Next Spanish general election

Next Spanish general election

←  2023 No later than 22 August 2027
←  outgoing members
All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies and 208 (of 266) seats in the Senate 176 seats needed for a majority in the Congress of Deputies
Opinion polls
Leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo Pedro Sánchez Santiago Abascal Party PP PSOE Vox Leader since 2 April 2022 18 June 2017 20 September 2014 Leader's seat Madrid Madrid Madrid Last election 137 seats, 33.1% 121 seats, 31.7% 33 seats, 12.4% Current seats 137 120 33 Seats needed 39 56 143   Leader TBD Gabriel Rufián Míriam Nogueras Party Sumar ERC Junts Leader since — 14 October 2019 12 March 2021 Leader's seat — Barcelona Barcelona Last election 31 seats, 12.3% 7 seats, 1.9% 7 seats, 1.6% Current seats 26 7 7 Seats needed 150 N/A [a] N/A [b]
Constituencies for the Congress of Deputies
Incumbent Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez PSOE

A general election will be held in Spain no later than Sunday, 22 August 2027, to elect the members of the 16th Cortes Generales under the Spanish Constitution of 1978. All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies will be up for election, as well as 208 of 266 seats in the Senate.

Following the 2023 election, Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez was able to form a third government—formed by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and Sumar—with the support of Together for Catalonia (Junts), in exchange for a controversial amnesty law. Tensions with the opposition People's Party (PP) and far-right Vox dominated Sánchez's third term, as well as an unraveling international situation—with the Middle Eastern crisis, the Gaza genocide, the tariff policy of the second Trump administration and the ongoing war in Ukraine—economic growth amid a rising cost of living, a number of scandals affecting both PP and PSOE and the alleged mismanagement of a number of environmental disasters by PP-controlled administrations (particularly, the Valencian floods in October 2024 and the wildfires in July and August 2025).

While Sánchez has admitted to having twice hesitated whether to resign—once in April 2024, amid a judicial probe into his wife; and then in July 2025, after his second-in-command in the party, Santos Cerdán, resigned over the Koldo case—he has voiced his intention to run for a new term as prime minister in the next general election, which he has scheduled for 2027. ^[1]

Background

The 2023 election had seen Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and his ruling coalition—formed by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and Sumar—being re-elected with the support of Together for Catalonia (Junts), in exchange for a controversial amnesty law for those tried and convicted for events related to the 2017–2018 Spanish constitutional crisis and the 2019–2020 Catalan protests. ^{[2] [3]} This deal sparked protests, which were particularly violent in the days before Sánchez's investiture as demonstrators stormed the PSOE's national headquarters in Madrid with the involvement of far-right organizations. ^{[4] [5]}

Sánchez's third term was dominated by a booming economy and a decline in unemployment, albeit amid a rising cost of living and an affordable housing crisis; ^{[6] [7]} but also by growing tensions with the People's Party (PP) and far-right Vox—accused by the government of staging "lawfare", disinformation and harassment campaigns ^[8] —which saw Sánchez to briefly consider his resignation in April 2024, ^[9] after a controversial judicial probe into his wife, Begoña Gómez, for alleged influence peddling and misuse of public funds charges presented by the far-right proxy trade union Manos Limpias . ^{[10] [11] [12]} The quality and condition of public services also came under public scrutiny, particularly following a major blackout in the Iberian Peninsula in April 2025 and mounting breakdowns in rail transport in Spain. ^{[13] [14]} On the international stage, Sánchez's government had to deal with the ongoing war in Ukraine, ^[15] the Middle Eastern crisis, ^[16] the tariff policy of the second Trump administration, ^{[17] [18]} and Spain's role within NATO. ^[19] Its vocal opposition to the Gaza genocide saw Spanish recognition of Palestine and a hardening of relations with Israel, ^{[20] [21] [22]} as well as pro-Palestinian protests condemning the latter's participation in sports competitions (such as the 2025 Vuelta a España) ^{[23] [24]} and the country's RTVE joining others' bid to withdraw from the Eurovision Song Contest 2026 if Israel's presence was confirmed. ^{[25] [26]}

