Author | Robert Reich |
---|---|
Language | English |
Subject | Capitalism, democracy |
Publisher | Alfred A. Knopf |
Publication date | September 4, 2007 |
Publication place | United States |
Media type | Print (hardcover, paperback), e-book, audiobook |
Pages | 288 |
Preceded by | Reason: Why Liberals Will Win the Battle for America |
Followed by | Aftershock: The Next Economy and America's Future |
Supercapitalism: The Transformation of Business, Democracy, and Everyday Life ( ISBN 0-307-26561-7) is a book written by Robert Reich and published by New York publishing house Alfred A. Knopf in 2007. Reich was President Bill Clinton's Secretary of Labor.
In the book, Reich analyses the relationship between contemporary capitalism and democracy. "Why has capitalism become so triumphant and democracy so enfeebled?", he asks. He explains how in the relentless fight for profit, investors and consumers have made gains, but citizens and the democratic process have fallen behind.
Reich sets out to compare the three decades after World War II with the recent decades noting that in that "Not Quite Golden Age" the interests of business, labor, community and government were generally in balance (the times were "Not Quite Golden" as sizable segments of the population were excluded, namely minorities and women). This balance of capitalism and democracy became unhinged in the 1970s with the advent of supercapitalism, Reich's term for the capitalistic system where companies have become more competitive, global and innovative seeking the highest profits for investors and offering the lowest prices for consumers. Advances in communication, technology, transportation and the concentrated power of innovative buying systems have created a far more competitive business environment. In this environment, corporations have become increasingly involved in politics and are now fighting in the political arena hiring "platoons of lobbyists, lawyers, experts and public-relations specialists" to shape government regulations to their advantage or the disadvantage of their competition. Their public relations masters shape the debates while their money fuels the political process. In this relentless fight about economic gains, investors and consumers profit. On the other side, the needs of the citizenry with an interest in social stability and the common good are neglected. Their voice is lost and their political impact marginalized. Reich supports his analysis with many examples. Reich indicates that our own dual nature being both investor/consumer and citizen is the problem as we look for a bargain, but close our eyes to the reality of its economic base; we may drive an SUV, but deplore climate change; and we look for high investment returns, but fail to invest with a long-term vision and moral insight.
Reich rejects the notion that corporations are people and are being invested with anthropomorphic qualities, saying: "Corporations are legal fictions, nothing more than bundles of contractual agreements" (p. 216). He says that corporations cannot be blamed for "corporate greed", nor can they be expected to promote the common good. They are legal entities with the purpose to make profits for investors and shareholders. A corporation will do its best to thrive within the framework that it is given; if it does not do so, it is at risk to be surpassed by the competition. Reich endeavors to debunk the concept of "corporate social responsibility", so it should not be the role of corporations to provide health coverage. Corporations are not people and should not be taxed, instead their investors and shareholder need to be taxed on the profits, for example. Corporations should not have the legal standing of a person in court and cannot act with criminal intent as "they have no human capacity for intent" (p. 219). Reich says corporations need to be subject to corporate civil liability as investors should not profit from illegal activity.
For Reich, unequivocally, the democratic process should be left only to people, not corporations. "Consumers, investors, executives and other employees all have a right to advance their interest in a democracy" (p. 223), but individually, not through anthropomorphic entities. A clear separation of business and politics will not be easy because "the largest impediment to reform is one brazen fact: Many politicians and lobbyists want to continue to extort money from the private sector. That's how politicians keep their hold on power and lobbyists keep their hold on money". For Reich, the first step to free democracy from the corporate encumbrance "is to get our thinking straight" (p. 225).
