2015 Spanish general election

2015 Spanish general election

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All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies and 208 (of 266) seats in the Senate 176 seats needed for a majority in the Congress of Deputies
Opinion polls
Registered	36,511,848 2.0%
Turnout	25,438,532 (69.7%) 0.8 pp
First party Second party Third party   Leader Mariano Rajoy Pedro Sánchez Pablo Iglesias Party PP PSOE Podemos [a] Leader since 2 September 2003 26 July 2014 15 November 2014 Leader's seat Madrid Madrid Madrid Last election 187 seats, 45.0% [b] 110 seats, 28.8% Did not contest Seats won 123 90 69 Seat change 64 20 65 [c] Popular vote 7,236,965 5,545,315 5,212,711 Percentage 28.7% 22.0% 20.7% Swing 16.3 pp 6.8 pp New party   Fourth party Fifth party Sixth party   Leader Albert Rivera Gabriel Rufián Francesc Homs Party C's ERC–CatSí DiL Leader since 9 July 2006 7 November 2015 6 November 2015 Leader's seat Madrid Barcelona Barcelona Last election Did not contest 3 seats, 1.1% 16 seats, 4.2% [d] Seats won 40 9 8 Seat change 40 6 8 Popular vote 3,514,528 604,285 567,253 Percentage 13.9% 2.4% 2.2% Swing New party 1.3 pp 2.0 pp
Vote winner strength by constituency (Congress) Vote winner strength by autonomous community (Congress) Election results by constituency (Congress)
Prime Minister before election Mariano Rajoy PP Prime Minister after election No government formed and fresh election called. Mariano Rajoy remains acting Prime Minister

A general election was held in Spain on Sunday, 20 December 2015, to elect the members of the 11th Cortes Generales under the Spanish Constitution of 1978. All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies were up for election, as well as 208 of 266 seats in the Senate. At exactly four years and one month since the previous one, this remains the longest timespan between two general elections since the Spanish transition to democracy, and the only time in the country that a general election has been held on the latest possible date allowed under law. ^[1]

Immediately after assuming office following the 2011 election, the new government under Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy adopted an austerity agenda including social spending cuts, tax hikes and a harsh labour reform to address the ongoing economic crisis (amid soaring unemployment, public deficit and risk premium), as well as a bailout of the banking system through the European Stability Mechanism, which were met with widespreat protests and two general strikes in 2012. From 2013 onwards, a number of corruption scandals affecting the ruling People's Party (PP)—most notably, the Bárcenas affair, the Púnica case and the ongoing judicial probes into the Gürtel case—further weakened the government's position and increased social distrust in traditional parties. During this period, the Monarchy underwent a reputation crisis over King Juan Carlos I's elephant-hunting trips and the Nóos case involving Infanta Cristina and her spouse, leading to the King's abdication in favour of his son, who acceded to the throne as Felipe VI.

Public discontent with the political system showed up in the results of the 2024 European Parliament election in Spain—which saw the emergence of newcomer parties Podemos (Spanish for "We can") and Citizens (C's), presenting themselves as heralds of "new politics" and curtailing expectations for the more traditional United Left (IU) and Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD)—while the 2015 local and regional elections resulted in a wipeout of most of the PP's territorial power in favour of left-wing administrations. The resignation of Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba as leader of the main opposition Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) triggered a leadership contest which was won by Pedro Sánchez. In Catalonia, opposition to the ruling PP served as a catalyst for a pro-independence push being supported by regional authorities under Convergence and Union (CiU), which held a non-binding self-determination referendum in 2014 defying orders from the Constitutional Court. The outcome of the 2015 Catalan regional election briefly boosted C's polling numbers before dwindling to a Podemos's electoral comeback during the general election campaign.

The election saw the PP, PSOE and IU scoring historical lows, with Rajoy's party seeing the largest loss of support for a sitting government since 1982. Podemos and C's won a combined 109 seats and over eight million votes, mostly at the cost of the main traditional parties, the IU-led Popular Unity platform, UPyD and peripheral nationalist parties: aside of a major breakthrough by Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and the breakup of CiU after 37 years of existence, support for the abertzale left EH Bildu fell sharply, the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) stagnated, Canarian Coalition (CC) clinged on to a single seat and both Geroa Bai and the Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG) were shut out from parliament. With the most-voted party obtaining just 123 seats and a third party winning an unprecedented 69 seats—the previous record being 23 in 1979—the result marked the transition from an imperfect two-party system to a fully-fledged multi-party system. After months of inconclusive negotiations, neither PP or PSOE were able to garner enough votes to secure a majority, leading to a fresh election in 2016.

Background

The People's Party (PP) under Mariano Rajoy had won the 2011 general election in a landslide, ^[2] running on a platform that promised a fast solution to the country's worsening economic situation, marked by soaring unemployment, a large public deficit and the European sovereign debt crisis. ^{[3] [4]} In its first months, Rajoy's government renegued on many election pledges and adopted an austerity agenda including social spending cuts and tax hikes, ^{[5] [6]} a harsh labour reform cheapening dismissals ^[7] —met with two general strikes in 2012 ^{[8] [9]} —and an austere General State Budget (opportunistically delayed for electoral purposes). ^{[10] [11]} The crash of Bankia, one of the largest banks of Spain, resulted in a dramatic rise of the Spanish risk premium, and in June 2012 the government was forced to request a bank bailout from the European Stability Mechanism. ^{[12] [13] [14]}

Additional austerity included a VAT hike from 18% to 21%; budget cuts for health care, education, social contributions and unemployment benefits; abolition of tax deductions for home owners and tenants; a reform of the pension system detaching it from the consumer price index; a temporary suppression of bonuses for public employees; or the withdrawal of public subsidies for dependant people. ^{[15] [16] [17]} Other measures saw the introduction of a pharmaceutical copayment; ^{[18] [19]} a fiscal amnesty allowing tax evaders to regularize their situation by paying a 10% tax—later reduced to 3%—and no criminal penalty; ^[20] the adoption of court fees, a measure which was dubbed as violating the rights of effective judicial protection and free legal assistance and that would be reversed in early 2015; ^{[21] [22]} or the raising of the retirement age from 65 to 67 years by 2027. ^[23] Rajoy justified his U-turns in that he had been forced to adapt to the economic situation that he had found upon accessing the government. ^[24] Spending cuts on the social budget were attributed an increase in inequality along with a perceived regression in social rights. ^[25]

Anti-austerity protest outside the Congress of Deputies in Madrid on 25 September 2012.

In the domestic field, the 2011–2015 period saw the government passing a new Education Law—the LOMCE—which was criticized by the Basque and Catalan regional administrations as a "re-centralizer" bill, as well as from social sectors who considered that it prompted school segregation. ^{[26] [27]} Another bill, the Citizen Security Law (dubbed the "gag law" by critics), was seen as a cracking down on Spaniards' civil and political rights of freedom of assembly and expression, laying out strict guidelines on street protests and steep fines to offenders; ^{[28] [29]} whereas an attempt to amend the existing abortion law by a much stricter regulation (intended to allow abortion only in cases of rape and of health risk to the mother) ^{[30] [31]} was thwarted due to public outrage, ^{[32] [33] [34]} resulting in the resignation of its proponent, Justice minister Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón. ^{[35] [36]}

The Bárcenas affair in early 2013 brought political corruption into the spotlight, amid revelations that former PP treasurer Luis Bárcenas had used a slush fund to pay out monthly amounts to leading party members. ^{[37] [38]} By late 2014, the emergence of further scandals was compared to the Italian Tangentopoli in the 1990s: ^{[39] [40]} among these were accusations to former Caja Madrid senior executives of using undeclared "black" credit cards for private expenses; ^{[41] [42] [43]} revelations that the PP spent as much as €1.7 million of undeclared money on works on its national headquarters between 2006 and 2008; ^[44] and the Púnica case, a major kickbacks-for-contracts scheme involving notable municipal and regional political figures, officials and businessmen in the regions of Madrid, Murcia, Castile and León and Valencia. ^{[45] [46]} Ongoing investigations into the Gürtel case on the illegal funding of the PP's Madrilenian and Valencian branches brought down Health minister Ana Mato over the implication of her former husband, Jesús Sepúlveda. ^{[47] [48]}

Following the 2012 Catalan regional election, regional president Artur Mas and ERC leader Oriol Junqueras reached an agreement that foresaw a roadmap to independence.

