1996–1997 strikes in South Korea

Last updated

In December 1996 and January 1997, South Korea experienced the largest organized strike in its history, when workers in the automotive and shipbuilding industries refused to work in protest against a law which was to make firing employees easier for employers and curtail labor organizing rights.

Contents

Among other things, the Korean government intended to postpone the legal recognition of the recently established Korean Confederation of Trade Unions until the year 2000. The officially recognized Federation of Korean Trade Unions then called upon its 1.2 million members to go on strike on December 26. [1] This was its first call for a general strike since the union's founding in 1962. [2]

After a single day, the strikes started spreading to other sectors including hospitals. [3] On December 28, South Korean riot police used methods such as tear gas against the strikers in order to dispel crowds. Strikers responded by throwing bricks. [4]

In late January 1997, the strike ended after the labor laws were amended by the government. [5]

Overview

In December 1996 and January 1997, there was a massive four-week nationwide strike in South Korea in protest against newly passed labor laws which gave employers more power to lay off employees, made it easier to hire temporary/strike replacing workers and put off allowing multiple unions to be formed at a given enterprise. This resulted in the mobilization of three million workers, which shut down auto/ship production, disrupted hospitals, subways and television. The two main unions involved were the Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU) working with the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (FCTU). This strike was notable due to its consistently high levels of worker participation and high level of public support. Two months after the end of the strike, the government passed very similar laws with only small concessions, making the strikes enormously successful in mobilization but only marginally successful in terms of actual results. [5]

Background

Kim Dae-jung in 2002 Kim Dae-Jung 2002.jpg
Kim Dae-jung in 2002

From 1985 to 1996, South Korea experienced a series of strikes that resulted in a clash of old laws and governmental frameworks that were incompatible with modern working practices. South Korea was able to endure these strikes and the lost revenue associated with them because of the "Three Lows": low interest rates, the lower value of the dollar against the yen and low oil prices. After these lows dissipated, South Korea felt that it could no longer afford continued labor unrest. Many companies attempted to institute practices that would allow for cost cutting, such as reliance on contract workers and part-time workers, in addition to allowing for voluntary retirement and adopting a no work no pay policy. These moves were actively opposed by labor groups and the need for labor reform became clear. This belief also led to South Korea's ruling New Korea Party (NKP) creating the Labor-Management Relations Reform Committee (LMRRC) on May 9. This consisted of members of various labor interest groups, university professors and lawmakers. Its 30 members held several public hearings on the creation on new labor policies and created the New Labor Law. [6] This new labor law would make it easier and legal for companies to lay off workers, increase the legal work-week by 12 hours and allow companies to modify working hours, as well as make the use of scab labor during strikes legal and outlaw strike-pay. [7]

The South Korean government said changes were necessary to make South Korea "more competitive with other developing economies" that were emerging as competitors to Korea. [7] The committees that had been created were unsuccessful in creating a new labor bill after six months of hearings, so the NKP decided to create a new secret committee to create the bill on December 3. Then on December 26 in the wee hours of the morning four busses filled with NKP members arrived at the capital and in the course of twenty minutes eleven bills were passed. This action not only angered those outside the governmental walls, but also the LMRRC and those in other political parties who felt cheated. None of the other parties were aware of this vote and the outrage that resulted from these dishonest political maneuvers were major contributors to the strikes and labor disturbances that followed hours later. [8]

Involved unions

The two main unions involved in the 1996–1997 strikes were the FKTU partnered with the KCTU. The Federation of Korean Trade Unions was formed in 1960 following the April Revolution on the basis of the General Federation of Korean Trade Unions. The GFKTU was preceded by the General Council of Korean Unions, which was banned in 1947. Until the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions was recognized by the government in November 1999, the FKTU remained the sole legal association of trade unions in South Korea.

In 1990, workers and trade unionists illegally created the Korean Trade Union Congress. By the end of the year, they had 600 affiliated trade unions and 190,000 members. In 1995 the KTUC merged with other unrecognized trade unions and formed the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions. By 1997, the KCTU had grown to include 907 trade unions and 400,000 members. They received deferred legal recognition in 1996 and finally achieved full legal status in 1999. The two unions competed with each other for members and many trade unions formerly affiliated with the FKTU defected to the KCTU. The difference in origins between the FKTU and the KCTU are reflected in their different political strategies. The FKTU advocated for "constructive engagement with employers at enterprise and industry levels" and generally discouraged industrial action. The KCTU took the opposite stance, arguing that their goals could only be met by direct action. [9]

