The electoral process and the accuracy of the results have been historically disputed. Some of the causes of this controversy include the formation of a new cabinet before the results were clear, a lack of reliable electoral data, and the overestimation of election fraud in the official narrative that justified the coup d'état.[1][2][3][4] The topic has been addressed in seminal studies by renowned authors such as Javier Tusell and Stanley G. Payne.[5][6] A series of recent works has shifted the focus from the legitimacy of the election and the government to an analysis of the extent of irregularities.[7][8] Whilst one of them suggests that the impact of fraud was higher than previously estimated when including new election datasets, the other disputes their relevance in the election result.[7][8]
After the 1933 election, the Radical Republican Party (RRP) led a series of governments, with Alejandro Lerroux as a moderate Prime Minister. On 26 September 1934, the CEDA announced it would no longer support the RRP's minority government, which was replaced by a RRP cabinet, led by Lerroux once more, that included three members of the CEDA.[11] The concession of posts to CEDA prompted the Asturian miners' strike of 1934, which turned into an armed rebellion.[12] Some time later, Robles once again prompted a cabinet collapse, and five ministries of Lerroux's new government were conceded to CEDA, including Robles himself.[13] Since the 1933 elections, farm workers' wages had been halved, and the military purged of republican members and reformed; those loyal to Robles had been promoted.[14] However, since CEDA's entry into the government, no constitutional amendments were ever made; no budget was ever passed.[13]
In 1935, Manuel Azaña and Indalecio Prieto worked to unify the left and combat its extreme elements in what would become the Popular Front; this included staging of large, popular rallies,.[14] Lerroux's Radical government collapsed after two significant scandals, the Straperlo and the Nombela affairs. However, president Niceto Alcalá Zamora did not allow the CEDA to form a government, and called elections.[15] Zamora had become disenchanted with Robles's obvious desire to do away with the republic and establish a corporate state, and his air of pride. He was looking to strengthen a new center party in place of the Radicals, but the election system did not favour this.[16]Manuel Portela Valladares was thus chosen to form a caretaker government in the meantime. The Republic had, as its opponents pointed out, faced twenty-six separate government crises.[17] Portela failed to get the required support in the parliament to rule as a majority.[18] The government was dissolved on 4 January; the date for elections would be 16 February.[17]
As in the 1933 election, Spain was divided into multi-member constituencies; for example, Madrid was a single district electing 17 representatives. However, a voter could vote for fewer than that – in Madrid's case, 13. This favoured coalitions, as in Madrid in 1933 when the Socialists won 13 seats, and the right, with just 5,000 votes fewer, secured only the remaining four.[19]
Election
Electoral districts in proportion to number of mandates available, from Barcelona city (20) to Ceuta and Melilla (1 each)
Vatican Fascism offered you work and brought hunger; it offered you peace and brought five thousands tombs; it offered you order and raised a gallows. The Popular Front offers no more and no less than it will bring: Bread, Peace and Liberty!
