Next Spanish general election

Last updated

Next Spanish general election
Flag of Spain.svg
  2023
No later than 22 August 2027

All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies and 208 (of 266) seats in the Senate
176 seats needed for a majority in the Congress of Deputies
Opinion polls
  Alberto Nunez Feijoo 2025b (cropped).jpg Pedro Sanchez 2026 (cropped).jpg Santiago Abascal 2025 (cropped).jpg
Leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo Pedro Sánchez Santiago Abascal
Party PP PSOE Vox
Leader since 2 April 2022 18 June 2017 20 September 2014
Leader's seat Madrid Madrid Madrid
Last election137 seats, 33.1%121 seats, 31.7%33 seats, 12.4%
Current seats13712133
Seats neededIncrease2.svg 39Increase2.svg 55Increase2.svg 143

  Portrait placeholder.svg Gabriel Rufian 2022 (cropped).jpg Miriam Nogueras 2015 (cropped).jpg
Leader TBD Gabriel Rufián Míriam Nogueras
Party Un Paso al Frente [a] ERC Junts
Leader since14 October 201912 March 2021
Leader's seat Barcelona Barcelona
Last election26 seats (Sumar) [b] 7 seats, 1.9%7 seats, 1.6%
Current seats2777
Seats neededIncrease2.svg 149 n/a [c] n/a [d]

Next Spanish general election map.svg
Constituencies for the Congress of Deputies

Incumbent Prime Minister

Pedro Sánchez
PSOE



A general election will be held in Spain no later than Sunday, 22 August 2027, to elect the members of the 16th Cortes Generales under the Spanish Constitution of 1978. All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies will be up for election, as well as 208 of 266 seats in the Senate.

Contents

Following the 2023 election, Pedro Sánchez was able to get re-elected as prime minister of Spain and form a third government—formed by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and Sumar—with the support of Together for Catalonia (Junts), in exchange for a controversial amnesty law. Tensions with the opposition People's Party (PP) and far-right Vox dominated Sánchez's third term, as well as an unraveling international situation (with the Middle Eastern crisis, the Gaza war, the tariff policy of the second Trump administration, and the ongoing war in Ukraine), economic growth amid a rising cost of living (together with an affordable housing crisis), and a number of corruption probes affecting the government (mainly, the Koldo case). Also notable were the alleged mismanagements of a number of environmental disasters by PP-controlled administrations (particularly the 2024 Valencian floods and the summer 2025 wildfires), sexual misconduct allegations affecting various parties and institutions, and increased scrutiny on the quality and condition of public services (particularly following the 2025 Iberian Peninsula blackout and the 2026 Adamuz and Gelida railway accidents).

While Sánchez has admitted to having twice hesitated whether to resign—once in April 2024, amid a judicial probe into his wife; and then in July 2025, after his second-in-command in the party, Santos Cerdán, resigned over the Koldo case—he has voiced his intention to run for a new term as prime minister in the next general election, which he has scheduled for 2027.

Background

The 2023 Spanish general election had seen the then prime minister Pedro Sánchez and his ruling coalition—formed by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and Sumar—being re-elected with the support of Together for Catalonia (Junts), in exchange for a controversial amnesty law for those tried and convicted for events related to the 2017–2018 Spanish constitutional crisis and the 2019–2020 Catalan protests. [6] [7] This deal sparked protests, which were particularly violent in the days before Sánchez's investiture as demonstrators stormed the PSOE's national headquarters in Madrid with the involvement of far-right organizations. [8] [9]

Sánchez's third term was dominated by a booming economy and a decline in unemployment, albeit amid a rising cost of living and an affordable housing crisis; [10] [11] but also by growing tensions with the People's Party (PP) and far-right Vox—both accused by the government of staging "lawfare", disinformation and harassment campaigns [12] —which saw Sánchez to briefly consider his resignation in April 2024, [13] after a controversial judicial probe into his wife, Begoña Gómez, for alleged influence peddling and misuse of public funds charges presented by the far-right proxy trade union Manos Limpias . [14] [15] [16] The quality and condition of public services also came under public scrutiny over a major blackout in the Iberian Peninsula in April 2025 and mounting breakdowns in rail transport in Spain, [17] [18] particularly following the Adamuz and Gelida accidents in January 2026 that resulted in a combined death toll of 47. [19] [20] On the international stage, Sánchez's government had to deal with the ongoing war in Ukraine, [21] the Middle Eastern crisis, [22] the tariff policy of the second Trump administration, [23] [24] and Spain's role within NATO. [25] [26] Its vocal opposition to the Gaza genocide saw Spanish recognition of Palestine and a hardening of relations with Israel, [27] [28] [29] as well as pro-Palestinian protests condemning the latter's participation in sports competitions (such as the 2025 Vuelta a España) [30] [31] and the country's RTVE joining others' bid to withdraw from the Eurovision Song Contest 2026 if Israel's presence was confirmed. [32] [33]

