Author | Richard Rothstein |
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Subject | Jim Crow, redlining |
Publisher | Liveright |
Publication date | May 2, 2017 |
Pages | 368 pp. |
Awards | 2018 Hillman Prize for Book Journalism [1] |
ISBN | 978-1-63149-285-3 |
OCLC | 959808903 |
305.8 | |
LC Class | E185.61 |
The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America is a 2017 book by Richard Rothstein on the history of racial segregation in the United States. The book documents the history of state sponsored segregation stretching back to the late 1800s and exposes racially discriminatory policies put forward by most presidential administrations in that time, including liberal presidents like Franklin Roosevelt. [2] The author argues that intractable segregation in America is primarily the result of explicit government policies at the local, state, and federal levels, also known as de jure segregation — rather than the actions of individuals or private companies, or de facto segregation. [3] Among other discussions, the book provides a history of subsidized housing and discusses the phenomenons of white flight, blockbusting, and racial covenants, and their role in housing segregation. Rothstein wrote the book while serving as a research associate for the Economic Policy Institute, where he is now a Distinguished Fellow.
The book has been reviewed many times and was received with critical acclaim; among other honors, it made the longlist for the 2017 National Book Awards, [4] was placed at number four on Publishers Weekly 's Top 10 Best Books of 2017, [5] and won Rothstein the 2018 Hillman Prize for Book Journalism. [1] It went on to become a bestseller during the mid-2020 resurgence of national interest in racial injustice following the George Floyd protests. [6] As of the December 20th, 2020 issue, the book has spent 32 total weeks on The New York Times Best Seller list. [7]
At the time of the book's release, Rothstein was a research associate at the Economic Policy Institute [2] [8] and a fellow Haas Institute at the University of California, Berkeley. [9] He is currently a Distinguished Fellow at the Policy Institute, a senior fellow emeritus at the Thurgood Marshall Institute of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, and is considered a leading authority on housing policy in the United States. [1] He has previously written several other articles on race and educational accountability and is the author of several other books in the area, including Class and Schools: Using Social, Economic and Educational Improvement to Close the Black-White Achievement Gap and Grading Education: Getting Accountability Right. [1]
Table of contents | |
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Chapter | Title |
1 | If San Francisco, then Everywhere? |
2 | Public Housing, Black Ghettos |
3 | Racial Zoning |
4 | "Own Your Own Home" |
5 | Private Agreements, Government Enforcement |
6 | White Flight |
7 | IRS Support and Compliant Regulators |
8 | Local Tactics |
9 | State-Sanctioned Violence |
10 | Suppressed Incomes |
11 | Looking Forward, Looking Back |
12 | Considering Fixes |
The book is composed of twelve chapters and includes an epilogue as well as an appendix of frequently asked questions. [10] The first chapter of the book, "If San Francisco, then Everywhere?", argues that the racially disparate policies instituted by the otherwise liberal governments of cities such as San Francisco is evidence of a widespread problem. [10] Chapter two discusses the history of subsidized housing in the United States. [10] The third chapter covers policies of "racial zoning", where local zoning ordinances lead to the segregation of white and black neighborhoods. [10] Chapter four discusses a program by the US government, the Own-Your-Own-Home campaign, that systematically made it easier for white people to buy and pay off new homes in suburbs in the early 1900s. [10] The fifth chapter discusses police and court enforcement of private agreements forbidding the sale of homes in white neighborhoods to blacks and other minorities. [10] Many of these agreements were in the form of covenants in a house's deed which explicitly blocked sales of the homes to anyone not of the "Caucasian race". [10] Chapter six discusses white flight and blockbusting tactics used by real estate agents to accelerate the migration in order to make a profit. [10]
Segregation is categorized into two types by Rothstein, de jure and de facto. [10] While de facto segregation simply exists due to people's habits, de jure segregation is the result of laws and ordinances that discriminate against minorities. In the preface of the book, Rothstein argues that, if it can be shown that housing segregation in America is the result of de jure factors rather than simply de facto, then all Americans have a constitutional obligation to remedy the problem. [2] The book is devoted to arguing that intractable segregation in America is de jure in nature, being the result of explicit government policies at the local, state, and federal levels. [3] Focusing on post-Reconstruction racial segregation in the United States, the book provides a history of subsidized housing, the phenomenons of white flight and blockbusting, and the concept of racial covenants, which all factor into the history of housing segregation in America. [10] In the book's discussions of the history of subsidized housing, it exposes policies in FDR's New Deal that oversaw construction of public housing, built with federal tax dollars, in which African Americans were systematically excluded. [9] Among discussions of other government programs to the same end, the book finds that African Americans were excluded from most FHA insured loans, due to the high risk of providing mortgages on homes in racially mixed neighborhoods, and shows a pattern of US courts upholding private exclusionary agreements, known as covenants, which forbade the sale of homes to minority groups. [9]
The book was published in New York in May 2017 by Liveright Publishing, an imprint of W. W. Norton & Company. It was originally published in hardback with ISBN 978-1-63149-285-3 and in e-book format with ISBN 978-1-63149-286-0, while a paperback edition with ISBN 978-1-63149-453-6 was published a year later. In addition to the publications by Liveright, Recorded Books released an audiobook edition in October 2017.