There was significant violence during the election campaign, most of which initiated by the political left, though a substantial minority was by the political right.[citation needed] In total, some thirty-seven people were killed in various incidents throughout the campaign, ten of which occurred on the election day itself.[21][22] Certain press restrictions were lifted. The political right repeatedly warned of the risk of a 'red flag' – communism – over Spain; the Radical Republican Party, led by Lerroux, concentrated on besmirching the Centre Party.[20] CEDA, which continued to be the main party of the political right, struggled to gain the support of the monarchists, but managed to. Posters, however, had a distinctly fascist appeal, showing leader Gil-Robles alongside various autocratic slogans and he allowed his followers to acclaim him with cries of "Jefe!" (Spanish for "Chief!") in an imitation of "Duce!" or "Führer!".[23][24] Whilst few campaign promises were made, a return to autocratic government was implied.[23] Funded by considerable donations from large landowners, industrialists and the Catholic Church – which had suffered under the previous Socialist administration – the Right printed millions of leaflets, promising a 'great Spain'.[25] In terms of manifesto, the Popular Front proposed going back to the sort of reforms its previous administration had advocated, including important agrarian reforms, and reforms relating to strikes.[20] It would also release political prisoners, including those from the Asturian rebellion (though this provoked the right),[24] helping to secure the votes of the CNT and FAI, although as organisations they remained outside the growing Popular Front;[26] the Popular Front had the support of votes from anarchists.[27] The Communist Party campaigned under a series of revolutionary slogans; however, they were strongly supportive of the Popular Front government. "Vote Communist to save Spain from Marxism" was a Socialist joke at the time.[28] Devoid of strong areas of working class support, already taken by syndicalism and anarchism, they concentrated on their position within the Popular Front.[28] The election campaign was heated; the possibility of compromise had been destroyed by the left's Asturian rebellion and its cruel repression by the security forces. Both sides used apocalyptic language, declaring that if the other side won, civil war would follow.[24]
In Madrid the election day was rainy
34,000 members of the Civil Guards and 17,000 Assault Guards enforced security on election day, many freed from their regular posts by the carabineros.[20] The balloting on 16 February ended with a draw between the left and right, with the center effectively obliterated. In six provinces left-wing groups apparently interfered with registrations or ballots, augmenting leftist results or invalidating rightist pluralities or majorities.[29] In Galicia, in north-west Spain, and orchestrated by the incumbent government; there also, in A Coruña, by the political left. The voting in Granada was forcibly (and unfairly) dominated by the government.[30] In some villages, the police stopped anyone not wearing a collar from voting. Wherever the Socialists were poorly organised, farm workers continued to vote how they were told by their bosses or caciques. Similarly, some right-wing voters were put off from voting in strongly socialist areas.[31] However, such instances were comparatively rare.[32] By the evening, it looked like the Popular Front might win and as a result in some cases crowds broke into prisons to free revolutionaries detained there.[27][29]
Outcome
First round. RED: Popular Front at least 5% more votes than counter-revolutionary bloc, BLUE: the opposite, GREY: less than 5% difference or another list coming first
Just under 10 million people voted,[27] with an abstention rate of 27-29 per cent, a level of apathy higher than might be suggested by the ongoing political violence.[33][nb 2] A small number of coerced voters and anarchists formed part of the abstainers.[33] The elections of 1936 were narrowly won by the Popular Front, with vastly smaller resources than the political right, who followed Nazi propaganda techniques.[15] The exact numbers of votes differ among historians; Brenan assigns the Popular Front 4,700,000 votes, the Right around 4,000,000 and the centre 450,000,[34] while Antony Beevor argues the Left won by just 150,000 votes.[24] Stanley Payne reports that, of the 9,864,763 votes cast, the Popular Front and its allies won 4,654,116 votes (47.2%), while the right and its allies won 4,503,505 votes (45.7%), however this was heavily divided between the right and the centre-right. The remaining 526,615 votes (5.4%) were won by the centre and Basque nationalists.[35] It was a comparatively narrow victory in terms of votes, but Paul Preston describes it as a 'triumph of power in the Cortes'[36] – the Popular Front won 267 deputies and the Right only 132, and the imbalance caused by the nature of Spain's electoral system since the 1932 election law came into force. The same system had benefited the political right in 1933.[34] However, Stanley Payne argues that the leftist victory may not have been legitimate; Payne says that in the evening of the day of the elections leftist mobs started to interfere in the balloting and in the registration of votes distorting the results; Payne also argues that President Zamora appointed Manuel Azaña as head of the new government following the Popular Front's early victory even though the election process was incomplete. As a result, the Popular Front was able to register its own victory at the polls and Payne alleges it manipulated its victory to gain extra seats it should not have won. According to Payne, this augmented the Popular Front's victory into one that gave them control of over two-thirds of the seats, allowing it to amend the constitution as it desired. Payne thus argues that the democratic process had ceased to exist.[37] Roberto García and Manuel Tardío also argue that the Popular Front manipulated the results,[38] though this has been contested by Eduardo Calleja and Francisco Pérez, who question the charges of electoral irregularity and argue that the Popular Front would still have won a slight electoral majority even if all of the charges were true.[39]