The PP's rise to power was seen as the final trigger for the Catalan independence movement to fire up, following discontent with the Constitutional Court's curtailing of the regional autonomy statute in 2010 and Rajoy's rejection of a "fiscal agreement" similar to the Basque Economic Agreement and the Navarrese fueros. ^{[49] [50]} A massive demonstration in Barcelona on 11 September 2012 pushed the ruling Convergence and Union (CiU) of regional president Artur Mas into supporting independence, ^{[51] [52]} with a snap election in November seeing a rise for pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and the Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP), and a meltdown for the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC). ^{[53] [54]} The newly-elected parliament adopted a Catalan Declaration of Sovereignty and authorized a non-binding self-determination referendum in 2014, ^{[55] [56]} both of which were voided by the Constitutional Court, ^{[57] [58]} prompting Mas to call what he dubbed as a "plebiscitary election" for 27 September 2015. ^{[59] [60]} Divergences over the direction of the independence process led to the breakup of CiU between its constituent parties—Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC) and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC)—after 37 years of existence. ^{[61] [62]}

The Monarchy also come under public scrutiny as a result of the Nóos case affecting Duke of Palma Iñaki Urdangarín and his spouse Cristina de Borbón, Infanta of Spain and daughter of King Juan Carlos I, for possible crimes of tax fraud and money laundering. ^{[63] [64] [65]} This, coupled with public anger at Juan Carlos's elephant-hunting trip to Botswana at the height of the economic crisis in 2012, ^{[66] [67]} as well as the King's health problems, eroded the royal family's reputation. ^[68] This was said to have taken its toll on the monarch, contributing to his abdication in June 2014 in favour of his son, who acceded to the throne as Felipe VI. ^[69]

Podemos's rally in Puerta del Sol, Madrid, on 31 January 2015, dubbed as "The March of Change" (La Marcha del Cambio).

The opposition Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) still suffered from its perceived mismanagement of the economic crisis during José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero's government. ^[71] A party congress in February 2012 saw a face-off between former ministers Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba and Carme Chacón being narrowly won by the former, ^[72] but internal divisions persisted as the party remained unable to capitalise on Rajoy's unpopularity. ^{[73] [74]} The Catalan issue threatened to disrupt PSOE–PSC relations, ^[75] while calls for a party primary to elect the prime ministerial candidate plagued Rubalcaba's tenure. ^{[76] [77] [78]} The PSOE also suffered from the ERE scandal affecting the regional government of Andalusia, which saw the resignation of José Antonio Griñán and the rise of Susana Díaz as new regional president. ^{[79] [80]}

The social response to the ongoing political and economic crisis saw the 15-M Movement promoting street protests and demonstrations calling for an end to austerity, a participatory democracy and an overall rejection of Spain's political system. ^[81] Social mobilization channeled through various protest actions, such as the Platform for People Affected by Mortgages (PAH) aimed at stopping evictions, ^[82] the "Surround the Congress" initiative (Spanish for Rodea el Congreso), ^[83] the so-called "Citizen Tides" (Mareas Ciudadanas) or the "Marches for Dignity" (Marchas de la Dignidad). ^{[84] [85]} The PP's unpopularity and the PSOE's inability to recover lost support paved the way for the rise of new parties in the national landscape, such as the Podemos party (Spanish for "We can") of political commentator Pablo Iglesias and the Citizens party (C's) of Spanish unionist politician Albert Rivera, which rose dramatically in opinion polls following the 2014 European Parliament election. ^{[86] [87]} Rubalcaba resigned as PSOE leader after his party's crash in the election, ^[88] being succeeded by Pedro Sánchez after a leadership contest in July 2014, ^[89] while the local and regional elections held on 24 May 2015 saw a collapse in PP support which allowed left-wing administrations led by the PSOE (with Podemos's support) to take over most of its territorial power. ^{[90] [91]}

Overview

Under the 1978 Constitution, the Spanish Cortes Generales were envisaged as an imperfect bicameral system. ^{[92] [93]} The Congress of Deputies had greater legislative power than the Senate, having the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a prime minister and to override Senate vetoes by an absolute majority of votes. ^[94] Nonetheless, the Senate possessed a limited number of functions—such as ratification of international treaties, authorization of collaboration agreements between autonomous communities, enforcement of direct rule, regulation of interterritorial compensation funds, and its role in constitutional amendment and in the appointment of members to the Constitutional Court and the General Council of the Judiciary—which were not subject to the Congress's override. ^[95]

Electoral system

Voting for each chamber of the Cortes Generales was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over 18 years of age and in full enjoyment of their political rights, provided that they were not sentenced—by a final court ruling—to deprivation of the right to vote, nor being legally incapacitated. ^{[96] [97]} Additionally, Spaniards abroad were required to apply for voting before being permitted to vote, a system known as "begged" or expat vote (Spanish : Voto rogado). ^{[98] [99]}

The Congress of Deputies was entitled to a minimum of 300 and a maximum of 400 seats, with the electoral law setting its size at 350. 348 members were elected in 50 multi-member constituencies—corresponding to the provinces of Spain, with each being allocated an initial minimum of two seats and the remaining 248 being distributed in proportion to their populations—using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional voting system, with an electoral threshold of three percent of valid votes (which included blank ballots) being applied in each constituency. The two remaining seats were allocated to Ceuta and Melilla as single-member districts and elected using plurality voting. ^{[100] [101]} The use of the electoral method resulted in a higher effective threshold based on the district magnitude and the distribution of votes among candidacies. ^[102]

As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Congress multi-member constituency was entitled the following seats: ^[103]

Seats	Constituencies
36	Madrid
31	Barcelona
15	Valencia (–1)
12	Alicante, Seville
11	Málaga (+1)
10	Murcia
9	Cádiz (+1)
8	A Coruña, Asturias, Balearic Islands, Biscay, Las Palmas
7	Granada, Pontevedra, Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Zaragoza
6	Almería, Badajoz, Córdoba, Gipuzkoa, Girona, Tarragona, Toledo
5	Cantabria, Castellón, Ciudad Real, Huelva, Jaén (–1), León, Navarre, Valladolid
4	Álava, Albacete, Burgos, Cáceres, La Rioja, Lleida, Lugo, Ourense, Salamanca
3	Ávila, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Huesca, Palencia, Segovia, Teruel, Zamora
2	Soria

208 seats in the Senate were elected using an open list partial block voting system: in constituencies electing four seats, electors could vote for up to three candidates; in those with two or three seats, for up to two candidates; and for one candidate in single-member districts. Each of the 47 peninsular provinces was allocated four seats, whereas for insular provinces, such as the Balearic and Canary Islands, districts were the islands themselves, with the larger (Mallorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife) being allocated three seats each, and the smaller (Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma) one each. Ceuta and Melilla elected two seats each. Additionally, autonomous communities could appoint at least one senator each and were entitled to one additional senator per each million inhabitants. ^{[104] [105] [106]}

The law did not provide for by-elections to fill vacated seats; instead, any vacancies that occurred after the proclamation of candidates and into the legislative term were to be covered by the successive candidates in the list and, when needed, by the designated substitutes, of which the list could include up to ten. ^[107]

Eligibility

Spanish citizens of age and with the legal capacity to vote could run for election, provided that they were not sentenced to imprisonment by a final court ruling nor convicted, even if by a non-final ruling, to forfeiture of eligibility or to specific disqualification or suspension from public office under particular offences: rebellion, terrorism or other crimes against the state. Other causes of ineligibility were imposed on the following officials: ^{[108] [109]}

• Members of the Spanish royal family and their spouses;
• The holders of a number of positions: the president and members of the Constitutional Court, the General Council of the Judiciary, the Supreme Court, the Council of State, the Court of Auditors and the Economic and Social Council; the Ombudsman; the State's Attorney General; high-ranking members—undersecretaries, secretaries-general, directors-general and chiefs of staff—of Spanish government departments, the Office of the Prime Minister, the Social Security and other government agencies; government delegates and sub-delegates in the autonomous communities; the chair of RTVE; the director of the Electoral Register Office; the governor and deputy governor of the Bank of Spain; the chairs of the Official Credit Institute and other official credit institutions; and members of electoral commissions and of the Nuclear Safety Council;
• Heads of diplomatic missions in foreign states or international organizations (ambassadors and plenipotentiaries);
• Judges and public prosecutors in active service;
• Personnel of the Armed Forces (Army, Navy and Air Force) and law enforcement corps in active service.