The Koldo case, involving former Transport minister Jose Luis Abalos and PSOE's organization secretary Santos Cerdan, became the focus of a corruption probe from 2024 onwards. Development Minister Abalos on December 14, 2018 (cropped).jpg
The Koldo case, involving former Transport minister José Luis Ábalos and PSOE's organization secretary Santos Cerdán, became the focus of a corruption probe from 2024 onwards.

Several political scandals affected the ruling PSOE government during this period: the Koldo case (seeing the involvement of former Transport minister José Luis Ábalos and PSOE's organization secretary Santos Cerdán), [34] [35] judicial probes into Sánchez's brother for alleged cronyism, [36] and Attorney General Álvaro García Ortiz for an alleged data leakage in a judicial investigation affecting Madrilenian president Isabel Díaz Ayuso's partner. [37] Throughout December 2025, corruption probes over alleged irregularities in public procurement affected the State Company for Industrial Investments (SEPI) holding company and ADIF, the country's railway infrastructure manager, leading to the arrest of a number of former officials and various police raids. [38] [39] [40] Some scandals also affected the opposition PP, seeing a judicial probe into Ayuso's partner for alleged tax fraud, forgery and organized crime; [41] alleged cash-for-favours, influence peddling, lobbying, police misconduct and deep state networks operated by the Finance and Interior ministries under Cristóbal Montoro and Jorge Fernández Díaz during the premiership of Mariano Rajoy; [42] [43] [44] and resume padding involving a large number of politicians. [45] Between 2024 and 2026, various parties and institutions were rocked by a number of sexual harassment allegations that prompted the resignation or dismissal of a number of officials at the national, regional and local levels; in many cases, political backlash extended to the parties' handling of the cases, seeing internal outcry being compared to the MeToo movement. [46] [47] [48] [49]

The botched handling of the deadly 2024 floods led to the resignation of Valencian president Carlos Mazon in November 2025. Valenciaflooding oli 20241030.jpg
The botched handling of the deadly 2024 floods led to the resignation of Valencian president Carlos Mazón in November 2025.

Relations between the PP and Vox remained ambivalent, being electoral competitors while needing each other to form governments at all levels of administration. [50] In July 2024, Vox's national leader Santiago Abascal forced the break up of all PP–Vox regional governments over a controversy regarding the nationwide distribution of unaccompanied migrant minors. [51] [52] [53] The alleged crisis mismanagement by PP-controlled regional administrations—including environmental disasters such as the October 2024 Valencian floods and the August 2025 Spanish wildfires, [54] [55] and public outrage at a mishandling in breast cancer screening protocols by the Andalusian Health Service [56] [57] [58] —was credited as fueling the rise of Vox, as it took advantage of growing anti-political sentiment, denialism, conspiracist ideation and fake news. [59] [60] [61] The issue of immigration (particularly following the 2025 Torre-Pacheco unrest), [62] [63] as well as a renewed attempt to limit abortion, [64] [65] [66] further dragged the PP into Vox's public discourse as doubts arose over the perceived weakness of Alberto Núñez Feijóo's leadership. [67] [68] [69] Particularly criticized was Feijóo's support of Valencian president Carlos Mazón after the latter's poor disaster response to the 2024 floods, with a death toll of 229 in the province of Valencia alone. [70] [71] Mazón ultimately resigned as regional president in November 2025. [72] [73] [74]

Junts withdrew its support from the government over its alleged failure to deliver on key commitments (with Catalonia's shifting political landscape and the rise of far-right Catalan Alliance being widely blamed for the move), [75] [76] but Sánchez was able to remain in office due to the PP being unable to secure enough support to pass a motion of censure. [77] [78] The end of 2025 saw the PP trying to capitalize on discontent with Sánchez's government by calling early elections in two of the regions it controlled, Extremadura and Aragon. [79] [80] While this move succeeded in forcing a string of PSOE defeats, it was also seen as backfiring on the PP as its regional branches failed to meet expectations, while Vox made the biggest gains and increased its power to secure concessions. [81] [82] [83]