Queue to polling station in Barcelona
The political centre did badly. Lerroux's Radicals, incumbent until his government's collapse, were electorally devastated; many of their supporters had been pushed to the right by the increasing instability in Spain. Portela Valladares had formed the Centre Party, but had not had time to build it up.[34] Worried about the problems of a minority party losing out due to the electoral system, he made a pact with the right, but this was not enough to ensure success. Leaders of the centre, Lerroux, Cambó and Melquíades Álvarez, failed to win seats.[34] The Falangist party, under José Antonio Primo de Rivera received only 46,000 votes, a very small fraction of the total cast. This seemed to show little appetite for a takeover of that sort.[40] The allocation of seats between coalition members was a matter of agreement between them.[41] The official results (Spanish: escrutinio) were recorded on 20 February.[27] The Basque Party, who had not at the time of the election been part of the Popular Front, would go on to join it.[32] In 20 seats, no alliance or party had secured 40% of the vote; 17 were decided by a second vote on 3 March.[42] In these runoffs, the Popular Front won 8, the Basques 5, the Right 5 and the Centre 2.[43] In May, elections were reheld in two areas of Granada where the new government alleged there had been fraud; both seats were taken from the national Right victory in February by the Left.[43]
Voting in Granada
Because, unusually, the first round produced an outright majority of deputies elected on a single list of campaign pledges, the results were treated as granting an unprecedented mandate to the winning coalition: some socialists took to the streets to free political prisoners, without waiting for the government to do so officially; similarly, the caretaker government quickly resigned on the grounds that waiting a month for the parliamentary resumption was now unnecessary.[44] In the thirty-six hours following the election, sixteen people were killed (mostly by police officers attempting to maintain order or intervene in violent clashes) and thirty-nine were seriously injured, while fifty churches and seventy conservative political centres were attacked or set ablaze.[45] Almost immediately after the results were known, a group of monarchists asked Robles to lead a coup but he refused. He did, however, ask prime minister Manuel Portela Valladares to declare a state of war before the revolutionary masses rushed into the streets. Franco also approached Valladares to propose the declaration of martial law and calling out of the army. It has been claimed that this was not a coup attempt but more of a "police action" akin to Asturias,[46][24][31] Valladares resigned, even before a new government could be formed. However, the Popular Front, which had proved an effective election tool, did not translate into a Popular Front government.[47]Largo Caballero and other elements of the political left were not prepared to work with the republicans, although they did agree to support much of the proposed reforms. Manuel Azaña was called upon to form a government, but would shortly replace Zamora as president.[47] The right reacted as if radical communists had taken control, despite the new cabinet's moderate composition, abandoned the parliamentary option and began to conspire as to how to best overthrow the republic, rather than taking control of it.[36][24] The military coup in Spain triggered the so-called ‘Spanish Revolution’, a spontaneous popular wave of collectivisation and cooperativism, engaging up to three million people, which was ignited by the victory of the left in the general election of 1936, a wave described by historian James Woodcock as “the last and largest of the world's major anarchist movements”.[48]
First-round results
A polling station
The below table summarises results of the first round, i.e. of the voting which took place on February 16. It does not take into account elections of the second round, which took place in 5 electoral districts (Álava, Castellón, Guipúzcoa, Soria, Vizcaya provincia) on March 1. It includes results in electoral districts (Cuenca, Granada), where results would be declared invalid, elections annulled and repeated in May.
The numbers given are votes, not voters. Each voter was entitled to vote for a number of candidates; the maximum number of selections allowed differed across the electoral districts, from 16 in Barcelona (city) to 1 in Álava, Ceuta and Melilla. All the selections made for individual candidates (there were 993 contestants running) are summarised. Example: Partido Republicano Federal fielded 3 candidates: Luis Cordero Bel on Frente Popular list in Huelva got 79.667 votes, Bernardino Valle Gracia on Frente Popular list in Las Palmas got 32.900 votes and José Bernal Segado running as independent in Murcia (city) got 1.329 votes, which produced sub-totals of 112.567 votes on Frente Popular lists and 1.329 votes for independents, which totals in 113.896 votes.