Several political scandals affected both PSOE and PP during this period: the Koldo case—seeing the involvement of former Transport minister José Luis Ábalos and PSOE's organization secretary Santos Cerdán ^{[27] [28]} —judicial probes into Sánchez's brother for alleged cronyism, ^[29] and Attorney General Álvaro García Ortiz for an alleged data leakage in a judicial investigation affecting Madrilenian president Isabel Díaz Ayuso's partner. ^[30] For the PP, scandals affected Ayuso's partner for alleged tax fraud, forgery and organized crime; ^[31] alleged cash-for-favours, influence peddling, lobbying, police misconduct and deep state networks operated by the Finance and Interior ministries under Cristóbal Montoro and Jorge Fernández Díaz during the premiership of Mariano Rajoy; ^{[32] [33] [34]} and resume padding involving a large number of politicians. ^[35]

In the opposition, the alleged crisis mismanagement by PP-controlled regional administrations—including environmental disasters such as the 2024 Valencian floods and the 2025 Spanish wildfires, ^{[36] [37]} and a mishandling in breast cancer screening protocols by the Andalusian Health Service ^{[38] [39]} —was credited as fueling the rise of Vox at the expense of the PP, as the former took advantage of growing anti-political sentiment, denialism, conspiracist ideation and fake news. ^{[40] [41]} The issue of immigration (particularly following the 2025 Torre-Pacheco unrest), ^{[42] [43]} as well as a renewed attempt to limit abortion, ^{[44] [45] [46]} further dragged the PP into Vox's public discourse as doubts arose over the perceived weakness of opposition leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo's leadership. ^{[47] [48]}

Overview

Under the 1978 Constitution, the Spanish Cortes Generales are envisaged as an imperfect bicameral system. ^{[49] [50]} The Congress of Deputies has greater legislative power than the Senate, having the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a prime minister and to override Senate vetoes by an absolute majority of votes. ^[51] Nonetheless, the Senate possesses a limited number of functions—such as ratification of international treaties, authorization of collaboration agreements between autonomous communities, enforcement of direct rule, regulation of interterritorial compensation funds, and its role in constitutional amendment and in the appointment of members to the Constitutional Court and the General Council of the Judiciary—which are not subject to the Congress's override. ^[52]

Electoral system

Voting for each chamber of the Cortes Generales is on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprises all nationals over 18 years of age and in full enjoyment of their political rights, provided that they have not been sentenced—by a final court ruling—to deprivation of the right to vote. ^{[53] [54]}

The Congress of Deputies is entitled to a minimum of 300 and a maximum of 400 seats, with the electoral law setting its size at 350. 348 members are elected in 50 multi-member constituencies—corresponding to the provinces of Spain, with each being allocated an initial minimum of two seats and the remaining 248 being distributed in proportion to their populations—using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional voting system, with an electoral threshold of three percent of valid votes (which includes blank ballots) being applied in each constituency. The two remaining seats are allocated to Ceuta and Melilla as single-member districts and elected using plurality voting. ^{[55] [56]} The use of the electoral method may result in a higher effective threshold based on the district magnitude and the distribution of votes among candidacies. ^[57]

As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Congress multi-member constituency would be entitled the following seats (as of 12 December 2024): ^[c]

Seats	Constituencies
38	Madrid (+1)
32	Barcelona
16	Valencia
12	Alicante, Seville
11	Málaga
10	Murcia
8	A Coruña, Balearic Islands, Biscay, Cádiz (–1), Las Palmas
7	Asturias, Granada, Pontevedra, Zaragoza, Santa Cruz de Tenerife
6	Almería, Córdoba, Gipuzkoa, Girona, Tarragona, Toledo
5	Badajoz, Cantabria, Castellón, Ciudad Real, Huelva, Jaén, Navarre, Valladolid
4	Álava, Albacete, Burgos, Cáceres, La Rioja, León, Lleida, Lugo, Ourense, Salamanca
3	Ávila, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Huesca, Palencia, Segovia, Teruel, Zamora
2	Soria

208 seats in the Senate are elected using an open list partial block voting system: in constituencies electing four seats, electors can vote for up to three candidates; in those with two or three seats, for up to two candidates; and for one candidate in single-member districts. Each of the 47 peninsular provinces is allocated four seats, whereas for insular provinces, such as the Balearic and Canary Islands, districts are the islands themselves, with the larger (Mallorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife) being allocated three seats each, and the smaller (Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma) one each. Ceuta and Melilla elect two seats each. Additionally, autonomous communities can appoint at least one senator each and are entitled to one additional senator per each million inhabitants. ^{[59] [60] [61]}

The law does not provide for by-elections to fill vacated seats; instead, any vacancies that occur after the proclamation of candidates and into the legislative term will be covered by the successive candidates in the list and, when needed, by the designated substitutes, of which the list may include up to ten. ^[62]