In March 2026, the outbreak of war in Iran saw Sánchez openly reject the unilateral military action of the United States and Israel, as well as the attacks by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps against other Middle East countries, calling for immediate de-escalation and respect for international law. [84] The Spanish government's subsequent decision to deny the U.S. the use of joint military bases at Rota and Morón to carry out attacks on Iran resulted in a direct clash with President Donald Trump, who threatened to halt all trade with Spain and even impose an embargo. [85] [86] Sánchez responded by doubling down on his "no to war" position, [87] [88] while his government rebuked the White House press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, for suggesting Spain was willing to back U.S. military action. [89] [90] Drawing comparisons with Canada in 2025 (over the United States–Canada trade war) and Denmark in 2026 (over the Greenland crisis), various media outlets commented on whether the Trump–Sánchez row could trigger a rally 'round the flag effect owing to the former's broad unpopularity among progressive voters, [91] [92] [93] as the latter positioned himself as the main EU critic to Trump's presidency. [94] [95] [96]

Overview

Under the 1978 Constitution, the Spanish Cortes Generales are envisaged as an imperfect bicameral system. [97] [98] The Congress of Deputies has greater legislative power than the Senate, having the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a prime minister and to override Senate vetoes by an absolute majority of votes. [99] Nonetheless, the Senate possesses a limited number of functions—such as ratification of international treaties, authorization of collaboration agreements between autonomous communities, enforcement of direct rule, regulation of interterritorial compensation funds, and its role in constitutional amendment and in the appointment of members to the Constitutional Court and the General Council of the Judiciary—which are not subject to the Congress's override. [100]

Electoral system

Voting for each chamber of the Cortes Generales is on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprises all nationals over 18 years of age and in full enjoyment of their political rights, provided that they have not been sentenced—by a final court ruling—to deprivation of the right to vote. [101] [102]

The Congress of Deputies is entitled to a minimum of 300 and a maximum of 400 seats, with the electoral law setting its size at 350. 348 members are elected in 50 multi-member constituencies—corresponding to the provinces of Spain, with each being allocated an initial minimum of two seats and the remaining 248 being distributed in proportion to their populations—using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional voting system, with an electoral threshold of three percent of valid votes (which includes blank ballots) being applied in each constituency. The two remaining seats are allocated to Ceuta and Melilla as single-member districts and elected using plurality voting. [103] [104] The use of the electoral method may result in a higher effective threshold based on the district magnitude and the distribution of votes among candidacies. [105]

As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Congress multi-member constituency would be entitled the following seats (as of 11 December 2025): [e]

SeatsConstituencies
38 Madrid (+1)
32 Barcelona
16 Valencia
12 Alicante, Seville
11 Málaga
10 Murcia
8 A Coruña, Balearic Islands, Biscay, Cádiz (–1), Las Palmas
7 Asturias, Granada, Pontevedra, Zaragoza, Santa Cruz de Tenerife
6 Almería, Córdoba, Gipuzkoa, Girona, Tarragona, Toledo
5 Badajoz, Cantabria, Castellón, Ciudad Real, Huelva, Jaén, Navarre, Valladolid
4 Álava, Albacete, Burgos, Cáceres, La Rioja, León, Lleida, Lugo, Ourense, Salamanca
3 Ávila, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Huesca, Palencia, Segovia, Teruel, Zamora
2 Soria

208 seats in the Senate are elected using an open list partial block voting system: in constituencies electing four seats, electors can vote for up to three candidates; in those with two or three seats, for up to two candidates; and for one candidate in single-member districts. Each of the 47 peninsular provinces is allocated four seats, whereas for insular provinces, such as the Balearic and Canary Islands, districts are the islands themselves, with the larger (Mallorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife) being allocated three seats each, and the smaller (Menorca, IbizaFormentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma) one each. Ceuta and Melilla elect two seats each. Additionally, autonomous communities can appoint at least one senator each and are entitled to one additional senator per each million inhabitants. [107] [108] [109]

The law does not provide for by-elections to fill vacated seats; instead, any vacancies that occur after the proclamation of candidates and into the legislative term will be covered by the successive candidates in the list and, when required, by the designated substitutes. [110]

Eligibility

Spanish citizens of age and with the legal capacity to vote can run for election, provided that they are not sentenced to imprisonment by a final court ruling nor convicted, even if by a non-final ruling, to forfeiture of eligibility or to specific disqualification or suspension from public office under particular offences: rebellion, terrorism or other crimes against the state. Other causes of ineligibility are imposed on the following officials: [111] [112]