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: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) (paperback)The book has received many reviews in newspapers, magazines, periodicals, and scientific journals and has been listed on The New York Times Non-Fiction Paperback Best Seller list for non-fiction paperback books over two dozen times. Among others, the book was reviewed by Francesca Russello Ammon, [8] David Oshinsky, [2] Anna Richardson, [9] Terry Gross, [11] and Jacqueline Jones. [12] Reviews have been published in several newspapers, including The New York Times , [2] The Washington Post , [6] NPR, [11] The Tampa Bay Times , [3] and The Baltimore Sun , [13] as well as several popular magazines and periodicals, such as Publishers Weekly , [14] Slate Magazine , [15] [16] The New York Review of Books , [17] The Los Angeles Review of Books , [9] The Kenyon Review , [18] Kirkus Reviews , [19] Dissent Magazine , [12] and Jacobin . [20] It has also received many reviews in history journals, [21] [22] [23] [10] education journals, [24] [25] and administrative and planning journals. [26] [27] [28] [29] [30]
In The New York Times Book Review for the work, written by David Oshinsky in June 2017, the book is called "a powerful and disturbing history of residential segregation in America". [2] Oshinsky went on to write that "[o]ne of the great strengths of Rothstein's account is the sheer weight of evidence he marshals." [2] After some analysis of the book and a discussion of background information, Oshinsky closes the review by writing that "[w]hile the road forward is far from clear, there is no better history of this troubled journey than The Color of Law." [2]
In her November 2017 review, Anna Richardson wrote that the book is "broadly accessible yet painstakingly researched" and notes that "[i]t is the rare book that evokes as much anger and outrage as this one". [9] After a discussion of the book's insights, Richardson closes the review by stating that the book documents in "appalling detail" the need for affirmative action as the "remedy for state-sponsored discrimination of the past". [9] Jacqueline Jones called the book "compelling" in her Fall 2017 review of the book and wrote that it provides "a detailed examination of the ways public entities have colluded with private interests to keep black people out of white neighborhoods". [12]
In the June 2019 issue of Jacobin magazine, Richard Walker, a professor emeritus of geography at the University of California — Berkeley, criticized the book for giving outsized blame to federal policy for housing segregation, a conclusion that he said was the result of Rothstein's "dubious scholarship." Wrote Walker, "The fundamental error of this thesis stems from its depiction of racism as a system imposed from above, by the state, rather than something embedded in American social structures since before the founding." Walker states that, while federal housing law "lined up with the prevailing practices of racial segregation … Rothstein's idea that this was imposed on reluctant localities is ludicrous." [31] Rothstein responded to Walker's critique in the same magazine, criticizing both the content and motivations of Walker's article. [32]
Among other acclamations of the book, it made the longlist for the 2017 National Book Awards, [4] it was placed at number four on Publishers Weekly 's Top 10 Best Books of 2017, [5] it was named one of NPR's Best Books of 2017 [33] one of Bill Gates' favorite books of the same year, [34] and it won Rothstein the 2018 Hillman Prize for Book Journalism. [1] The book spent four weeks on The New York Times Best Seller list beginning at position three in the May 20, 2018, issue [35] and ending at number ten on June 10, 2018, issue. [36] Following protests in the United States, the book re-entered the list in June 2020. [37] For the book's 23rd consecutive week and 28th total week on the list in the November 22, 2020, issue, the book was placed at number five. [38] As of the December 20th, 2020 issue, the book has spent 32 total weeks on the list. [7]
The book's award summary for the 2018 Hillman Prize for Book Journalism argues the work had provided "incontrovertible evidence that it was the laws and policies passed by local, state, and federal governments that actually promoted the discriminatory patterns that continue to this day". [1] After summarizing the topics, the Hillman Foundation went on to note that "Rothstein's invaluable examination shows that relearning this history is a necessary step because it is the foundation for understanding that aggressive policies are in order to desegregate these urban areas and finally pave the way for the nation to remedy its unconstitutional past". [1]
Racial segregation is the separation of people into racial or other ethnic groups in daily life. Segregation can involve the spatial separation of the races, and mandatory use of different institutions, such as schools and hospitals by people of different races. Specifically, it may be applied to activities such as eating in restaurants, drinking from water fountains, using public toilets, attending schools, going to films, riding buses, renting or purchasing homes or renting hotel rooms. In addition, segregation often allows close contact between members of different racial or ethnic groups in hierarchical situations, such as allowing a person of one race to work as a servant for a member of another race. Racial segregation has generally been outlawed worldwide.