Eligibility

Spanish citizens of age and with the legal capacity to vote can run for election, provided that they are not sentenced to imprisonment by a final court ruling nor convicted, even if by a non-final ruling, to forfeiture of eligibility or to specific disqualification or suspension from public office under particular offences: rebellion, terrorism or other crimes against the state. Other causes of ineligibility are imposed on the following officials: ^{[63] [64]}

• Members of the Spanish royal family and their spouses;
• The holders of a number of positions: the president and members of the Constitutional Court, the General Council of the Judiciary, the Supreme Court, the Council of State, the Court of Auditors and the Economic and Social Council; the Ombudsman; the State's Attorney General; high-ranking members—undersecretaries, secretaries-general, directors-general and chiefs of staff—of Spanish government departments, the Office of the Prime Minister, the Social Security and other government agencies; government delegates and sub-delegates in the autonomous communities; the chair of RTVE; the director of the Electoral Register Office; the governor and deputy governor of the Bank of Spain; the chairs of the Official Credit Institute and other official credit institutions; and members of electoral commissions and of the Nuclear Safety Council;
• Heads of diplomatic missions in foreign states or international organizations (ambassadors and plenipotentiaries);
• Judges and public prosecutors in active service;
• Personnel of the Armed Forces (Army, Navy and Air and Space Force) and law enforcement corps in active service.

Other causes of ineligibility for both chambers are imposed on a number of territorial-level officers in the aforementioned categories—during their tenure of office—in constituencies within the whole or part of their respective area of jurisdiction, as well as employees of foreign states and members of regional governments. ^{[63] [64]} Incompatibility provisions extend to the president of the National Commission on Markets and Competition; members of RTVE's board and of the offices of the prime minister, the ministers and the secretaries of state; government delegates in port authorities, hydrographic confederations and toll highway concessionary companies; presidents and other high-ranking members of public entities, state monopolies, companies with majority public participation and public saving banks; deputies and senators elected on candidacies subsequently declared illegal by a final court ruling; as well as the impossibility of simultaneously holding the positions of deputy and senator or regional legislator. ^[65]

The electoral law allows for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, coalitions and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form a coalition ahead of an election are required to inform the relevant electoral commission within ten days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors need to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they seek election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates. Concurrently, parties, federations or coalitions that have not obtained a mandate in either chamber of the Cortes at the preceding election are required to secure the signature of at least 0.1 percent of electors in the aforementioned constituencies. ^[66] Amendments to the electoral law in 2024 increased requirements for a balanced composition of men and women in the lists of candidates, so that candidates of either sex are ordered in an alternative manner. ^[67]

A special, simplified process is provided for election re-runs, including a shortening of deadlines, electoral campaigning, the lifting of signature requirements if these had been already met for the immediately previous election and the possibility of maintaining lists and coalitions without needing to go through pre-election procedures again. ^[68]

Election date

The term of each chamber of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expires four years from the date of their previous election, unless they are dissolved earlier. ^[69] The election decree shall be issued no later than the twenty-fifth day prior to the date of expiry of parliament and published on the following day in the Official State Gazette (BOE), with election day taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication. ^[70] The previous election was held on 23 July 2023, which means that the chambers' terms will expire on 23 July 2027. The election decree must be published in the BOE no later than 29 June 2027, with the election taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication, setting the latest possible election date for the Cortes Generales on Sunday, 22 August 2027.

The prime minister has the prerogative to propose the monarch to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence is in process, no state of emergency is in force and that dissolution does not occur before one year has elapsed since the previous one. ^[71] Additionally, both chambers are to be dissolved and a new election called if an investiture process fails to elect a prime minister within a two-month period from the first ballot. ^[72] Barring this exception, there is no constitutional requirement for simultaneous elections to the Congress and the Senate. Still, as of 2025, there has been no precedent of separate elections taking place under the 1978 Constitution.

Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has repeatedly voiced his will for the next general election to be held when due in 2027, ^{[1] [73]} particularly following the resignation in June 2025 of his party's organization secretary, Santos Cerdán, amid corruption allegations. ^{[74] [75]} However, the government's political strategy, uncertainty over the 2026 General State Budget, as well as Sánchez having previously promised to exhaust legislative terms before ultimately calling snap elections—in 2019 and 2023—has led to speculation that an early general election could be in the cards throughout 2026. ^{[76] [77]}

Parliamentary composition

The tables below show the composition of the parliamentary groups in both chambers. ^{[78] [79]}

Current parliamentary composition [80] Congress of Deputies Groups Parties Deputies Seats Total People's Parliamentary Group in the Congress PP 137 137 Socialist Parliamentary Group PSOE 101 120 PSC 19 Vox Parliamentary Group Vox 33 33 Unite Plurinational Parliamentary Group SMR 10 26 CatComú 6 IU 5 MM 2 IdPV [d] 1 CHA 1 Més 1 Republican Parliamentary Group ERC 7 7 Together for Catalonia Parliamentary Group JxCat 7 7 EH Bildu Parliamentary Group EH Bildu 6 6 Basque Parliamentary Group (EAJ/PNV) EAJ/PNV 5 5 Mixed Parliamentary Group Podemos 4 9 Més–Compromís [d] 1 BNG 1 CCa 1 UPN 1 INDEP 1 [e]

Current parliamentary composition [82] Senate Groups Parties Senators Seats Total People's Parliamentary Group in the Senate PP 145 145 Socialist Parliamentary Group PSOE 74 89 PSC 15 Left for Independence (Republican Left–EH Bildu) Parliamentary Group EH Bildu 5 9 ERC 4 Plural Parliamentary Group in the Senate (JxCat–CCa–AHI–BNG) JxCat 4 7 CCa 1 AHI 1 BNG 1 Basque Parliamentary Group in the Senate (EAJ/PNV) EAJ/PNV 5 6 PSOE 1 Confederal Left Parliamentary Group (More Madrid, Ibiza and Formentera in the Senate, Commitment, Gomera Socialist Group and Yes to the Future) MM 1 6 EiFS 1 Compromís 1 ASG 1 GBai 1 PSOE 1 Mixed Parliamentary Group Vox 3 4 UPN 1

Parties and candidates

Below is a list of the main parties and electoral alliances which will likely contest the election:

Candidacy		Parties and alliances	Leading candidate		Ideology	Previous result				Gov.	Ref.
						Congress		Senate
						Vote %	Seats	Vote %	Seats
	PP	List People's Party (PP)		Alberto Núñez Feijóo	Conservatism Christian democracy	33.1%	137	34.5%	120
	PSOE	List Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC)		Pedro Sánchez	Social democracy	31.7%	121	32.2%	72		[83]
	Vox	List Vox (Vox)		Santiago Abascal	Right-wing populism Ultranationalism National conservatism	12.4%	33	10.6%	0
	Sumar	List Unite Movement (SMR) More Madrid (MM) Greens Equo (VQ) Catalonia in Common (CatComú) – Barcelona in Common (BComú) – Green Left (EV) Commitment Coalition (Compromís) – Més–Compromís (Més) – Valencian People's Initiative (IdPV) – Greens Equo of the Valencian Country (VerdsEquo) More for Mallorca (Més) More for Menorca (MxMe) Aragonese Union (CHA) Drago Canaries Party (DRG) Asturian Left (IAS) Assembly (Batzarre) Andalusian People's Initiative (IdPA)		TBD	Progressivism Green politics Democratic socialism	12.3%	31	11.1%	0		[84] [85]
	IU	List United Left (IU) – Communist Party of Spain (PCE) – The Dawn. Marxist Organization OM (La Aurora (om)) – Ecosocialists of the Region of Murcia (ESRM) – Initiative for El Hierro (IpH) – Republican Left (IR)		Antonio Maíllo	Socialism Communism						[86]
	Podemos	List We Can (Podemos) Green Alliance (AV)		Irene Montero	Left-wing populism Democratic socialism						[87] [88]
	ERC	List Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) Republican Left of the Valencian Country (ERPV)		Gabriel Rufián	Catalan independence Left-wing nationalism Social democracy	1.9%	7	— [f]
	Junts	List Together for Catalonia (JxCat) Democrats of Catalonia (DC) Left Movement (MES)		Míriam Nogueras	Catalan independence Sovereigntism Populism	1.6%	7	1.8%	1
	EH Bildu	List Basque Country Gather (EH Bildu) – Create (Sortu) – Basque Solidarity (EA) – Alternative (Alternatiba)		Mertxe Aizpurua	Basque independence Abertzale left Socialism	1.4%	6	— [f]
	EAJ/PNV	List Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ/PNV)		Maribel Vaquero	Basque nationalism Christian democracy	1.1%	5	1.3%	4		[89]
	BNG	List Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG) – Galician People's Union (UPG) – Galician Movement for Socialism (MGS) – Abrente–Galician Democratic Left (Abrente–EDG) – Galician Workers' Front (FOGA)		Néstor Rego	Galician nationalism Left-wing nationalism Socialism	0.6%	1	0.8%	0
	CCa	List Canarian Coalition (CCa) Independent Herrenian Group (AHI) United for Gran Canaria (UxGC) United for Mogán (JPM) The Strength of Santa Lucía (La Fortaleza) Assembly of Neighbors of San Mateo (AVESAN) Socialist Group for Lanzarote (ASL) Tejeda for the Change (Tejeda por el Cambio) Local Platform for Santa Brígida (PVSB) Guía Now (AG) Democratic Centre Coalition (CCD)		Cristina Valido	Regionalism Canarian nationalism Centrism	0.5%	1	0.3%	0
	UPN	List Navarrese People's Union (UPN)		Alberto Catalán	Regionalism Conservatism Christian democracy	0.2%	1	0.3%	1
	ERC– EH Bildu	List Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) Basque Country Gather (EH Bildu)		Mirella Cortès Gès	Left-wing nationalism	—		4.2%	7
	EFS	List Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) Unite Movement (SMR) United Left (EU) Now Ibiza (Ara Eivissa)		Juanjo Ferrer	Progressivism	—		0.0%	1
	ASG	List Gomera Socialist Group (ASG)		Fabián Chinea	Insularism Social democracy	—		0.0%	1
	AHI	List Independent Herrenian Group (AHI)		Javier Armas	Insularism Canarian nationalism Centrism	—		0.0%	1