Strike

The strike was planned to begin on Friday, January 13 with a four-hour walkout in the heavy industrial export industries, including 34,000 workers at Hyundai Motor Co., 18,000 workers at Kia, 21,000 workers at the Hyundai Heavy Industries Shipyard. It would also include transit workers who operate the subway in Seoul, workers at the 10 major hospitals in Seoul, and tens of thousands of others. The initial demand was for a repeal of the new labor law, but as the strike went on, demands for the Kim Young Sam government to resign were added. [10] The initial turnout was surprising because the labor movement in Korea had experienced what was called a "double failure" in the 90s, when it failed to gain serious political power and also failed to improve its organizational efficiency. Despite this, the unions involved were able to effectively bring South Korea's economy to a halt on only a few hours' notice. [6]

The government declared all strike action illegal and coordinated with business leaders to attempt to break the strike by using replacement workers and threats of reprisal. [7] On January 6, the government threatened to arrest at least 20 union officials. [11] On January 16, riot police fired tear gas at thousands of workers marching toward Myongdong Cathedral. As a result, Kwon Young Kil, the strike's leader, announced on January 18 that the KCTU would strike only on Wednesdays until February 18, when they would resume all-out strikes if the government didn't cancel the law. They would also hold mass protests every Saturday. Later that day, police tangled with thousands of workers and student supporters trying to reach union leaders. [10] On January 20, the president agreed to meet opposition leaders to try to resolve unrest as tens of thousands of union members returned to work. Hundreds of students battled police with firebombs, rocks and tear gas after a union leader urged an end to violence. [12] Actions undertaken by President Kim and his government eventually proved to undermine him, as it turned both international and domestic favor against him. He and the NKP both suffered major dips in approval ratings as a result of these actions. The government threatened union leaders with the National Security Law – if they were found guilty of working with the socialist North, they would be subject to heavy penalties with very little proof of their guilt. These accusations became a major negotiating point as it caused distrust between any of these leaders and the government, which made any kind of negotiating difficult. [10]

South Korean police South Korea Police Shields.jpg
South Korean police

The turnout for the strikes was very successful. 610,000 workers struck in the largest walkout in the country's history. The FKTU announced on January 14 that 700,000 of its 1.2 million members would be striking that day. The government defended the proposed laws as necessary to boost South Korea's worsening ability to compete internationally and to combat slackening exports, a rising trade deficit, and declining growth.

In the first three weeks of the strikes, 200,000 workers in 176 firms cost the economy an estimated $2.3 billion, primarily in the auto, machinery, and shipbuilding industries, according to the government. [13] Due to the increased international and domestic pressure, President Kim suffered a major dip in approval ratings down to 13.9% from the already low 27.4% it had been only two months previously. In addition, the New Korea Party also suffered a dip in support from 27% to 7%. This led President Kim to invite religious and civic leaders to the capital on January 21 on the grounds that he was willing to change the law. As a gesture of goodwill, the KCTU reduced the strikes to once a week on Wednesdays. Then on January 28, the KCTU suddenly canceled all protests, stating that they would return to striking if amendments were not made to the labor bill.

A poll by a Korean newspaper showed that 75% of salaried workers supported the two-day general strike, and 34% had switched their support to the workers’ side to protest Kim's tactics. [13] The FKTU, which usually collaborated with the government, joined some of the strike actions due to widespread public support. Students backed the workers, as did farmers, who reportedly delivered eggs to the protestors to throw at New Party offices. Many of the world's major labor federations, including the AFL-CIO in the United States, supported the strikers. The Australian Council of Trade Unions called on their government to publicly support the strikers. North Korean students and workers demonstrated solidarity with the striking workers. [10]

Unfortunately for the movement, on January 24, Hanbo Steel, the second largest steel company in Korea declared bankruptcy, and with it there came to surface a host of government scandals, including one surrounding Hanbo. This diverted the media's focus from the strike. Compounding the problem, many workers and unions did not want to go back on strike because they had already suffered lost wages and could not afford to continue. The KCTU and the FKTU had also run out of money by this point and did not have the necessary finances to continue the strikes. [6]

On February 12 the leaders of the two camps decided to meet in order to hash out a compromise. They met on the 17th, but the proposals and recommendations were not solidified until the 24th. As negotiations continued, the KCTU staged several strikes and on the 28th and threatened more strikes if the government did not allow more concessions. On March 10 the finalized bill was agreed upon. It was not much different from the original, but a few concessions were made. The general consensus at the time was that Unions did not reach their original goal and that the changes were mostly insignificant. The "no work, no pay" principle was allowed to continue, schoolteachers and public servants were still denied full union benefits and employers were permitted to stop paying union leaders. However, the implementation of flexible layoff program was delayed for two years. [6]

This was the first successful general strike since the Korean War, and was in the interests of white collar workers as well as blue collar. Due to both the diversity of the interest and the massive turnout, it showed the unity of the nation. [5]