Redlining is a discriminatory practice in which financial services are withheld from neighborhoods that have significant numbers of racial and ethnic minorities. Redlining has been most prominent in the United States, and has mostly been directed against African-Americans. The most common examples involve denial of credit and insurance, denial of healthcare, and the development of food deserts in minority neighborhoods.
Levittown is the name of several large suburban housing developments created in the United States by William J. Levitt and his company Levitt & Sons. Built after World War II for returning white veterans and their new families, the communities offered attractive alternatives to cramped central city locations and apartments. The Veterans Administration and the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) guaranteed builders that qualified veterans could buy housing for a fraction of rental costs. Under Levitt & Sons, Levittown housing would maintain racial covenants that excluded non-Caucasian homeowners.
John Anthony Volpe was an American businessman, diplomat, and politician from Massachusetts. A son of Italian immigrants, he founded and owned a large construction firm. Politically, he was a Republican in increasingly Democratic Massachusetts, serving as its 61st and 63rd Governor from 1961 to 1963 and 1965 to 1969, as the United States Secretary of Transportation from 1969 to 1973, and as the United States Ambassador to Italy from 1973 to 1977. As Secretary of Transportation, Volpe was an important figure in the development of the Interstate Highway System at the federal level.
Geographical segregation exists whenever the proportions of population rates of two or more populations are not homogeneous throughout a defined space. Populations can be considered any plant or animal species, human genders, followers of a certain religion, people of different nationalities, ethnic groups, etc.
A covenant, in its most general sense and historical sense, is a solemn promise to engage in or refrain from a specified action. Under historical English common law, a covenant was distinguished from an ordinary contract by the presence of a seal. Because the presence of a seal indicated an unusual solemnity in the promises made in a covenant, the common law would enforce a covenant even in the absence of consideration. In United States contract law, an implied covenant of good faith is presumed.
California Proposition 14 was a November 1964 initiative ballot measure that amended the California state constitution to nullify the 1963 Rumford Fair Housing Act, thereby allowing property sellers, landlords and their agents to openly discriminate on ethnic grounds when selling or letting accommodations, as they had been permitted to before 1963. The proposition became law after receiving support from 65% of voters. In 1966, the California Supreme Court in a 5–2 split decision declared Proposition 14 unconstitutional under the equal protection clause of the United States Constitution. The U.S. Supreme Court affirmed that decision in 1967 in Reitman v. Mulkey.
Facilities and services such as housing, healthcare, education, employment, and transportation have been systematically separated in the United States based on racial categorizations. Notably, racial segregation in the United States was the legally and/or socially enforced separation of African Americans from whites, as well as the separation of other ethnic minorities from majority and mainstream communities. While mainly referring to the physical separation and provision of separate facilities, it can also refer to other manifestations such as prohibitions against interracial marriage, and the separation of roles within an institution. The U.S. Armed Forces were formally segregated until 1948, as black units were separated from white units but were still typically led by white officers.
The National Housing Act of 1934, H.R. 9620, Pub. L. 73–479, 48 Stat. 1246, enacted June 27, 1934, also called the Better Housing Program, was part of the New Deal passed during the Great Depression in order to make housing and home mortgages more affordable. It created the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) and the Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation (FSLIC).
Homer Hoyt was an American economist known for his pioneering work in land use planning, zoning, and real estate economics. He conducted notable research on land economics and developed an influential approach to the analysis of neighborhoods and housing markets. His sector model of land use was influential in urban planning for several decades. His legacy is controversial today, due to his prominent role in the development and justification of racially segregated housing policy and redlining in American cities.
Residential segregation is the physical separation of two or more groups into different neighborhoods—a form of segregation that "sorts population groups into various neighborhood contexts and shapes the living environment at the neighborhood level". While it has traditionally been associated with racial segregation, it generally refers to the separation of populations based on some criteria.