All tables purporting to present number of voters, which supported specific parties or blocs, are based on various statistical methodologies, constructed ex post by historians and intended to translate the number of votes into the number of voters; this applies also to tables presented in the section below.[nb 3] Their accuracy might be and is disputed.[nb 4] The below table is not based on any such data manipulations and summarises number of votes received by individual candidates as recorded by electoral authorities.[49]
party
Frente Popular 35.514.447
CEDA-led alliances 32.977.932
Portela-led alliances 2.582.542
independents & own lists 1.772.687
TOTAL SPAIN 72.847.608
Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas
15524558
60067
15584625
Partido Socialista Obrero Español
11827855
15187
11843042
Izquierda Republicana
9353291
186815
6457
9546563
Unión Republicana
4150491
87116
19231
4256838
non-party candidates
1142396
2310955
202587
256257
3912195
Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya
3701939
3701939
Partido del Centro Democrático
2072434
1385573
3458007
Lliga Regionalista
2705152
2705152
Renovación Española
2599381
52689
2652070
Partido Republicano Radical
2040614
997
479987
2521598
Partido Comunista de España
2260367
2260367
Comunión Tradicionalista
2120091
62833
2182924
Partido Agrario Español
194143
1493430
171126
1858699
Partido Republicano Progresista
868497
137630
1006127
Partido Republicano Liberal-Demócrata
905244
76480
19189
1000913
Acció Catalana Republicana
896275
896275
Unió Socialista de Catalunya
718274
718274
Partido Nacionalista Vasco
431970
431970
Partido Galleguista
426624
4991
431615
Partido Republicano Conservador
272674
108170
380844
Partido de Unión Republicana Autonomista
311201
311201
Partit Nacionalista Republicà d'Esquerra
278111
278111
Partit Català Proletari
256880
256880
Partido Obrero de Unificación Marxista
256723
256723
Partido Republicano Federal
112567
1329
113896
Partido Sindicalista
97667
97667
Falange Española
82939
82939
Partido Nacionalista Español
64902
64902
Acción Nacionalista Vasca
34987
34987
Acción Católica Obrera
265
265
Final results
Detailed results by region
Summary of the popular vote in the 16 February and 4 March 1936 Congress of Deputies election results[50]
R Joined the Republican parliamentary group together with the PCNR. EC Joined the Esquerra Catalana parliamentary group together with ERC. IR Joined the Izquierda Republicana parliamentary group with IR. BN Joined the Bloque Nacional parliamentary group with RE.
↑ All 6 in Andalusia, where the party is running with the Right
↑ Four of them in constituencies in which they run with the Right
↑ The 2 of them in Oviedo, where they present with the Right.
↑ 3 elected on centre-right lists and 1 on his own. Includes former prime minister Chapaprieta, minister Villalobos, former radical deputy Pascual and Galician rep Cornide.
Manuel Azaña Díaz was a Spanish politician who served as Prime Minister of the Second Spanish Republic, organizer of the Popular Front in 1935 and the last President of the Republic (1936–1939). He was the most prominent leader of the Republican cause during the Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939.
The Popular Front was an electoral alliance and pact formed in January 1936 to contest that year's general election by various left-wing political organizations during the Second Spanish Republic. The alliance was led by Manuel Azaña. In Catalonia and the modern-day Valencian Community, the coalition was known as the Front of the Lefts.
The Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista was a fascist political party founded in Spain in 1934 as merger of the Falange Española and the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista. FE de las JONS, which became the main fascist group during the Second Spanish Republic, ceased to exist as such when, during the Civil War, General Francisco Franco merged it with the Traditionalist Communion in April 1937 to form the similarly named Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS.
The Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas was a Spanish political party in the Second Spanish Republic. A Catholic conservative force, it was the political heir to Ángel Herrera Oria's Acción Popular and defined itself in terms of the 'affirmation and defence of the principles of Christian civilization,' translating this theoretical stand into a political demand for the revision of the anti-Catholic passages of the republican constitution. CEDA saw itself as a defensive organisation, formed to protect religious toleration, family, and private property rights. José María Gil-Robles declared his intention to "give Spain a true unity, a new spirit, a totalitarian polity..." and went on to say "Democracy is not an end but a mean to achieve the conquest of the new state. When the time comes, either parliament submits or we will eliminate it." The CEDA held Fascist-style rallies, called Gil-Robles "Jefe", the Castillian Spanish equivalent to Duce, and sometimes debated whether CEDA might lead a "March on Madrid" to forcefully seize power.
The Labor Party is a political party in Mexico. It was founded on 8 December 1990. The party is currently led by Alberto Anaya.
Niceto Alcalá-Zamora y Torres was a Spanish lawyer and politician who served, briefly, as the first prime minister of the Second Spanish Republic, and then—from 1931 to 1936—as its president.
José María Gil-Robles y Quiñones de León was a Spanish politician, leader of the CEDA and a prominent figure in the period leading up to the Spanish Civil War. He served as Minister of War from May to December 1935. In the 1936 elections the CEDA was defeated, and support for Gil-Robles and his party evaporated. Gil-Robles was unwilling to struggle with Francisco Franco for power and in April 1937 he announced the dissolution of CEDA, and went into exile. Abroad, he negotiated with Spanish monarchists to try to arrive at a common strategy for taking power in Spain. In 1968 he was named a professor of the University of Oviedo and published his book No fue posible la paz . After the death of Franco and the end of his regime, Gil-Robles became one of the leaders of the "Spanish Christian Democracy" party, which however failed to win support in the Spanish general elections in 1977.
The Spanish Republic, commonly known as the Second Spanish Republic, was the form of democratic government in Spain from 1931 to 1939. The Republic was proclaimed on 14 April 1931 after the deposition of King Alfonso XIII. It was dissolved on 1 April 1939 after surrendering in the Spanish Civil War to the Nationalists led by General Francisco Franco.
The Radical Republican Party, sometimes shortened to the Radical Party, was a Spanish Radical party in existence between 1908 and 1936. Beginning as a splinter from earlier Radical parties, it initially played a minor role in Spanish parliamentary life, before it came to prominence as one of the leading political forces of the Spanish Republic.
Elections to Spain's legislature, the Cortes Generales, were held on 19 November 1933 for all 473 seats in the unicameral Cortes of the Second Spanish Republic. Since the previous elections of 1931, a new constitution had been ratified, and the franchise extended to more than six million women. The governing Republican-Socialist coalition had fallen apart, with the Radical Republican Party beginning to support a newly united political right.
The 1931 Spanish general election for the Constituent Cortes was the first such election held in the Second Republic. It took place in several rounds.
The Asturian miners' strike of 1934 was a major strike action undertaken by miners in Asturias against the new government which involved the CEDA, from October 4-19. The strike and subsequent demonstrations eventually developed into a violent revolutionary uprising in an attempt to overthrow the conservative regime. The revolutionaries took over Asturias by force, killing many of the province's police and religious leaders. Armed with dynamite, rifles, and machine guns, they destroyed religious buildings, such as churches and convents. The rebels officially declared a Proletarian Revolution and instituted a local government in the territory. The rebellion was crushed by the Spanish Navy and the Spanish Republican Army, the latter using mainly colonial troops from Spanish Morocco.