Impact

Board of Governors, International Monetary Fund Board of Governors International Monetary Fund.jpg
Board of Governors, International Monetary Fund

Workers in manufacturing still had a lifetime guarantee to their job in that layoffs were illegal, which was completely unheard of in the western world. In addition manufacturing workers in South Korea were among the best paid in Asia. This only lasted until December 2, 1997, when the South Korean government was forced to ask the International Monetary Fund for $57 billion due to a series of foreign exchange and financial crises. This forced South Korea to adopt more western labor policies in order to remain competitive with foreign companies and because of an International Monetary Fund–led structural adjustment plan. [6]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">International Confederation of Free Trade Unions</span> International trade union federation

The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) was an international trade union. It came into being on 7 December 1949 following a split within the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), and was dissolved on 31 October 2006 when it merged with the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) to form the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC).

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Strike action</span> Work stoppage by employees

Strike action, also called labor strike, labour strike and industrial action in British English, or simply strike, is a work stoppage caused by the mass refusal of employees to work. A strike usually takes place in response to employee grievances. Strikes became common during the Industrial Revolution, when mass labor became important in factories and mines. As striking became a more common practice, governments were often pushed to act. When government intervention occurred, it was rarely neutral or amicable. Early strikes were often deemed unlawful conspiracies or anti-competitive cartel action and many were subject to massive legal repression by state police, federal military power, and federal courts. Many Western nations legalized striking under certain conditions in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Industrial unionism is a trade union organising method through which all workers in the same industry are organized into the same union, regardless of skill or trade, thus giving workers in one industry, or in all industries, more leverage in bargaining and in strike situations. De Leon believed that militarized Industrial unions would be the vehicle of class struggle.

The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), literally translated as National Confederation of Democratic Trade Unions, also known as Minju-nochong, is a national trade union centre in South Korea officially established in 1995. Its predecessor was the National Council of Trade Unions (NCTU), established in 1990 as an independent, democratically operated alternative to the Federation of Korean Trade Unions.

Solidarity action is industrial action by a trade union in support of a strike initiated by workers in a separate corporation, but often the same enterprise, group of companies, or connected firm.

Union violence is violence committed by unions or union members during labor disputes. When union violence has occurred, it has frequently been in the context of industrial unrest. Violence has ranged from isolated acts by individuals to wider campaigns of organized violence aimed at furthering union goals within an industrial dispute.

The Australian labour movement began in the early 19th century and since the late 19th century has included industrial and political wings. Trade unions in Australia may be organised on the basis of craft unionism, general unionism, or industrial unionism. Almost all unions in Australia are affiliated with the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), many of which have undergone a significant process of amalgamations, especially in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The leadership and membership of unions hold and have at other times held a wide range of political views, including socialist, democratic and right-wing views.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Picketing</span> Form of protest, usually labor action

Picketing is a form of protest in which people congregate outside a place of work or location where an event is taking place. Often, this is done in an attempt to dissuade others from going in, but it can also be done to draw public attention to a cause. Picketers normally endeavor to be non-violent. It can have a number of aims but is generally to put pressure on the party targeted to meet particular demands or cease operations. This pressure is achieved by harming the business through loss of customers and negative publicity, or by discouraging or preventing workers or customers from entering the site and thereby preventing the business from operating normally.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">United States Army Military Government in Korea</span> 1945–1948 U.S.-occupied southern Korea

The United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) was the official ruling body of the southern half of the Korean Peninsula from 8 September 1945 to 15 August 1948.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Union busting</span> Efforts to prevent or hinder unionization among workers

Union busting is a range of activities undertaken to disrupt or weaken the power of trade unions or their attempts to grow their membership in a workplace.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">First Employment Contract</span> 2006 French law regarding employers and employees

The contrat première embauche was a new form of employment contract pushed in spring 2006 in France by Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin. This employment contract, available solely to employees under 26, would have made it easier for the employer to fire employees by removing the need to provide reasons for dismissal for an initial "trial period" of two years, in exchange for some financial guarantees for employees, the intention being to make employers less reluctant to hire additional staff. However, the enactment of this amendment to the so-called "Equality of Opportunity Act" establishing this contract was so unpopular that soon massive protests were held, mostly by young students, and the government rescinded the amendment.

The Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU) is a national trade union center in South Korea formed in 1960. It represents the company union tendency of the South Korean labour movement, as opposed to the more militant Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU).