The 2024 European Parliament election in Spain saw the electoral breakthrough of social media personality Luis "Alvise" Pérez who, running on a right-wing populist platform with his Se Acabó La Fiesta party (Spanish for "The Party is Over", SALF), secured 4.6% of the share. ^[90] Alvise announced in July 2024 that he was considering to run in the next general election, ^[91] but his public standing was damaged by an internal party crisis—which saw the defection of SALF's two other MEPs, amid accusations of bullying and blackmail ^{[92] [93]} —and several legal cases against him, including allegations of illegal financing, data leakage and harassment, which were investigated by the Supreme Court. ^{[94] [95] [96]} On 12 October 2025, Alvise formally launched his candidacy to the next general election at the Palacio Vistalegre arena. ^{[97] [98]}

Opinion polls

Main article: Opinion polling for the next Spanish general election

Local regression trend line of poll results from 23 July 2023 to the present day, with each line corresponding to a political party.

Notes

1. ERC does not field candidates outside of Catalonia (48 seats) and therefore cannot obtain a majority in parliament.
2. Junts does not field candidates outside of Catalonia (48 seats) and therefore cannot obtain a majority in parliament.
3. This seat allocation has been manually calculated by applying the electoral rules set out in the law, on the basis of the latest official population figures provided by the Spanish government as of 2025. As such, it should be deemed as a provisional, non-binding estimation. The definitive allocation will be determined by the election decree at the time of the parliament's dissolution. ^[58]
4. Part of the Compromís alliance.
5. José Luis Ábalos, former PSOE legislator. ^[81]
6. ERC and EH Bildu joined the Left for Independence alliance ahead of the 2023 Senate election.

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51. Constitution (1978) , arts. 90 & 99.
52. Constitution (1978) , arts. 74, 94, 122, 145, 155, 158–159 & 166–167.
53. LOREG (1985) , arts. 2–3.
54. Carreras de Odriozola & Tafunell Sambola 2005, p. 1077.
55. Constitution (1978) , art. 68.
56. LOREG (1985) , arts. 162–164.
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59. Constitution (1978) , art. 69.
60. LOREG (1985) , arts. 162 & 165–166.
61. Carreras de Odriozola & Tafunell Sambola 2005, p. 1083.
62. LOREG (1985) , arts. 46, 48 & 164.
63. Constitution (1978) , art. 70.
64. LOREG (1985) , arts. 6 & 154.
65. LOREG (1985) , art. 155.
66. LOREG (1985) , arts. 44 & 169.
67. LOREG (1985) , art. 44 bis.
68. LOREG (1985) , add. prov. 7.
69. Constitution (1978) , art. 68–69.
70. LOREG (1985) , arts. 42 & 167.
71. Constitution (1978) , arts. 115–116.
72. Constitution (1978) , art. 99.
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