The background of the Spanish Civil War dates back to the end of the 19th century, when the owners of large estates, called latifundios, held most of the power in a land-based oligarchy. The landowners' power was unsuccessfully challenged by the industrial and merchant sectors. In 1868 popular uprisings led to the overthrow of Queen Isabella II of the House of Bourbon. In 1873 Isabella's replacement, King Amadeo I of the House of Savoy, abdicated due to increasing political pressure, and the short-lived First Spanish Republic was proclaimed. After the restoration of the Bourbons in December 1874, Carlists and anarchists emerged in opposition to the monarchy. Alejandro Lerroux helped bring republicanism to the fore in Catalonia, where poverty was particularly acute. Growing resentment of conscription and of the military culminated in the Tragic Week in Barcelona in 1909. After the First World War, the working class, the industrial class, and the military united in hopes of removing the corrupt central government, but were unsuccessful. Fears of communism grew. A military coup brought Miguel Primo de Rivera to power in 1923, and he ran Spain as a military dictatorship. Support for his regime gradually faded, and he resigned in January 1930. There was little support for the monarchy in the major cities, and King Alfonso XIII abdicated; the Second Spanish Republic was formed, whose power would remain until the culmination of the Spanish Civil War. Monarchists would continue to oppose the Republic.
Catholicism in the Second Spanish Republic was an important area of dispute, and tensions between the Catholic hierarchy and the Republic were apparent from the beginning, eventually leading to the Catholic Church acting against the Republic and in collaboration with the dictatorship of Francisco Franco.
The events of 6 October were a general strike, armed insurgency and declaration of a Catalan State in Catalonia during the Revolution of 1934 on 6 October 1934.
The Revolution of 1934, also known as the Revolution of October 1934 or the Revolutionary General Strike of 1934, was an uprising during the "black biennium" of the Second Spanish Republic between 5 and 19 October 1934.
Artemio Precioso García was a Spanish writer, publisher and civil servant. He is known as the author of some 30 novels, published mostly in the 1920s and intended for popular audience. He contributed to numerous press titles and managed some usually ephemeral periodicals himself. Politically he was related to moderate left-wing republicanism; in 1934 he served as civil governor of the province of Toledo, and in 1934-1936 at the same post in Lugo.
The Catalan State was a short-lived state that existed in Catalonia from 6 to 7 October 1934 during the Events of 6 October. The Catalan State was proclaimed by Lluís Companys, the left-wing President of the Generalitat of Catalonia, as a state "within the Spanish Federal Republic" in response to members of the right-wing CEDA party being included in the government of Second Spanish Republic. The Catalan State was immediately suppressed by the Spanish Army led by General Domènec Batet and Companys surrendered the next day.
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General elections were held in Uruguay on 27 October 2024. Since no presidential candidate received a majority in the first round of voting, a runoff took place on 24 November 2024, with Yamandú Orsi of the Broad Front defeating Álvaro Delgado of the Republican Coalition.The Constitution never mentioned whether the electoral list are to be made public, publish in an language other Spanish such as Guarani, German, Portuguese,Francais, Italian, allows non Spanish-descendents to vote.
↑ exact figures as to the number of voters, the number of electors and the turnout differ. The number of voters is quoted as 9.864.783 (Stanley G. Payne, Spain’s First Democracy, Madison 1993, ISBN 9780299136703, p. 274), 9.729.454 (Albert Carreras, Xavier Tafunell (eds.), Estadísticas históricas de España, vol. I, Bilbao 2005, ISBN 849651501X, p. 1098), 9.687.108 (Manuel Álvarez Tardío, Roberto Villa García, 1936, fraude y violencia en las elecciones del Frente Popular, Barcelona 2017, ISBN 9788467049466, p. 412) or 9.572.908 (Juan J. Linz, Jesús de Miguel, Hacia un análisis regional de las elecciones de 1936 en España, [in:] Revista Española de la Opinion Pública 48 (1977), p. 34. Internet sources might provide even different figures, e.g. 9.792.700 (HistoriaElectoral website). The number of electors, e.g. Spaniards entitled to vote, is given as 13.578.056 (Álvarez Tardío, Villa García 2017, p. 412), 13.553.710 (Payne 1993, p. 274) or 13.338.262 (Carreras, Tafunell 2005, p. 1098). Accordingly, the turnout rate which emerges from these figures might be calculated as 72,97% (Carreras, Tafunell 2005, p. 1098), 72,78 (Payne 1993, p. 274) or 71,34% (Álvarez Tardío, Villa García 2017, p. 412).