Other causes of ineligibility for both chambers were imposed on a number of territorial-level officers in the aforementioned categories—during their tenure of office—in constituencies within the whole or part of their respective area of jurisdiction, as well as employees of foreign states and members of regional governments. ^{[108] [109]} Incompatibility provisions extended to the president of the National Commission on Markets and Competition; members of RTVE's board and of the offices of the prime minister, the ministers and the secretaries of state; government delegates in port authorities, hydrographic confederations and toll highway concessionary companies; presidents and other high-ranking members of public entities, state monopolies, companies with majority public participation and public saving banks; deputies and senators elected on candidacies subsequently declared illegal by a final court ruling; as well as the impossibility of simultaneously holding the positions of deputy and senator or regional legislator. ^[110]

The electoral law allowed for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, coalitions and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form a coalition ahead of an election were required to inform the relevant electoral commission within ten days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors needed to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they sought election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates. Concurrently, parties, federations or coalitions that had not obtained a mandate in either chamber of the Cortes at the preceding election were required to secure the signature of at least 0.1 percent of electors in the aforementioned constituencies. ^[111] Additionally, a balanced composition of men and women was required in the lists of candidates, so that candidates of either sex made up at least 40 percent of the total composition. ^[112]

Election date

The term of each chamber of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expired four years from the date of their previous election, unless they were dissolved earlier. ^[113] The election decree was required to be issued no later than the twenty-fifth day prior to the date of expiry of parliament and published on the following day in the Official State Gazette (BOE), with election day taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication. ^[114] The previous election was held on 20 November 2011, which meant that the chambers' terms would have expired on 20 November 2015. The election decree was required to be published in the BOE no later than 27 October 2015, with the election taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication, setting the latest possible election date for the Cortes Generales on Sunday, 20 December 2015.

The prime minister had the prerogative to propose the monarch to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence was in process, no state of emergency was in force and that dissolution did not occur before one year had elapsed since the previous one. ^[115] Additionally, both chambers were to be dissolved and a new election called if an investiture process failed to elect a prime minister within a two-month period from the first ballot. ^[116] Barring this exception, there was no constitutional requirement for simultaneous elections to the Congress and the Senate. Still, as of 2025, there has been no precedent of separate elections taking place under the 1978 Constitution.

Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy announced the election date for 20 December 2015.

In May 2014, the Spanish newspaper ABC disclosed that the government was considering whether it was possible for a general election to be upheld until early 2016, supported on an ambiguous legal interpretation on the date of expiry of the Cortes. ^[117] In September 2014, the media outlets Vozpópuli and El Plural further inquired on the possibility that the PP cabinet would be planning to delay the legislative term's expiry by as much as possible, not holding a new election until February 2016. ^{[118] [119]} However, legal reports commissioned by the government showed that the deadline for dissolving the Cortes and triggering a general election would be 26 October 2015, meaning that, with the election decree being published on the following day, an election could not be held later than 20 December. An opinion article published in Público on 8 December 2014 suggested that the probable date for the election would then be either on 25 October 2015 or on a Sunday in November, not counting All Saints' Day. ^[120]

After the 2015 local and regional elections, it was suggested that the general election would presumably be held on either 22 or 29 November. ^{[121] [122]} However, once it was confirmed that the government intended for the approval of the 2016 budget before the election, it was strongly implied that polling day would have to be delayed until December to allow for completion of the budgetary parliamentary procedure, with either 13 or 20 December being regarded as the only legally possible dates for an election to be held. ^[123] Finally, during an interview in Antena 3 on 1 October, Rajoy announced that the election would be held on 20 December, the latest possible date allowed under Spanish law. ^[124] Being held 4 years and 1 month after the 2011 election, this was the longest time-span between two general elections since the Spanish transition to democracy. ^[1]

The Cortes Generales were officially dissolved on 27 October 2015 after the publication of the dissolution decree in the BOE, setting the election date for 20 December and scheduling for both chambers to reconvene on 13 January 2016. ^[103]

Parliamentary composition

The tables below show the composition of the parliamentary groups in both chambers at the time of dissolution. ^{[125] [126]}

Parliamentary composition in October 2015 [127] Congress of Deputies [e] Groups Parties Deputies Seats Total People's Parliamentary Group in the Congress PP 185 185 Socialist Parliamentary Group PSOE 96 110 PSC 14 Catalan Parliamentary Group (Convergence and Union) CDC 9 16 UDC 7 IU, ICV–EUiA, CHA: Plural Left's Parliamentary Group IU 8 11 ICV 2 EUiA 1 Basque Parliamentary Group (EAJ/PNV) EAJ/PNV 5 5 Union, Progress and Democracy's Parliamentary Group UPyD 4 4 Mixed Parliamentary Group Sortu 5 18 ERC 3 BNG 2 UPN 1 EA 1 Aralar 1 CCa 1 NCa 1 Compromís 1 FAC 1 GBai 1

Parliamentary composition in October 2015 [129] Senate [f] Groups Parties Senators Seats Total People's Parliamentary Group in the Senate PP 149 153 PAR 3 CCN 1 Socialist Parliamentary Group PSOE 66 66 Convergence and Union's Catalan Parliamentary Group in the Senate CDC 10 13 UDC 3 Agreement for Catalonia Progress Parliamentary Group PSC 7 9 ICV 2 Basque Parliamentary Group in the Senate (EAJ/PNV) EAJ/PNV 5 5 Mixed Parliamentary Group Podemos 5 19 Sortu 3 Cs 2 UPN 2 AMF 1 EA 1 CCa 1 AHI 1 ERC 1 Compromís 1 INDEP 1 [g]

Parties and candidates

Below is a list of the main parties and electoral alliances which contested the election:

Candidacy		Parties and alliances	Leading candidate		Ideology	Previous result				Gov.	Ref.
						Congress		Senate
						Vote %	Seats	Vote %	Seats
	PP	List People's Party (PP) Navarrese People's Union (UPN) Forum of Citizens (FAC) Aragonese Party (PAR) Majoreran Senators (PP–AMF) – Municipal Assemblies of Fuerteventura (AMF)		Mariano Rajoy	Conservatism Christian democracy	45.0% [b]	187	46.8% [h]	136		[132]
	PSOE	List Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC) New Canaries (NCa)		Pedro Sánchez	Social democracy	28.8%	110	26.0% [i]	54		[132]
	DiL	List Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC) Democrats of Catalonia (DC) Independence Rally (RI.cat)		Francesc Homs	Catalan independence Liberalism	4.2% [d]	16	4.1% [d]	9		[132]
	unio.cat	List Democratic Union of Catalonia (unio.cat)		Josep Antoni Duran i Lleida	Regionalism Christian democracy
	IU–UPeC	List United Left (IU) – Communist Party of Spain (PCE) – The Dawn. Marxist Organization OM (La Aurora (om)) – Ecosocialists of the Region of Murcia (ESRM) – Initiative for El Hierro (IpH) – Republican Left (IR) – Open Left (IzAb) – Feminist Party of Spain (PFE) Popular Unity in Common (UPeC) Aragonese Union (CHA) Asturian Left (IAS) Assembly (Batzarre) Building the Left–Socialist Alternative (CLI–AS) Segoviemos (Segoviemos) Castilian Left (IzCa)		Alberto Garzón	Socialism Communism	5.5% [j]	8	5.1%	0		[132] [133] [134]
	EH Bildu	List Create (Sortu) Basque Solidarity (EA) Aralar (Aralar) Alternative (Alternatiba)		Iker Urbina	Basque independence Abertzale left Socialism	1.4% [k]	7	1.3% [l]	3
	UPyD	List Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD)		Andrés Herzog	Social liberalism Radical centrism	4.7%	5	1.7%	0
	EAJ/PNV	List Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ/PNV)		Aitor Esteban	Basque nationalism Christian democracy	1.3%	5	1.5%	4		[135]
	Podemos	List We Can (Podemos) Equo (Equo) Rally for Madrid (CxM) Now Upper Aragon in Common (Ahora AltoAragón en Común) In Common We Can (En Comú) – Barcelona in Common (BComú) – We Can (Podem) – Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) – United and Alternative Left (EUiA) It is Time (Compromís–Podemos) – Commitment Coalition (Compromís) – We Can (Podemos/Podem) In Tide (Podemos–Anova–EU) – We Can (Podemos) – Renewal–Nationalist Brotherhood (Anova) – United Left (EU)		Pablo Iglesias	Left-wing populism Direct democracy Democratic socialism	[c]	4	[c]	1		[132]
	ERC–CatSí	List Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) Catalonia Yes (CatSí)		Gabriel Rufián	Catalan independence Left-wing nationalism Social democracy	1.1%	3	1.0%	0
	Nós	List Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG) – Galician People's Union (UPG) – Galician Movement for Socialism (MGS) – Abrente–Galician Democratic Left (Abrente–EDG) Galicianist Party (PG) Galician Coalition (CG) Communist Party of the Galician People (PCPG) Galician Workers' Front (FOGA)		Carlos Callón	Galician nationalism Left-wing nationalism Socialism	0.8% [m]	2	0.9% [m]	0		[132] [136]
	CCa–PNC	List Canarian Coalition (CCa) Canarian Nationalist Party (PNC) Independent Herrenian Group (AHI)		Ana Oramas	Regionalism Canarian nationalism Centrism	0.6% [n]	2	0.4% [n]	1
	GBai	List Expanding (Zabaltzen) Villava Group (AT) Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ/PNV)		Koldo Martínez	Basque nationalism Social democracy	0.2%	1	— [o]
	Cambio/ Aldaketa	List Basque Country Gather (EH Bildu) Yes to the Future (GBai) We Can (Podemos) Left (I–E (n))		Ana Luján	Basque nationalism	—		0.4% [p]	0		[137] [138]
	C's	List Citizens–Party of the Citizenry (C's)		Albert Rivera	Liberalism	—		—
	ASG	List Gomera Socialist Group (ASG)		Yaiza Castilla	Insularism Social democracy	—		—

The People's Party (PP) chose to continue its electoral alliance with the Aragonese Party (PAR) under which it had already won the general election in Aragon in 2011. ^[139] In Asturias, an alliance with Asturias Forum (FAC)—former PP member Francisco Álvarez Cascos's party—was reached. Hastened by FAC's vote collapsing in the 2015 Asturian regional election, this was the first time both parties contested an election together since Cascos's party split in 2011. ^[140] An agreement with Navarrese People's Union (UPN) was also reached, after a period of negotiations in which the regional party had considered to contest the general election on its own in Navarre. ^[141] For the Senate, the PP also aligned itself with the Fuerteventura Municipal Assemblies (AMF) to contest the election in the Senate district of Fuerteventura. ^[142]

Meanwhile, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and New Canaries (NCa) both announced they would contest the general election together in the Canary Islands. NCa had already contested the 2008 and 2011 elections before: in 2008 they stood alone and won no seats, while in 2011 they won 1 seat as a result of an alliance with Canarian Coalition (CCa), alliance which they chose not to continue in 2015. ^[143] Extremaduran Coalition and United Extremadura broke up their coalitions with both PSOE and PP, respectively, and chose to contest the general together under a single joint list, Extremeños (Spanish for "Extremadurans"). ^[144]

In order to contest the general election, Podemos set up an extensive alliance system in several autonomous communities with other parties. After the negative results of the Catalunya Sí que es Pot alliance in the September Catalan election, Podemos, Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) and United and Alternative Left (EUiA) reached an agreement with Barcelona en Comú—Barcelona Mayor Ada Colau's party—to form a joint list to contest the general election in Catalonia: En Comú Podem (Catalan for In Common We Can). The coalition was aimed at mirroring Colau's success in the 2015 Barcelona City Council election at Catalan level; ^[145] if successful, it was planned to be maintained permanently for future electoral contests. ^[146] In Galicia, Podemos, Anova and United Left (EU) merged into the En Marea ticket (Galician for In Tide). Such a coalition, which represented a qualitative leap from the Galician Left Alternative (AGE) coalition in the 2012 Galician regional election, was aimed at channeling the results of the local "mareas" ("tides") that succeeded throughout Galicia's largest cities in the May local elections. The coalition also received support from those local alliances, such as Marea Atlántica, Compostela Aberta or Ferrol en Común. ^[147]

For the Valencian Community, the És el moment alliance (Valencian for It is Time) was created as a result of the agreement between Podemos and Compromís, with a strong role from Valencian deputy premier Mònica Oltra. ^{[148] [149]} United Left of the Valencian Country (EUPV) had also entered talks to enter the alliance, but left after disagreements with both Podemos and Compromís during negotiations. ^[150] Additionally, Podemos was to contest the general election in the province of Huesca alongside segments of Now in Common within the "Ahora Alto Aragón en Común" coalition (Spanish for Now Upper Aragon in Common). ^[151] In Navarre, all four Podemos, Geroa Bai, EH Bildu and I-E coalesced under the Cambio-Aldaketa umbrella for the Senate, aiming at disputing first place regionally to the UPN–PP alliance. The agreement was not extended to the Congress election, where all four parties ran separately. ^{[137] [138]}

In Catalonia and Galicia, Popular Unity (IU–UPeC) did not contest the election as such. The respective regional United Left branches joined En Marea and En Comú Podem, which supported Podemos at the national level. While a nationwide coalition between Podemos and IU had been considered, Podemos did not wish to assume IU's internal issues, and United Left candidate Alberto Garzón had refused to leave IU to integrate Podemos's lists. ^[152] On the other hand, environmentalist party Equo was successful at reaching an agreement with Podemos, accepting to renounce their label and integrating themselves within Podemos's lists. ^[153]

After the dissolution of the Convergence and Union (CiU) federation in Catalonia, Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC) joined Democrats of Catalonia and Reagrupament within the Democracy and Freedom alliance after the failure of talks with Republican Left of Catalonia to continue the Junts pel Sí coalition for the general election. ^{[154] [155]} CDC's former ally, Josep Antoni Duran i Lleida's Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), chose to contest the election alone despite losing its parliamentary presence in the Parliament of Catalonia after the 2015 regional election. ^[156]

Timetable

The key dates are listed below (all times are CET. The Canary Islands used WET (UTC+0) instead): ^[157]