Robert Frank ( The New York Times ) describes Reich's book as a "grand debunking of conventional wisdom in the style of John Kenneth Galbraith" and indicates that "the main thrust of Reich’s argument is right on target". [1]
Terry Burnham ( Los Angeles Times ) comments that "Reich’s view that our own human nature lies at the root of modern woes stands in refreshing contrast to standard left-right rhethoric". However, he faults Reich on his view of economic history and opines that American companies make enough profits to support social issues. [2] Andrew Peaple writes that Reich's book is not a standard left-wing polemic and finds his list of remedies too short. [3]
Michael Maiello ( Forbes ) comments that "Reich turns the standard liberal critique of corporations on its head" when he asserts that it is the agenda of corporations just to pursue profits and "the government’s job to safeguard the social welfare" and remains unconvinced that Reich has a solution to the problem of entrenched political interests and citizen detachment. [4]
Crony capitalism, sometimes also called simply cronyism, is a pejorative term used in political discourse to describe a situation in which businesses profit from a close relationship with state power, either through an anti-competitive regulatory environment, direct government largesse, and/or corruption. Examples given for crony capitalism include obtainment of permits, government grants, tax breaks, or other undue influence from businesses over the state's deployment of public goods, for example, mining concessions for primary commodities or contracts for public works. In other words, it is used to describe a situation where businesses thrive not as a result of free enterprise, but rather collusion between a business class and the political class.
Capitalism is an economic system based on the private ownership of the means of production and their operation for profit. Central characteristics of capitalism include capital accumulation, competitive markets, price systems, private property, property rights recognition, self-interest, economic freedom, meritocracy, work ethic, consumer sovereignty, profit motive, entrepreneurship, commodification, voluntary exchange, wage labor, sustenance and the production of commodities. In a market economy, decision-making and investments are determined by owners of wealth, property, or ability to maneuver capital or production ability in capital and financial markets—whereas prices and the distribution of goods and services are mainly determined by competition in goods and services markets.
Corporatocracy is an economic, political and judicial system controlled by business corporations or corporate interests.
State capitalism is an economic system in which the state undertakes business and commercial economic activity and where the means of production are nationalized as state-owned enterprises. The definition can also include the state dominance of corporatized government agencies or of public companies in which the state has controlling shares.
A dividend is a distribution of profits by a corporation to its shareholders, after which the stock exchange decreases the price of the stock by the dividend to remove volatility. The market has no control over the stock price on open on the ex-dividend date, though often than not it may open higher. When a corporation earns a profit or surplus, it is able to pay a portion of the profit as a dividend to shareholders. Any amount not distributed is taken to be re-invested in the business. The current year profit as well as the retained earnings of previous years are available for distribution; a corporation is usually prohibited from paying a dividend out of its capital. Distribution to shareholders may be in cash or, if the corporation has a dividend reinvestment plan, the amount can be paid by the issue of further shares or by share repurchase. In some cases, the distribution may be of assets.
Corporate welfare is a phrase used to describe a government's bestowal of money grants, tax breaks, or other special favorable treatment for corporations.
Robert Bernard Reich is an American professor, author, lawyer, and political commentator. He worked in the administrations of presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter, and served as Secretary of Labor from 1993 to 1997 in the cabinet of President Bill Clinton. He was also a member of President Barack Obama's economic transition advisory board.
Corporate social responsibility (CSR) or corporate social impact is a form of international private business self-regulation which aims to contribute to societal goals of a philanthropic, activist, or charitable nature by engaging in, with, or supporting professional service volunteering through pro bono programs, community development, administering monetary grants to non-profit organizations for the public benefit, or to conduct ethically oriented business and investment practices. While once it was possible to describe CSR as an internal organizational policy or a corporate ethic strategy similar to what is now known today as Environmental, Social, Governance (ESG); that time has passed as various companies have pledged to go beyond that or have been mandated or incentivized by governments to have a better impact on the surrounding community. In addition, national and international standards, laws, and business models have been developed to facilitate and incentivize this phenomenon. Various organizations have used their authority to push it beyond individual or industry-wide initiatives. In contrast, it has been considered a form of corporate self-regulation for some time, over the last decade or so it has moved considerably from voluntary decisions at the level of individual organizations to mandatory schemes at regional, national, and international levels. Moreover, scholars and firms are using the term "creating shared value", an extension of corporate social responsibility, to explain ways of doing business in a socially responsible way while making profits.