Other causes of ineligibility for both chambers are imposed on a number of territorial-level officers in the aforementioned categories—during their tenure of office—in constituencies within the whole or part of their respective area of jurisdiction, as well as employees of foreign states and members of regional governments. [111] [112] Incompatibility provisions extend to the president of the National Commission on Markets and Competition; members of RTVE's board and of the offices of the prime minister, the ministers and the secretaries of state; government delegates in port authorities, hydrographic confederations and toll highway concessionary companies; presidents and other high-ranking members of public entities, state monopolies, companies with majority public participation and public saving banks; deputies and senators elected on candidacies subsequently declared illegal by a final court ruling; as well as the impossibility of simultaneously holding the positions of deputy and senator or regional legislator. [113]

Election date

The term of each chamber of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expires four years from the date of their previous election, unless they are dissolved earlier. [114] The election decree shall be issued no later than the twenty-fifth day prior to the scheduled date of expiry of parliament and published on the following day in the Official State Gazette (BOE), with election day taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication. [115] The previous election was held on 23 July 2023, which means that the chambers' terms will expire on 23 July 2027. The election decree must be published in the BOE no later than 29 June 2027, with the election taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication, setting the latest possible date for election day on Sunday, 22 August 2027.

The prime minister has the prerogative to propose the monarch to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence is in process, no state of emergency is in force and that dissolution does not occur before one year has elapsed since the previous one. [116] Additionally, both chambers are to be dissolved and a new election called if an investiture process fails to elect a prime minister within a two-month period from the first ballot. [117] Barring this exception, there is no constitutional requirement for simultaneous elections to the Congress and the Senate. [118] Still, as of 2026, there has been no precedent of separate elections taking place under the 1978 Constitution.

Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has repeatedly voiced his will for the next general election to be held when due in 2027, [119] [120] particularly following the resignation in June 2025 of his party's organization secretary, Santos Cerdán, amid corruption allegations. [121] [122] However, the government's political strategy, uncertainty over the 2026 General State Budget, as well as Sánchez having previously promised to exhaust legislative terms before ultimately calling snap elections—in 2019 and 2023—has led to speculation that an early general election could be in the cards throughout 2026. [123] [124] The PP's aim to seek either an electoral "Super Sunday" or an election cascade by early 2026 by forcing several of their controlled autonomous communities to call early elections (with Extremadura, Castile and León, Andalusia and Aragon as the most likely candidates), [125] [126] [127] as well as uncertainty over the parliamentary support provided to Sánchez's government by Junts, were also commented as possible triggers of a snap general election. [128] [129]

Current parliament

The tables below show the composition of the parliamentary groups in both chambers at the present time. [130] [131]

Parties and candidates

The electoral law allows for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, alliances and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form an alliance ahead of an election are required to inform the relevant electoral commission within ten days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors need to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they seek election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates. Concurrently, parties, federations or alliances that have not obtained a mandate in either chamber of the Cortes at the preceding election are required to secure the signature of at least 0.1 percent of electors in the aforementioned constituencies. [137] Amendments to the electoral law in 2024 increased requirements for a balanced composition of men and women in the electoral lists through the use of a zipper system. [138]

A special, simplified process is provided for election re-runs, including a shortening of deadlines, electoral campaigning, the lifting of signature requirements if these had been already met for the immediately previous election and the possibility of maintaining lists and alliances without needing to go through pre-election procedures again. [139]

Below is a list of the main parties and electoral alliances which will likely contest the election:

CandidacyParties and
alliances
Leading candidateIdeologyPrevious resultGov.Ref.
CongressSenate
Vote %SeatsVote %Seats
PP
List
Alberto Nunez Feijoo 2025b (cropped).jpg Alberto Núñez Feijóo Conservatism
Christian democracy
33.1%13734.5%120Dark red x.svg
PSOE Pedro Sanchez 2026 (cropped).jpg Pedro Sánchez Social democracy 31.7%12132.2%72Check-green.svg [140]
Vox
List
Santiago Abascal 2025 (cropped).jpg Santiago Abascal Right-wing populism
Ultranationalism
National conservatism
12.4%3310.6%0Dark red x.svg
Un Paso
al Frente
[a]
List
Portrait placeholder.svg TBD Progressivism
Green politics
Democratic socialism