• 26 October: The election decree is issued with the countersign of the Prime Minister after deliberation in the Council of Ministers, ratified by the King. ^[103]
• 27 October: Formal dissolution of the Cortes Generales and official start of ban period for the organization of events for the inauguration of public works, services or projects.
• 30 October: Initial constitution of provincial and zone electoral commissions.
• 6 November: Deadline for parties and federations intending to enter in coalition to inform the relevant electoral commission.
• 16 November: Deadline for parties, federations, coalitions and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates to the relevant electoral commission.
• 18 November: Submitted lists of candidates are provisionally published in the Official State Gazette (BOE).
• 21 November: Deadline for citizens entered in the Register of Absent Electors Residing Abroad (CERA) and for citizens temporarily absent from Spain to apply for voting.
• 22 November: Deadline for parties, federations, coalitions and groupings of electors to rectify irregularities in their lists.
• 23 November: Official proclamation of valid submitted lists of candidates.
• 24 November: Proclaimed lists are published in the BOE.
• 4 December: Official start of electoral campaigning. ^[103]
• 10 December: Deadline to apply for postal voting.
• 15 December: Official start of legal ban on electoral opinion polling publication, dissemination or reproduction and deadline for CERA citizens to vote by mail.
• 16 December: Deadline for postal and temporarily absent voters to issue their votes.
• 18 December: Last day of official electoral campaigning and deadline for CERA citizens to vote in a ballot box in the relevant consular office or division. ^[103]
• 19 December: Official 24-hour ban on political campaigning prior to the general election (reflection day).
• 20 December: Polling day (polling stations open at 9 am and close at 8 pm or once voters present in a queue at/outside the polling station at 8 pm have cast their vote). Counting of votes starts immediately.
• 23 December: General counting of votes, including the counting of CERA votes.
• 26 December: Deadline for the general counting of votes to be carried out by the relevant electoral commission.
• 4 January: Deadline for elected members to be proclaimed by the relevant electoral commission.
• 14 January: Deadline for both chambers of the Cortes Generales to be re-assembled (the election decree determines this date, which for the 2015 election was set for 13 January). ^[103]
• 13 February: Maximum deadline for definitive results to be published in the BOE.

Campaign

Party slogans

Party or alliance		Original slogan	English translation	Ref.
	PP	« España en serio »	"Spain seriously"	[158] [159] [160]
	PSOE	« Un futuro/un presidente para la mayoría »	"A future/a president for the many"	[158] [159] [160] [161]
	DiL	« (Im)Possible »	"(Im)Possible"	[158] [159] [160] [162]
	unio.cat	« Solucions! »	"Solutions!"	[158] [159] [163]
	IU–UPeC	« Por un nuevo país »	"For a new country"	[158] [159] [160]
	EH Bildu	« Bildu erabakira » « Únete a la decisión »	"Join the decision"	[158] [164]
	EAJ/PNV	« Lehenik Euskadi. Euskadi es lo que importa »	"The Basque Country first. The Basque Country is what matters"	[158] [159] [164]
	UPyD	« Más España »	"More Spain"	[158] [159]
	ERC–CatSí	« Defensa el teu vot »	"Defend your vote"	[158] [159]
	Nós	« A forza do noso pobo »	"The strength of our people"	[158]
	CCa–PNC	« Luchar por Canarias »	"Fighting for the Canaries"	[158]
	GBai	« Defiende Navarra. Nafarron Hitza Madrilen »	"Defend Navarre. The voice of the Navarrese people in Madrid"	[165] [166]
	Podemos En Comú És el moment En Marea	Main: « Un país contigo. Podemos » En Comú: « El canvi no s'atura » És el moment: « Justament és el moment » En Marea: « Para mudalo todo, para que nada siga igual »	Main: "A country with you. We Can" En Comú: "The change does not stop" És el moment: "It is precisely the time" En Marea: "To change everything, so that nothing remains the same"	[158] [159] [160] [167] [168] [169] [170]
	C's	« Con ilusión »	"With hope"	[158] [159] [160]

Events and issues

Opinion polls heading into the campaign had shown the PP firmly in first position, with both PSOE and C's tied for second place and Podemos trailing in fourth. However, as the campaign started and election day neared, Podemos numbers had begun to rebound while C's slipped. Podemos centered its campaign around the slogan of "remontada" (Spanish for "comeback"), trying to convey voters a message of illusion and optimism. ^[171] After the Atresmedia televised debate on 7 December—in which Iglesias was said to have outperformed all other three with his final address ^[172] —and following a series of gaffes by C's leaders that had affected their party's campaign, ^[173] Podemos experienced a surge in opinion polls. By Monday 14 December it had reached a statistical tie with C's, and kept growing and approaching the PSOE, vying for second place, in the polls conducted—but unpublished by Spanish media—after the legal ban on opinion polls during the last week of campaigning had entered into force. ^[174] On 18 December, the final day of campaigning, Podemos staged a massive rally in la Fonteta arena in Valencia, in support of the Compromís–Podemos–És el moment coalition and as the closing point of their campaign. With a capacity of over 9,000 people, 2,000 were left outside as the interior was entirely filled. ^{[175] [176]} It was noted by some media as a remarkable feat, as the PSOE had been unable to entirely fill the same place just a few days earlier on 13 December. ^[177]

The most notable incident during the electoral campaign was an attack on Mariano Rajoy during a campaign event in Pontevedra on 16 December. At 18:50, while walking with Development Minister Ana Pastor in the vicinity of the Pilgrim Church, a 17-year-old approached him and punched him in the temple. The assailant was restrained by the Prime Minister's security guards and was subsequently transferred to the police station in the city. Rajoy, who was red-faced and stunned for a few seconds, continued to walk without his glasses, broken during the assault. ^{[178] [179]} The assailant turned out to be related to Rajoy's wife, as he was the son of a cousin of Elvira Fernández, and also a member of a family known for sympathizing with the People's Party. ^[180]

The following day, Rajoy attended a European Council meeting in Brussels, where Angela Merkel and other European leaders approached him showing their support to him after the assault. ^[181] During the meeting a camera recorded Rajoy, Merkel and other leaders discussing the electoral prospects of Spanish parties. Rajoy revealed to them that, according to PP internal opinion polls, Podemos was rising quickly and approaching the PSOE, to the point that there was the possibility of it becoming the second political force of the country. Merkel expressed concern about such an event. ^[182]

Election debates

A total of four debates involving the leaders of at least two of the four parties topping opinion polls (PP, PSOE, Podemos and C's) were held throughout the pre-campaign and campaign periods.

The first debate was organized by the Demos Association and held in the Charles III University of Madrid on 27 November. The leaders of the four main parties were invited, but in the end only Pablo Iglesias and Albert Rivera attended. ^[183] The debate was broadcast live on YouTube. ^[184]

The second debate was held on 30 November. Organized by El País newspaper, it was broadcast live entirely through the websites of El País and Cinco Días , the Cadena SER radio station and on the 13 TV television channel. Pedro Sánchez, as well as Iglesias and Rivera, attended the debate. Mariano Rajoy (PP) was also invited to the debate but declined the offer. ^{[185] [186]} According to the organizer, PP proposed the presence of Deputy PM Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría instead but it was refused, as she "was not the PP candidate for PM". ^[187] A poll conducted online immediately after the debate by El País to its readers showed Iglesias winning with 47.0%, followed by Rivera with 28.9% and Sánchez with 24.1%. ^[188]

A third, televised debate was organized by Atresmedia, held on 7 December and broadcast live simultaneously on its Antena 3 and laSexta TV channels and on the Onda Cero radio station. Rajoy had also been invited to the debate, but the PP announced that Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría would attend in his place instead. ^[189] The audience for the debate averaged 9.2 million, peaking at more than 10 million. ^[190] Online polls conducted immediately after the debate by major newspapers coincided in showing Iglesias winning, ^[191] while political pundits and journalists pointed on his strong performance. ^{[192] [193] [194]}

A fourth, final debate, organized by the TV Academy, was held on 14 December. The signal of the debate was offered to all interested media. Among others, nationwide TV channels La 1, Canal 24 Horas, Antena 3, laSexta and 13 TV broadcast the debate live. ^[195] Iglesias and Rivera were not invited to the debate, with only Rajoy and Sánchez participating. ^[196] The audience for the debate averaged 9.7 million. ^[197] A poll conducted by Atresmedia immediately after the debate showed 34.5% saying that "None of them" won, followed by Sánchez with 33.7%, Rajoy with 28.8% and "Both" with 3.0%. ^[198]