The Elmwood District is a neighborhood of the City of Berkeley, California. It is primarily residential, with a small commercial area. The district does not have set lines of demarcation, but is focused around College and Ashby Avenues. The most extreme definitions of the district's boundaries do not extend past Telegraph Avenue to the west, Dwight Way to the north, or the Oakland city limit to the south. Elmwood was a streetcar suburb that was developed in the 1900s housing boom following the 1906 San Francisco earthquake, and was the first Berkeley subdivision to be assigned single-family residential zoning.
In the United States, housing segregation is the practice of denying African Americans and other minority groups equal access to housing through the process of misinformation, denial of realty and financing services, and racial steering. Housing policy in the United States has influenced housing segregation trends throughout history. Key legislation include the National Housing Act of 1934, the G.I. Bill, and the Fair Housing Act. Factors such as socioeconomic status, spatial assimilation, and immigration contribute to perpetuating housing segregation. The effects of housing segregation include relocation, unequal living standards, and poverty. However, there have been initiatives to combat housing segregation, such as the Section 8 housing program.
Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948), is a landmark United States Supreme Court case that held that racially restrictive housing covenants cannot legally be enforced.
Housing discrimination in the United States refers to the historical and current barriers, policies, and biases that prevent equitable access to housing. Housing discrimination became more pronounced after the abolition of slavery in 1865, typically as part of Jim Crow laws that enforced racial segregation. The federal government didn't begin to take action against these laws until 1917, when the Supreme Court struck down ordinances prohibiting African-Americans from occupying or owning buildings in majority-white neighborhoods in Buchanan v. Warley. However, the federal government as well as local governments continued to be directly responsible for housing discrimination through redlining and race-restricted covenants until the Civil Rights Act of 1968.
Central, also known as Cedar–Central, is a neighborhood on the East Side of Cleveland, Ohio. Situated on the outskirts of downtown, Central is bounded roughly by East 71st Street on its east and Interstate 90 on its west, with Euclid Avenue on its north and Interstate 77 and the Penn Central Railroad to the south. The neighborhood is named after its onetime main thoroughfare, Central Avenue. It is home to several schools, including East Technical High School.
Scovel Richardson was a judge of the United States Customs Court and the United States Court of International Trade. Richardson was one of the first Black Federal judges in the United States.
School segregation in the United States was the segregation of students in educational facilities based on their race and ethnicity. While not prohibited from having or attending schools, various minorities were barred from most schools that admitted white students. Segregation was enforced legally in the U.S. states, primarily in the Southern United States, although segregation could occur in informal settings or through social expectations and norms. Segregation laws were met with resistance by Civil Rights activists and began to be challenged in 1954 by cases brought before the U.S. Supreme Court. Segregation continued longstanding exclusionary policies in much of the Southern United States after the Civil War. Jim Crow laws codified segregation. These laws were influenced by the history of slavery and discrimination in the US. Secondary schools for African Americans in the South were called training schools instead of high schools in order to appease racist whites and focused on vocational education. School integration in the United States took place at different times in different areas and often met resistance. After the ruling of Brown v. Board of Education, which banned segregated school laws, school segregation took de facto form. School segregation declined rapidly during the late 1960s and early 1970s as the government became strict on schools' plans to combat segregation more effectively as a result of Green v. County School Board of New Kent County. Voluntary segregation by income appears to have increased since 1990. Racial segregation has either increased or stayed constant since 1990, depending on which definition of segregation is used. In general, definitions based on the amount of interaction between black and white students show increased racial segregation, while definitions based on the proportion of black and white students in different schools show racial segregation remaining approximately constant.
Richard Rothstein is an American academic and author affiliated with the Economic Policy Institute, and a senior fellow (emeritus) at the Thurgood Marshall Institute of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. His current research focuses on the history of segregation in the United States with regards to education and housing.
Ghettos in the United States are typically urban neighborhoods perceived as being high in crime and poverty. The origins of these areas are specific to the United States and its laws, which created ghettos through both legislation and private efforts to segregate America for political, economic, social, and ideological reasons: de jure and de facto segregation. De facto segregation continues today in ways such as residential segregation and school segregation because of contemporary behavior and the historical legacy of de jure segregation.
External media | |
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Audio | |
Author interview on NPR with Ari Shapiro, May 2017 | |
NPR on-air book review by Terry Gross, May 2017 | |
Video | |
Conversation on c-span between Rothstein and Ta-Nehisi Coates, May 2017 | |
Acceptance speech for the 2018 Hillman Prize for Book Journalism, May 2018 | |
Brown University lecture on the book by Rothstein, February 2019 | |
Columbia University lecture on the book by Rothstein, September 2019 |