Eco-capitalism, also known as environmental capitalism or (sometimes) green capitalism, is the view that capital exists in nature as "natural capital" on which all wealth depends. Therefore, governments should use market-based policy-instruments to resolve environmental problems.
In social science and economics, corporate capitalism is a capitalist marketplace characterized by the dominance of hierarchical and bureaucratic corporations.
Shareholder value is a business term, sometimes phrased as shareholder value maximization. It became prominent during the 1980s and 1990s along with the management principle value-based management or "managing for value".
Managerialism is the reliance on professional managers and organizational strategies to run an organisation. It may be justified in terms of efficiency, or characterized as an ideology. It is a belief system that requires little or no evidence to justify itself. Thomas Diefenbach associates managerialism with a belief in hierarchy. Other scholars have linked managerialism to control, accountability, measurement, strategic planning and a belief in the importance of tightly-managed organizations.
Cooperative federalism is a school of thought in the field of cooperative economics. Historically, its proponents have included J.T.W. Mitchell, Charles Gide, Paul Lambert, and Beatrice Webb.
"Socialism for the rich and capitalism for the poor" is a classical political-economic argument asserting that, in advanced capitalist societies, state policies assure that more resources flow to the rich than to the poor, for example in the form of transfer payments.
The Friedman doctrine, also called shareholder theory, is a normative theory of business ethics advanced by economist Milton Friedman which holds that the social responsibility of business is to increase its profits. This shareholder primacy approach views shareholders as the economic engine of the organization and the only group to which the firm is socially responsible. As such, the goal of the firm is to increase its profits and maximize returns to shareholders. Friedman argues that the shareholders can then decide for themselves what social initiatives to take part in, rather than have an executive whom the shareholders appointed explicitly for business purposes decide such matters for them.
Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), is a landmark decision of the Supreme Court of the United States regarding campaign finance laws and free speech under the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The court held 5–4 that the freedom of speech clause of the First Amendment prohibits the government from restricting independent expenditures for political campaigns by corporations, nonprofit organizations, labor unions, and other associations.
Supercapitalism was a concept introduced by Benito Mussolini in a speech given in November 1933 to the National Council of Corporations of the Kingdom of Italy. Mussolini gave this speech in the context of the ongoing Great Depression, and he attempted to explain the economic crisis in the world at the time by arguing that capitalism had gradually degenerated from its original form: first there had been dynamic or heroic capitalism (1830–1870), followed by static capitalism (1870–1914), in turn followed by the final form of decadent capitalism, known also as supercapitalism, which began in 1914. Mussolini claimed that at the stage of supercapitalism "a capitalist enterprise, when difficulties arise, throws itself like a dead weight into the state's arms. It is then that state intervention begins and becomes more necessary. It is then that those who once ignored the state now seek it out anxiously".
An evil corporation is a trope in popular culture that portrays a corporation as ignoring social responsibility, morality, ethics, and sometimes laws in order to make profit for its shareholders. In rare cases, the corporation may be well intentioned but extremist, engaging in noble cause corruption.
Economic democracy is a socioeconomic philosophy that proposes to shift ownership and decision-making power from corporate shareholders and corporate managers to a larger group of public stakeholders that includes workers, consumers, suppliers, communities and the broader public. No single definition or approach encompasses economic democracy, but most proponents claim that modern property relations externalize costs, subordinate the general well-being to private profit and deny the polity a democratic voice in economic policy decisions. In addition to these moral concerns, economic democracy makes practical claims, such as that it can compensate for capitalism's inherent effective demand gap.
Anti-corporate activism is activism directed against the private sector, particularly larger corporations. It is premised on the belief that the activities and impacts of big business are detrimental to the good of the public and democratic process.