2015 Spanish general election debates

Date	Organisers	Moderator(s)	P Present [q]   S Surrogate [r]   NI Not invited  A Absent invitee
			PP	PSOE	IU–UPeC	UPyD	Podemos	C's	DiL	unio.cat	PNV	Audience	Ref.
18 October	laSexta (Salvados)	Jordi Évole	A	A	NI	NI	P Iglesias	P Rivera	NI	NI	NI	25.2% (5,214,000)	[199]
21 November	Cuatro (Un Tiempo Nuevo)	Silvia Intxaurrondo	S Maroto	S López	S Sixto	P Herzog	S Errejón	S Girauta	NI	NI	NI	3.2% (449,000)	[200]
26 November	Twitter	Ángel Carmona	S Maroto	S González	S Sánchez	P Herzog	S Errejón	S De Páramo	NI	NI	NI	—	[201]
27 November	UC3M	Carlos Alsina	A	A	NI	NI	P Iglesias	P Rivera	NI	NI	NI	—	[202]
30 November	El País	Carlos de Vega	A	P Sánchez	NI	NI	P Iglesias	P Rivera	NI	NI	NI	—	[203]
6 December	laSexta (El Objetivo) [s]	Ana Pastor	P Casado	P Saura	P Garzón	NI	P Álvarez	P Garicano	NI	NI	NI	7.2% (1,268,000)	[204]
7 December	Atresmedia	Ana Pastor Vicente Vallés	S Santamaría	P Sánchez	NI	NI	P Iglesias	P Rivera	NI	NI	NI	48.2% (9,233,000)	[205]
9 December	TVE (El debate de La 1)	Julio Somoano	S Casado	S Hernando	P Garzón	P Herzog	S Errejón	S De la Cruz	S Puig	S Surroca	P Esteban	12.1% (2,342,000)	[206]
14 December	TV Academy	Manuel Campo Vidal	P Rajoy	P Sánchez	NI	NI	NI	NI	NI	NI	NI	48.7% (9,728,000)	[207]

Opinion polls

Candidate viewed as "performing best" or "most convincing" in each debate

Debate	Polling firm/Commissioner	PP	PSOE	Pod.	C's	Tie	None	?
30 November	El País [208]		24.1	47.0	28.9	–	–	–
7 December	Redondo & Asociados [209]	30.7	16.4	23.9	22.0	–	–	7.0
	CIS [210]	18.3	8.9	31.3	12.0	2.7	16.2	10.6
14 December	Atresmedia [211]	28.8	33.7			3.0	34.5	–
	CIS [210]	26.1	26.9			3.5	37.1	6.4

Opinion polls

Main article: Opinion polling for the 2015 Spanish general election

Local regression trend line of poll results from 20 November 2011 to 20 December 2015, with each line corresponding to a political party.

Results

Congress of Deputies

For results by autonomous community/constituency, see Results breakdown of the 2015 Spanish general election (Congress).

← Summary of the 20 December 2015 Congress of Deputies election results →

Parties and alliances		Popular vote			Seats
		Votes	%	±pp	Total	+/−
	People's Party (PP)1	7,236,965	28.71	−16.33	123	−64
	Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE)	5,545,315	22.00	−6.76	90	−20
	We Can–In Common–Commitment–In Tide (Podemos)	5,212,711	20.68	New	69	+65
	We Can (Podemos)2	3,198,584	12.69	New	42	+42
	In Common We Can (En Comú)3	929,880	3.69	+2.54	12	+9
	It is Time (Podemos–Compromís)4	673,549	2.67	+2.16	9	+8
	In Tide (Podemos–Anova–EU)5	410,698	1.63	+1.31	6	+6
	Citizens–Party of the Citizenry (C's)	3,514,528	13.94	New	40	+40
	United Left–Popular Unity in Common (IU–UPeC)6	926,783	3.68	−1.81	2	−6
	Republican Left of Catalonia–Catalonia Yes (ERC–CatSí)	604,285	2.40	+1.34	9	+6
	Republican Left of Catalonia–Catalonia Yes (ERC–CatSí)	601,782	2.39	+1.36	9	+6
	Valencian Country Now (Ara PV)7	2,503	0.01	−0.02	0	±0
	Democracy and Freedom (DiL)8	567,253	2.25	−1.92	8	−8
	Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ/PNV)	302,316	1.20	−0.13	6	+1
	Animalist Party Against Mistreatment of Animals (PACMA)	220,369	0.87	+0.45	0	±0
	Basque Country Gather (EH Bildu)9	219,125	0.87	−0.50	2	−5
	Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD)	155,153	0.62	−4.08	0	−5
	Canarian Coalition–Canarian Nationalist Party (CCa–PNC)10	81,917	0.32	−0.27	1	−1
	We–Galician Candidacy (Nós)11	70,863	0.28	−0.48	0	−2
	Democratic Union of Catalonia (unio.cat)	65,388	0.26	New	0	±0
	Vox (Vox)	58,114	0.23	New	0	±0
	Zero Cuts–Green Group (Recortes Cero–GV)	48,675	0.19	New	0	±0
	More for the Balearic Islands (Més)12	33,877	0.13	±0.00	0	±0
	Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE)	31,179	0.12	+0.01	0	±0
	Yes to the Future (GBai)	30,642	0.12	−0.05	0	−1
	El Pi–Proposal for the Isles (El Pi)	12,910	0.05	New	0	±0
	Citizens of Democratic Centre (CCD)	10,827	0.04	+0.04	0	±0
	Blank Seats (EB)	10,084	0.04	−0.36	0	±0
	Spanish Phalanx of the CNSO (FE–JONS)	7,495	0.03	+0.02	0	±0
	For the Left–The Greens (X Izda)	7,314	0.03	New	0	±0
	We Are Valencian (SOMVAL)	6,103	0.02	New	0	±0
	For a Fairer World (PUM+J)	4,586	0.02	−0.09	0	±0
	Internationalist Solidarity and Self-Management (SAIn)	4,400	0.02	−0.01	0	±0
	The Eco-pacifist Greens (Centro Moderado)	3,278	0.01	New	0	±0
	Land Party (PT)	3,026	0.01	New	0	±0
	Canaries Decides (LV–UP–ALTER)13	2,883	0.01	+0.01	0	±0
	Libertarian Party (P–LIB)	2,854	0.01	±0.00	0	±0
	Humanist Party (PH)	2,846	0.01	−0.03	0	±0
	United Extremadura–Extremadurans (EU–eX)14	2,021	0.01	+0.01	0	±0
	Spanish Communist Workers' Party (PCOE)	1,909	0.01	New	0	±0
	National Democracy (DN)	1,704	0.01	±0.00	0	±0
	Feminist Initiative (IFem)	1,604	0.01	New	0	±0
	Regionalist Party of the Leonese Country (PREPAL)	1,419	0.01	±0.00	0	±0
	In Positive (En Positiu)	1,276	0.01	New	0	±0
	United Free Citizens (CILUS)	1,189	0.00	New	0	±0
	Grouped Rural Citizens (CRA)	1,032	0.00	New	0	±0
	Navarrese Freedom (Ln)	1,026	0.00	New	0	±0
	Forward Valencians (Avant)	1,003	0.00	New	0	±0
	Málaga for Yes (mlgXSÍ)	934	0.00	New	0	±0
	Family and Life Party (PFyV)	714	0.00	±0.00	0	±0
	Andalusians of Jaén United (AJU)	711	0.00	New	0	±0
	Independents for Aragon (i)	676	0.00	New	0	±0
	Democratic Forum (FDEE)	456	0.00	New	0	±0
	To Solution (Soluciona)	409	0.00	New	0	±0
	Social Justice, Citizen Participation (JS,PC)	406	0.00	New	0	±0
	Death to the System (+MAS+)	313	0.00	±0.00	0	±0
	Liberal Party of the Right (PLD)	205	0.00	New	0	±0
	Welcome (Ongi Etorri)	110	0.00	New	0	±0
Blank ballots		188,132	0.75	−0.62
Total		25,211,313			350	±0
Valid votes		25,211,313	99.11	+0.40
Invalid votes		227,219	0.89	−0.40
Votes cast / turnout		25,438,532	69.67	+0.73
Abstentions		11,073,316	30.33	−0.73
Registered voters		36,511,848
Sources [212] [213]
Footnotes: 1 People's Party results are compared to the combined totals of People's Party and Forum of Citizens in the 2011 election. 2 We Can does not include results in Catalonia, Galicia and Valencian Community. 3 In Common We Can results are compared to Initiative for Catalonia Greens–United and Alternative Left totals in the 2011 election. 4 It is Time results are compared to Commitment Coalition–Equo totals in the 2011 election. 5 In Tide results are compared to United Left of Galicia totals in the 2011 election. 6 United Left–Popular Unity in Common results are compared to United Left–The Greens: Plural Left totals in the 2011 election. It does not include results in Catalonia and Galicia. 7 Valencian Country Now results are compared to Republican Left of the Valencian Country totals in the 2011 election. 8 Democracy and Freedom results are compared to Convergence and Union totals in the 2011 election. 9 Basque Country Gather results are compared to Amaiur totals in the 2011 election. 10 Canarian Coalition–Canarian Nationalist Party results are compared to Canarian Coalition–New Canaries totals in the 2011 election. 11 We–Galician Candidacy results are compared to Galician Nationalist Bloc totals in the 2011 election. 12 More for the Balearic Islands results are compared to PSM–Initiative Greens–Agreement–Equo totals in the 2011 election. 13 Canaries Decides results are compared to Unity of the People totals in the 2011 election. 14 United Extremadura–Extremadurans results are compared to Convergence for Extremadura totals in the 2011 election.