12.3%
[b]
31
11.1%
[b]
0Check-green.svg [141]
[142]
[143]
PodemosAV
List
Irene Montero 2024b (cropped).jpg Irene Montero Left-wing populism
Democratic socialism
Dark red x.svg [144]
[145]
ERC Gabriel Rufian 2022 (cropped).jpg Gabriel Rufián Catalan independence
Left-wing nationalism
Social democracy
1.9%7N/a [i] Dark red x.svg
Junts Miriam Nogueras 2015 (cropped).jpg Míriam Nogueras Catalan independence
Populism
1.6%71.8%1Dark red x.svg
EH Bildu
List
Mertxe Aizpurua 2023 (cropped).jpg Mertxe Aizpurua Basque independence
Abertzale left
Socialism
1.4%6N/a [i] Dark red x.svg
EAJ/PNV
List
Maribel Vaquero 2019b (cropped).jpg Maribel Vaquero Basque nationalism
Christian democracy
1.1%51.3%4Dark red x.svg [146]
BNG Nestor Rego 2016 (cropped).jpg Néstor Rego Galician nationalism
Left-wing nationalism
Socialism
0.6%10.8%0Dark red x.svg
CCa
List
Cristina Valido 2023 (cropped).jpg Cristina Valido Regionalism
Canarian nationalism
Centrism
0.5%10.3%0Dark red x.svg
UPN Alberto Catalan 2023 (cropped).jpg Alberto Catalán Regionalism
Conservatism
Christian democracy
0.2%10.3%1Dark red x.svg
ERC–
EH Bildu
Portrait placeholder.svg Mirella Cortès Left-wing nationalism N/a4.2%7Dark red x.svg
EFS Portrait placeholder.svg Juanjo Ferrer Progressivism N/a0.0%1Dark red x.svg
ASG Portrait placeholder.svg Fabián Chinea Insularism
Social democracy
N/a0.0%1Dark red x.svg
AHI Portrait placeholder.svg Javier Armas Insularism
Canarian nationalism
Centrism
N/a0.0%1Dark red x.svg

The 2024 European Parliament election in Spain saw the electoral breakthrough of social media personality Luis "Alvise" Pérez who, running on a right-wing populist platform with his Se Acabó La Fiesta party (Spanish for "The Party is Over", SALF), secured 4.6% of the share. [147] Alvise announced in July 2024 that he was considering to run in the next general election, [148] but his public standing was damaged by an internal party crisis—which saw the defection of SALF's two other MEPs, amid accusations of bullying and blackmail [149] [150] —and several legal cases against him, including allegations of illegal financing, data leakage and harassment, which are the subject of ongoing investigations by the Supreme Court. [151] [152] [153] On 12 October 2025, Alvise formally launched his candidacy to the next general election at the Palacio Vistalegre arena. [154] [155]

The PSOE and Sumar have reportedly been probing a prospective electoral alliance or cooperation agreement in over 30 of the smaller constituencies—mostly comprising those electing between three and five seats—where the latter's votes do not translate into seats but in which the former could compete for an additional seat with the PP or Vox. [156]

Opinion polls

OpinionPollingSpainGeneralElectionNext.svg
Local regression trend line of poll results from 23 July 2023 to the present day, with each line corresponding to a political party.

Notes

  1. 1 2 While the proposed alliance does not yet have an official name, the slogan of its launching event, Un Paso al Frente, has been used by various media to unofficially and provisionally refer to it. [1] [2] [3] [4]
  2. 1 2 3 Within the Sumar alliance in the 2023 election: SMR (10 seats), IU (5 seats), CatComú (5 seats), Podemos (5 seats), MM/MP (2 seats), Compromís (2 seats), CHA (1 seat) and Més (1 seat). [5]
  3. ERC does not field candidates outside of Catalonia (48 seats) and therefore cannot obtain a majority in parliament.
  4. Junts does not field candidates outside of Catalonia (48 seats) and therefore cannot obtain a majority in parliament.
  5. This seat allocation has been manually calculated by applying the electoral rules set out in the law, on the basis of the latest official population figures provided by the Spanish government as of 2026. As such, it should be deemed as a provisional, non-binding estimation. The definitive allocation will be determined by the election decree at the time of the parliament's dissolution. [106]
  6. Javier Ortega Smith, former Vox legislator. [133] [134]
  7. 1 2 Part of the Compromís alliance.
  8. José Ignacio Landaluce, former PP legislator. [136]
  9. 1 2 ERC and EH Bildu joined the Left for Independence alliance ahead of the 2023 Senate election.

References

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