminist. Since 2005 she has been a titular professor of Moral and Political Philosophy at King Juan Carlos University of Madrid. She directs the course History of Feminist Theory at the Complutense University of Madrid's Instituto de Investigaciones Feministas.
Laura Nuño Gómez is a Spanish political scientist, researcher, and feminist activist. She is director of the Gender Studies Chair of the Institute of Public Law and the Gender Equality Observatory at King Juan Carlos University (URJC), as well as the creator of the first academic degree in Gender Studies in Spain, and of various postgraduate programs in this subject. She is the author of El mito del varón sustentador, as well as about 30 articles and books about her research. Since the enactment of the Law for Effective Equality of Women and Men, she has been one of the three expert members of the State Council for the Participation of Women.
Fourth-wave feminism in Spain is about digital participation in virtual spaces, encouraging debates and using collective force to enact change. It is about fighting patriarchal systems, denouncing violence against women, and discrimination and inequality faced by women. It is also about creating real and effective equality between women and men. It has several major themes, with the first and most important in a Spanish context being violence against women. Other themes include the abolition of prostitution, the condemnation of pornography, the support of legal abortion, the amplifying of women's voices, ensuring mothers and fathers both have access to parental leave, opposition to surrogacy, and wage and economic parity.
The Ministry of Women, Genders and Diversity was a ministry of the Argentine Government tasked with overseeing the country's public policies on issues affecting women and gender and sexual minorities. The ministry was created in 2019, as one of the initial measures of President Alberto Fernández; the first minister was Elizabeth Gómez Alcorta.
Elizabeth Gómez Alcorta is an Argentine lawyer, professor and politician. She was the first Minister of Women, Genders and Diversity of Argentina, serving under President Alberto Fernández from 10 December 2019 to 7 October 2022.
Isabel Agatón Santander is a Colombian poet, lawyer, writer and feminist. Promoter of the Rosa Elvira Cely Law which defines femicide as a crime in Colombia, she integrated the editorial commission of Law 1257 of 2008 about violence against women. She was a judge in the Tribunales de Conciencia de Justicia Para las Mujeres in Nicaragua (2015) and El Salvador in which they tried cases of sexual violence and femicide convened by the Red Feminista frente a la Violencia contra las Mujeres (REDFEM) and the Red contra Violencia of the respective countries.
Vivir Quintana is a Mexican singer and composer. Quintana penned the song "Canción sin miedo", or Song without Fear, which has become a feminist hymn against gendered violence and femicide.
Raquel Ramírez Salgado is a Mexican researcher, communicator, feminist and women's rights activist.
An antimonumenta was installed in front of the Palace of Fine Arts, in Mexico City on 8 March 2019, the date commemorating International Women's Day, during the annual march of women protesting against gender violence.
An antimonumenta was installed next to the Fuente de las Tarascas, along Francisco I. Madero Avenue in Morelia, Michoacán, on 8 March 2021, the date commemorating International Women's Day, during the annual march of women protesting against gender violence. The sculpture, symbolically named Antimonumenta, was inspired by other similar anti-monuments like the one in Mexico City. The erection of an antimonumenta symbolizes the demand for justice for women who suffer from violence in the country.
Miren Ortubay Fuentes is a Spanish lawyer and criminologist, as well as a professor at the University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU), specializing in gender-related violence and prisoners' rights.
Geochicas is a collective of feminists linked to OpenStreetMap, originally Spanish-speaking, who work for female empowerment and reducing the gender gap in the OpenStreetMap communities and in communities associated with the world of free software and open data. Geochicas today has users on at least 3 continents.
{{cite news}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link){{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)Las narrativas desarrolladas por la Plataforma, construidas como praxis de activismo digital, alejan el foco de los procesos de victimización lo que permite, a un tiempo, subvertir el espacio de la víctima como lugar de poder político y, por otra parte, construir espacios alternativos para las demandas políticas del feminismo.