Popular vote PP   28.71% PSOE   22.00% Podemos   20.68% C's   13.94% IU–UPeC   3.67% ERC–CatSí   2.40% DiL   2.25% EAJ/PNV   1.20% EH Bildu   0.87% CCa–PNC   0.32% Others   3.21% Blank ballots   0.75%

Seats PP   35.14% PSOE   25.71% Podemos   19.71% C's   11.43% ERC–CatSí   2.57% DiL   2.29% EAJ/PNV   1.71% IU–UPeC   0.57% EH Bildu   0.57% CCa–PNC   0.29%

Senate

← Summary of the 20 December 2015 Senate of Spain election results →

Parties and alliances		Popular vote			Seats
		Votes	%	±pp	Total	+/−
	People's Party (PP)1	20,105,650	30.31	−16.45	124	−12
	Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE)2	14,887,751	22.44	−3.53	47	−7
	We Can–In Common–Commitment–In Tide (Podemos)	12,244,416	18.46	New	16	+15
	We Can (Podemos)3	7,494,552	11.30	New	9	+9
	In Common We Can (En Comú)4	2,022,836	3.05	New	4	+3
	It is Time (Podemos–Compromís)5	1,734,332	2.61	+2.13	1	+1
	In Tide (Podemos–Anova–EU)6	992,696	1.50	+1.26	2	+2
	Citizens–Party of the Citizenry (C's)	7,417,388	11.18	New	0	±0
	United Left–Popular Unity in Common (IU–UPeC)7	2,372,637	3.58	−1.28	0	±0
	Republican Left–Catalonia Yes (ERC–CatSí)	1,895,501	2.86	+1.81	6	+6
	Republican Left–Catalonia Yes (ERC–CatSí)	1,887,613	2.85	+1.82	6	+6
	Valencian Country Now (Ara PV)8	7,888	0.01	−0.01	0	±0
	Democracy and Freedom (DiL)9	1,531,259	2.31	−1.78	6	−3
	Animalist Party Against Mistreatment of Animals (PACMA)	1,036,736	1.56	+0.97	0	±0
	Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ/PNV)	907,267	1.37	−0.09	6	+2
	Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD)	620,704	0.94	−0.73	0	±0
	Basque Country Gather (EH Bildu)10	564,575	0.85	−0.43	0	−3
	Change (Cambio/Aldaketa)11	282,889	0.43	−0.02	1	+1
	We–Galician Candidacy (Nós)12	279,325	0.42	−0.52	0	±0
	Vox (Vox)	196,457	0.30	New	0	±0
	Zero Cuts–Green Group (Recortes Cero–GV)	174,481	0.26	New	0	±0
	Canarian Coalition–Canarian Nationalist Party (CCa–PNC)13	156,636	0.24	−0.18	1	±0
	Democratic Union of Catalonia (unio.cat)	154,702	0.23	New	0	±0
	Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE)	105,250	0.16	+0.04	0	±0
	Blank Seats (EB)	88,802	0.13	−0.69	0	±0
	More for Mallorca (Més)14	60,527	0.09	+0.01	0	±0
	Spanish Phalanx of the CNSO (FE–JONS)	37,688	0.06	+0.04	0	±0
	El Pi–Proposal for the Isles (El Pi)	30,557	0.05	New	0	±0
	For a Fairer World (PUM+J)	20,187	0.03	−0.12	0	±0
	Citizens of Democratic Centre (CCD)	20,150	0.03	+0.03	0	±0
	We Are Valencian (SOMVAL)	19,950	0.03	New	0	±0
	Internationalist Solidarity and Self-Management (SAIn)	18,377	0.03	−0.01	0	±0
	Land Party (PT)	10,128	0.02	New	0	±0
	United Extremadura–Extremadurans (EU–eX)15	10,065	0.01	±0.00	0	±0
	Regionalist Party of the Leonese Country (PREPAL)	9,905	0.01	±0.00	0	±0
	Humanist Party (PH)	9,789	0.01	−0.05	0	±0
	The Eco-pacifist Greens (Centro Moderado)	9,440	0.01	New	0	±0
	Libertarian Party (P–LIB)	7,777	0.01	±0.00	0	±0
	Canaries Decides (LV–UP–ALTER)16	6,337	0.01	±0.00	0	±0
	United for Gran Canaria (UxGC)	5,885	0.01	New	0	±0
	Navarrese Freedom (Ln)	5,710	0.01	New	0	±0
	Feminist Initiative (IFem)	5,623	0.01	+0.01	0	±0
	Forward Valencians (Avant)	4,948	0.01	New	0	±0
	In Positive (En Positiu)	4,548	0.01	New	0	±0
	National Democracy (DN)	4,456	0.01	±0.00	0	±0
	Gomera Socialist Group (ASG)	4,435	0.01	New	1	+1
	We Are Menorca (Som Menorca)17	4,129	0.01	+0.01	0	±0
	Forward Badajoz (BA)	4,025	0.01	New	0	±0
	United Free Citizens (CILUS)	3,140	0.00	New	0	±0
	Independents for Aragon (i)	2,716	0.00	New	0	±0
	Andalusians of Jaén United (AJU)	1,836	0.00	New	0	±0
	Grouped Rural Citizens (CRA)	1,624	0.00	New	0	±0
	To Solution (Soluciona)	1,573	0.00	New	0	±0
	Family and Life Party (PFyV)	1,569	0.00	±0.00	0	±0
	We (Nosotros)	1,472	0.00	New	0	±0
	Social Justice, Citizen Participation (JS,PC)	1,399	0.00	New	0	±0
	Merindades of Castile Initiative (IMC)	1,225	0.00	New	0	±0
	Democratic Forum (FDEE)	1,222	0.00	New	0	±0
	Aragonese Bloc (BAR)	1,183	0.00	New	0	±0
	For the Left–The Greens (X Izda)	1,009	0.00	New	0	±0
Blank ballots [t]		979,371	4.06	−1.30
Total		66,336,401			208	±0
Valid votes		24,119,913	96.78	+0.48
Invalid votes		801,743	3.22	−0.48
Votes cast / turnout		24,921,656	68.26	−0.17
Abstentions		11,590,192	31.74	+0.17
Registered voters		36,511,848
Sources [126] [212] [213] [214]
Footnotes: 1 People's Party results are compared to the combined totals of People's Party and Forum of Citizens in the 2011 election. 2 Spanish Socialist Workers' Party includes Socialists' Party of Catalonia seat totals within the Agreement for Catalonia Progress alliance in the 2011 election. 3 We Can does not include results in Catalonia, Galicia, Navarre and Valencian Community. 4 In Common We Can includes Initiative for Catalonia Greens–United and Alternative Left seat totals within the Agreement for Catalonia Progress alliance in the 2011 election. 5 It is Time results are compared to Commitment Coalition–Equo totals in the 2011 election. 6 In Tide results are compared to United Left of Galicia totals in the 2011 election. 7 United Left–Popular Unity in Common results are compared to United Left–The Greens: Plural Left totals in the 2011 election. It does not include results in Catalonia, Galicia and Navarre. 8 Valencian Country Now results are compared to Republican Left of the Valencian Country totals in the 2011 election. 9 Democracy and Freedom results are compared to Convergence and Union totals in the 2011 election. 10 Basque Country Gather results are compared to Amaiur totals in the 2011 election, not including results in Navarre. 11 Change results are compared to the combined totals of Basque Country Gather, Yes to Navarre and Left totals in Navarre in the 2011 election. 12 We–Galician Candidacy results are compared to Galician Nationalist Bloc totals in the 2011 election. 13 Canarian Coalition–Canarian Nationalist Party results are compared to Canarian Coalition–New Canaries–Canarian Nationalist Party totals in the 2011 election. 14 More for Mallorca results are compared to PSM–Initiative Greens–Agreement–Equo totals in the 2011 election. 15 United Extremadura–Extremadurans results are compared to Convergence for Extremadura totals in the 2011 election. 16 Canaries Decides results are compared to Unity of the People totals in the 2011 election. 17 We Are Menorca results are compared to Socialist Party of Menorca–Nationalist Agreement totals in the 2011 election.