↑ the most popular method of translating the number of votes into the number of voters is dividing the number of votes obtained in an electoral district by the number of votes an individual voter was entitled to cast. Example: in the province of Albacete there were 5 candidates running on the list of Frente Popular. The sum of votes cast for each of them is 284.181. In the province a single voter was entitled to cast 5 votes. The calculation is 284.181/5=56.836, i.e. it is assumed that in the province of Albacete, 56.836 people voted for Frente Popular. In districts where the block-voting pattern prevailed, this calculation is non-controversial. However, since split-voting was legally allowed, in districts where panachage was a noticeable phenomenon, this calculation might be misleading. Another problem is related to provinces, where a specific alliance fielded more/less candidates than the number of votes an individual voter was entitled to cast, e.g. in Navarre the counter-revolutionary block fielded 7 candidates while each voter was entitled to cast 5 votes. Also, while this method might work for calculating support enjoyed by electoral lists (which included a number of candidates), it is not suitable for calculating support obtained by individual candidates. Alternative methods are based on calculations related to the most-voted individual candidate on a given list, or on calculations based on average number of votes obtained by all candidates on a given list
↑ compare e.g. José Luis Martín Ramos, Mucho ruido y pocas nueces. La falsedad del fraude del Frente popular, [in:] Nuestra historia 3 (2017), p. 158; the author claims that Alvarez Tardio and Villa Garcia manipulate results by applying wrong calculation method and opts for a most voted candidate instead of an average
↑ Payne, S.G. and Palacios, J., 2014. Franco: A personal and political biography. University of Wisconsin Pres. p. 101
↑ Tardío, Manuel Álvarez. "The Impact of Political Violence During the Spanish General Election of 1936." Journal of Contemporary History 48, no. 3 (2013): 463–485.
↑ Payne, S.G. and Palacios, J., 2014. Franco: A personal and political biography. University of Wisconsin Pres. p. 105
↑ García, Roberto Villa, and Manuel Álvarez Tardío. 1936. Fraude y violencia en las elecciones del Frente Popular. Espasa, 2017.
↑ Calleja, Eduardo González, and Francisco Sánchez Pérez. "Revisando el revisionismo. A propósito del libro 1936. Fraude y violencia en las elecciones del Frente Popular." Historia Contemporánea 3, no. 58 (2018).
↑ Alvarez Tardio, Manuel. "Mobilization and political violence following the Spanish general elections of 1936." REVISTA DE ESTUDIOS POLITICOS 177 (2017): 147–179.
↑ James Woodcock, Anarchism (1962), London: Penguin, 1970, 374)
↑ based on data as reproduced in Manuel Alvarez Tardio, Roberto Villa Garcia, 1936. Fraude y violencia en las elecciones del Frente Popular, Barcelona 2017, ISBN 9788467054736, pp. 580-599
Beevor, Antony (2006). The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936–1939. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN0-297-84832-1.
Brenan, Gerald (1950). The Spanish Labyrinth: an account of the social and political background of the Spanish Civil War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-04314-X.
Ehinger, Paul H. "Die Wahlen in Spanien von 1936 und der Bürgerkrieg von 1936 bis 1939. Ein Literaturbericht," ['The 1936 elections in Spain and the civil war of 1936–39: a bibliographical essay'] Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Geschichte (1975) 25#3 pp 284–330, in German.
Thomas, Hugh (1961). The Spanish Civil War (1ed.). London: Eyre and Spottiswoode.
Vilanova, Mercedes. "Las elecciones republicanas de 1931 a 1936, preludio de una guerra y un exilo" Historia, Antropologia y Fuentes Orales (2006) Issue 35, pp 65–81.
Villa García, Roberto. "The Failure of Electoral Modernization: The Elections of May 1936 in Granada," Journal of Contemporary History (2009) 44#3 pp.401–429 in JSTOR
Villa García, Roberto; Álvarez Tardío, Manuel (2017). 1936. Fraude y violencia en las elecciones del Frente Popular. Espasa. ISBN978-8467049466.
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