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Industrial Workers of the World philosophy and tactics</span>

The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) is a union of wage workers which was formed in Chicago in 1905 by militant unionists and their supporters due to anger over the conservatism, philosophy, and craft-based structure of the American Federation of Labor (AFL). Throughout the early part of the 20th century, the philosophy and tactics of the IWW were frequently in direct conflict with those of the AFL concerning the best ways to organize workers, and how to best improve the society in which they toiled. The AFL had one guiding principle—"pure and simple trade unionism", often summarized with the slogan "a fair day's pay for a fair day's work." The IWW embraced two guiding principles, fighting like the AFL for better wages, hours, and conditions, but also promoting an eventual, permanent solution to the problems of strikes, injunctions, bull pens, and union scabbing.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Anti-union violence</span> Physical force intended to harm union members

Anti-union violence is physical force intended to harm union officials, union organizers, union members, union sympathizers, or their families. It is most commonly used either during union organizing efforts, or during strikes. The aim most often is to prevent a union from forming, to destroy an existing union, or to reduce the effectiveness of a union or a particular strike action. If strikers prevent people or goods to enter or leave a workplace, violence may be used to allow people and goods to pass the picket line.

The E-Land strike was a strike of South Korean workers waged by the E-Land labor union against the mass-downsizing initiated by New Core Co. and Homever Outlet, affiliated retail organizations of the E-Land Group. The strike, which lasted for 510 days from June 10, 2007, to November 13, 2008, called for the end of the discriminatory system of irregular employment and the reinstatement of dismissed unionized workers.

Women in Asia have been organizing to address workplace issues, such as unequal pay and workplace violence as early as the 1880s. The formation of women's labor unions in South Korea began in the late 1970s with the Minjung movement, as it is based on the mobilization of young female factory workers and martial law suspended labor rights. Women in South Korea are typically irregular workers, who are not protected by labor laws, make up to 35% less in wages than men, and are less likely to be a union member.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Labor movement of South Korea</span>

The labor movement of South Korea consists of multiple labor movements and organizations that advocate for the rights and well-being of workers. Organizations have emerged with differing political ideologies and methods on how to achieve their respective goals in relation to these workers' rights. South Korean organized labor is also active in other movements, allowing for solidarity between organizations. The movement originated in the 19th century while under Japanese rule as a way to organize workers.

Due to the increase in globalization in the 1980s, foreign workers have become a prominent presence in South Korea. This has caused an increase in deportation from South Korea as many foreign undocumented workers, specifically migrant workers, in South Korea are the most vulnerable to deportations. South Korea’s Immigration order of departure (deportation) may be challenged at the Korean Administrative Court.

This article discusses the history and present status of labor unions in Sudan.

The 2021 Korean Confederation of Trade Unions strike was a general strike organised by the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions in October 2021.

References

  1. Labor Unions Launch Nationwide Protest Strikes. Korean Herald, 27 December 1996.
  2. Korea: Trainees and Strike. Migration News 4(2), February 1997. URL visited on December 18, 2006.
  3. Labor unrest escalates in South Korea. CNN.com, December 27, 1996. URL visited on December 18, 2006.
  4. South Korea labor strike turns violent. CNN.com, December 28, 1996. URL visited on December 18, 2006.
  5. 1 2 3 Koo, Hagen (2000). "The Dilemmas of Empowered Labor in Korea: Korean Workers in the Face of Global Capitalism". Asian Survey . 40 (2). University of California Press: 227–50. doi:10.2307/3021131. ISSN   1533-838X. JSTOR   3021131.
  6. 1 2 3 4 5 Kim, Yong Cheol (1998). "Industrial Reform and Labor Backlash in South Korea: Genesis, Escalation, and Termination of the 1997 General Strike". Asian Survey . 38 (12). University of California Press: 1142–60. doi:10.2307/2645826. ISSN   1533-838X. JSTOR   2645826.
  7. 1 2 3 "Shawgi Tell, Korea Gov Seeks To Break Gen Strike". Hartford-hwp.com. Retrieved 16 December 2014.
  8. In Defence of Marxism (29 August 2005). "Korea Erupts in General Strike". In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved 16 December 2014.
  9. Harcourt, Mark; Wood, Geoffrey E. (2004). Trade Unions and Democracy. Manchester University Press. ISBN   9780719069789 . Retrieved 16 December 2014.
  10. 1 2 3 4 "Workers World Jan. 30, 1997: South Korea workers make gov't budge". Workers.org. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 16 December 2014.
  11. "S. Korean Strikes in Crucial Phase, Analysts Say". Los Angeles Times. 7 January 1997. Retrieved 16 December 2014.
  12. "President, Opposition to Meet on Unrest". Los Angeles Times. 20 January 1997. Retrieved 16 December 2014.
  13. 1 2 "S. Korean Strike Widens, Threatens to Cripple Nation". Los Angeles Times. 14 January 1997. Retrieved 16 December 2014.