Popular vote PP   30.31% PSOE   22.44% Podemos   18.46% C's   11.18% IU–UPeC   3.58% ERC–CatSí   2.86% DiL   2.31% PACMA   1.56% EAJ/PNV   1.37% Cambio/Aldaketa   0.43% CCa–PNC   0.24% ASG   0.01% Others   3.79% Blank ballots   4.06%

Seats PP   59.62% PSOE   22.60% Podemos   7.69% ERC–CatSí   2.88% DiL   2.88% EAJ/PNV   2.88% Cambio/Aldaketa   0.48% CCa–PNC   0.48% ASG   0.48%

Maps

• 
  Election results by constituency (Congress).
• 
  Vote winner strength by constituency (Congress).
• 
  Vote winner strength by autonomous community (Congress).

Aftermath

Outcome

The election results produced the most fragmented parliament in recent Spanish history. As opinion polls had predicted, the People's Party (PP) was able to secure first place with a clear lead over its rivals, but it lost the absolute majority it had held since 2011 in the Congress of Deputies. Its 123 seat-count was the worst result ever obtained by a winning party in a Spanish general election—previously been 156 seats in 1996. Its result was also slightly below the party's expected goal of reaching 30% of the vote. ^[215] The party's net loss of seats (64 fewer than in 2011) and vote share drop (minus 16 percentage points) was the PP's largest fall in popular support in its history, as well as the worst showing for a sitting government in Spain since 1982. Overall, it was also the worst result obtained by the PP in a general election since 1989, back to the party's refoundation from the People's Alliance.

The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) obtained its worst election result in recent history, with just 22% of the total party vote and 90 seats, well below Pedro Sánchez's target of at least 100 seats. ^[216] Losing 20 seats and nearly 7 percentage points to its already negative 2011 result, this was the first time since the Spanish transition to democracy that one of the two largest parties fell below the 100-seat mark. Overall, while able to hold on to its second place nationally in terms of votes and seats, it lost the second and first place to Podemos in 8 out of the 17 autonomous communities, and finished fourth in Madrid, the capital's district. It was able to narrowly win in Andalusia and Extremadura—which it had resoundingly lost to the PP in 2011—thanks to the PP vote collapse in those regions, but it lost in Barcelona for the first time ever in a general election, and its sister party, the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), was reduced to third party status in Catalonia after decades of political dominance.

The combined results for the top two parties was also the worst for any general election held since 1977, gathering just 51% of the total party vote and 213 seats, just slightly above the required 3/5 majority for an ordinary constitutional reform. The result was regarded as a loss for bipartisanship in Spain as a whole, as the era of bipartisan politics was declared officially over by newcomers Podemos and Citizens, as well as by both national and international media. ^{[217] [218] [219]}

Podemos, which contested a general election for the first time after having been founded in January 2014, obtained an unprecedented 21% of the vote and 69 seats together with its regional alliances, the best result ever obtained by a third party in a Spanish election. Coming short by 340,000 votes of securing its campaign goal of becoming the main left-wing party in Spain, it managed to secure second place in 6 out of the 17 autonomous communities and came top in another two—the Basque Country and Catalonia. This result was ahead of what initial pre-campaign and campaign opinion polls had predicted, and was in line with a late-campaign surge in support for the party. Citizens (C's) also had a strong performance for a national party in Spain, but its fourth place, 14% of the share and 40 seats were considered a letdown for party leader Albert Rivera, mainly as a consequence of the high expectations that had been generated around his candidacy. Pre-election opinion polls had placed C's near or above 20% of the vote share, and many also suggested a strong possibility of C's disputing second place to PSOE. Finally, it only came ahead of either PSOE or PP in Madrid and Catalonia. ^{[220] [221]} The party also found itself in a weaker political position than predicted, as the "kingmaker" position that was thought to go to C's under opinion polling projections finally went to PSOE, with the Congress's fragmentation resulting from the election meaning that neither the PP–C's nor the PSOE–Podemos–IU blocs would be able to command a majority on their own.

Government formation

Main articles: 2015–2016 Spanish government formation and 2016 Spanish general election

Investiture Congress of Deputies Nomination of Pedro Sánchez (PSOE)
Ballot →		2 March 2016	4 March 2016
Required majority →		176 out of 350 N	Simple N
	Yes • PSOE (89) • C's (40) • NCa (1) • CCa (1) (on 4 Mar)	130 / 350	131 / 350
	No • PP (119) • Pod–ECP–EM (65) • ERC (9) • DiL (8) • PNV (6) • Compromís (4) • IU–UPeC (2) • EH Bildu (2) • UPN (2) • FAC (1) • Independent (1)	219 / 350	219 / 350
	Abstentions • CCa (1) (on 2 Mar)	1 / 350	0 / 350
	Absentees	0 / 350	0 / 350
Sources [222]

Notes

1. Total figures include results for En Comú Podem, És el moment and En Marea.
2. Results for PP (44.6%, 186 deputies) and FAC (0.4%, 1 deputy) in the 2011 Congress election.
3. ICV–EUiA (3 deputies and 1 senator), which contested the 2011 election within the IU–LV and Entesa alliances, joined the En Comú Podem alliance ahead of the 2015 election. Compromís (1 deputy and 0 senators) joined the És el moment alliance.
4. Results for CiU in the 2015 election.
5. 1 UPyD seat was vacant as a result of Irene Lozano's resignation to join the PSOE on 16 October 2015. ^[128]
6. 1 PP appointed seat remained vacant until 14 December 2016. ^[130]
7. Juan Morano, former PP legislator. ^[131]
8. Results for PP (46.3%, 136 senators) and FAC (0.5%, 0 senators) in the 2011 Senate election.
9. PSC–PSOE contested the 2011 Senate election within the Entesa alliance.
10. Results for IU–LV in the 2011 election, not including ICV–EUiA.
11. Results for Amaiur in the 2011 Congress election.
12. Results for Amaiur in the 2011 Senate election, not including Navarre.
13. Results for BNG in the 2011 election.
14. Results for CC–NC–PNC in the 2011 election.
15. EH Bildu, GBai, I–E (n) and Podemos contested the 2015 Senate election within the Cambio/Aldaketa alliance.
16. Results for EH Bildu (0.2%, 0 senators), GBai (0.2%, 0 senators) and I–E (n) (0.1%, 0 senators) in the 2011 Senate election in Navarre.
17. Denotes a main invitee attending the event.
18. Denotes a main invitee not attending the event, sending a surrogate in their place.
19. Economic debate.
20. The percentage of blank ballots is calculated over the official number of valid votes cast, irrespective of the total number of votes shown as a result of adding up the individual results for each party.

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External links

• Media related to Spanish general election, 2015 at Wikimedia Commons